Not for quotation without the permission of the author, REFUGEES IN AFRICA; PROBLEMS AMD PROSPECTS*

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1 REFUGEES IN AFRICA; PROBLEMS AMD PROSPECTS* by Aderanti Adepoju Dept. of Demography & Social Statistics, University of Ife lie -Ife, Nigeria. Paper presented at the symposium 'Assistance to Refugees: Alternative Viewpoints ', March 1984, Oxford. I. Refugees: Africa 's Dilemma Estimates of the refugee population in Africa, as elsewhere, reflect the definition of the word 'refugees'. While a subtle distinction can be made between refugees, displaced persons and a category of 'economic ' migrants, the rather broad definition of refugees adopted by the Organization of African Unity (OAU) (cf. para. 2 of Article of the OAU Refugees' Convention) which includes displaced persons who find themselves in 'refugee-like ' situations ', conforms to the specific African situation, just as the solutions proposed are within the African context. Africa has, within a short span of time, become the continent with half the world's population of refugees. In 1960, there were less than 700,000 refugees: this number increased to over one milion in 1974 and to more than two milion four years later. In 1981, there were already over four milion refugees, probably a milion more than the 1980 figure. Thus, the refugee population in Africa apparently increased five-fold between 1966 and The refugee situation in Africa has been described as a human tragedy and Africa has experienced the 'most acute refugee problems in terms of both magnitude and complexity ' (UNHCR, 1982). Viewed globally, and in a broader perspective, Africa has more than its share of the world's refugees: with an estimated 6.3 milion refugees and internally displaced persons in 1981, every other refugee in the world is located in Africa (Table 1). This is an astonishing figure : Africa is the poorest of al regions; within Africa, refugees who are themselves destitute, originate from and settle in countries designated as the least developed in the world. These countries also face serious problems of famine, war, drought and political instability. Not for quotation without the permission of the author,

2 Table 1: Distribution of Refugees by Regions, 1981 What, then, are the causes, magnitude, problems and prospects of refugees in Africa? The factors that have stimulated and continue to give rise to refugees are diverse - ranging from the struggle for independence in countries like Algeria, Guinea Bissau, Mozambique and Angola; secessionist movements in independent nations as in Shaba Province, Zaire (1977); 'Biafra * in Nigeria ( ); or the struggle for autonomy within a national set-up - Eritrea (over the past 15 or more years) and Southern Sudan (Keely, 1981 quoting Suhrke, 1981 ). Algeria is perhaps the first African country to experience large-scale movement of, and to obtain assistance for 200,000 or so refugees in the 1950s, as a result of the war of independence; these refugees later repatriated from Tunisia and Morocco soon after independence was achieved. Since then, the 'revolt' in Rwanda forced thousands of farmers to flee to Tanzania. Before independence in the mid-1970s, Angola, Mozambique and Guinea-Bissau produced the highest number of refugees in Africa (see below ). There are religious considerations also: in 1971, members of the Lumpa religious sect who were proscribed in Zambia fled to Zaire. The clashes among liberation movements contesting the leadership in, for instance, Angola in 1976 and similar situations in Chad (sporadically since 1980) generated thousands of refugees. According to Gould (1974) refugees derive from two types of political situations: from newly-independent countries undergoing severe internal political and military strife and others still under colonial or white minority regimes. One can add a couple of situations to the list: ecological factors (drought, famine) and breach of fundamental human rights. Refugees and displaced persons result from political, ecological and other emergencies, but in recent years, the drought in Ethiopia, Somalia and the Sahel; internal

3 strife in Chad and Ethiopia - especially in the Eritrean region; the war in the Ogaden between Somalia and Ethiopia, and events leading to the fall of Amin 's regime in Uganda have created additional waves of refugees (Adepoju, 1982b) Until 1977, the major cause and origin of refugees was the wars of liberation from colonial rule in Guinea Bissau, Mozambique, and Angola - all under Portuguese administration. The protracted liberation war in these countries resulted in an estimated 82,000 refugees in Guinea Bissau who fled to Senegal; 64,000 Mozambican refugees living in Zambia and Tanzania; and 421,000 Angolan refugees living in Zaire and Zambia. All told, by 1972, 41 per cent of all refugees in Africa originated from Angola alone, and together with Mozambique (6 per cent) and Guinea Bissau (8 per cent), constituted 55 per cent of all refugees at that time. Similarly in Rhodesia - now Zimbabwe - several years of nationalist war, stretching to the time of settlement in 1980, rendered several thousands of people refugees - who lived in Zambia, other neighbouring countries and countries outside Africa (cf. Gould, 1974). Internal strife and war between and within independent African countries has also resulted in several thousand refugees. The most dramatic is the boundary dispute between Ethiopia and Somalia in the Ogaden region; on a smaller scale, similar tension - and war - over boundary disputes occurred between Nigeria and Cameroun (1982); Nigeria and Chad (1983); Uganda and Tanzania; Sierra Leone and Liberia (1982), etc. In all cases, thousands of people have fled from the war-affected frontier zones to neighbouring countries as refugees. A related cause is internal war between various factions, either in an attempt to secede (Zaire and Nigeria) or between factions trying to gain control of the administration of the country (Chad is a unique example). The causes of refugees in recent.years, especially war and internal strife, are unpredictable. As Adepoju (1982a) noted: 'The refugee situation in Africa is rapidly likely to remain a thorny problem in the continent throughout the 1980s'. This observation is corroborated by Kennedy 's remark that 'given the problems facing Africa today, the number of refugees is likely to remain at a high level' (1982). Nearly 43 per cent of all refugees in Africa are, in fact, displaced persons. These are persons displaced as a result of natural disaster, ecological problems, internal conflict or war of liberation. Sizeable proportions of such 'refugees' are in Uganda, Tanzania, Zimbabwe, Ethiopia and, earlier in the 1960s and early 1970s, the Sudan. In southern Sudan, for instance, there were nearly nine displaced persons to every one refugee. Other examples include those displaced by drought and famine in the Sahel region in and more recently, in Uganda in

4 The Horn of Africa, no doubt, has the largest refugee population in Africa, with about 1.3 million refugees in Somalia, half a million in the Sudan, 42,000 in Djibouti and several thousands more uprooted by war and natural disaster in Ethiopia (Table 2). The government of Sudan estimates that in July 1982, there were 627,000 refugees within its borders and 650,000 by the end of that year. This followed the 1981 estimate of 529,000. Seventy per cent of these refugees are Ethiopian and twenty-six per cent Ugandan. Others are from Zaire and Chad (Nobel, 1982). One striking feature of refugees in Africa is the fact that countries that generate thousands of refugees also shelter refugees from countries offering asylum to their nationals. To cite two examples : the Sudan received refugees from Ethiopia, Uganda, Chad and Zaire - countries with which she shares borders - due largely to internal conflict and 'revolutionary struggle' within these countries. The Sudan began receiving refugees from the mid-1960s as a result of the civil war in the then Congo. The Sudan, prior to 1972, also generated refugees - who sought asylum in Ethiopia - and displaced persons; Zaire has opened her doors to refugees from Uganda, Angola and Zambia. Refugees from Zaire also seek asylum in Angola, the Sudan, Uganda and Zambia. Among the world's twelve countries with the highest proportion of refugees to the local population in 1981, eight are in Africa: Somalia, Djibouti, Burundi, Cameroun, the Sudan, Swaziland, Zaire and Angola (Keely, 1981). Somalia stands out among this group: its ratio of one refugee for every three inhabitants makes it the country with the greatest number of refugees per local population; worse still, it is the poorest, its per capita GNP of 130 dollars is the lowest of the twelve countries. Refugees consist of children, women and old persons - mostly of rural background; this reflects both the causes of the refugee situation and the characteristics of Africa's population in general. Political refugees are relatively few (except from Guinea, Zaire, and Uganda during Amin's regime). In general, refugees are poor (or have been rendered so); in the process of flight they have lost the little possessions they had - land, cattle, etc. Besides, refugees fleeing from war-affected areas consist predominantly of children and women and a few old, incapacitated men. I I. African Refugees: An African Problem The problem of refugees in Africa is regarded by African governments as, essentially, an African problem. This view is reiterated by UNHCR (1982) thus : 'Africa is aware that it, first and foremost, bears responsibility for rehabilitating its sons and daughters living in enforced exile '. The

5 Table 2: Refugees in Africa; Country of Origin and Asylum, 1981

6 traditional hospitality of Africans and the open-door policy of African governments to readily accommodate refugees, the social network which facilitates the relocation of refugees among the local population in the country of asylum, the fact that the majority of refugees themselves remain within the continent and, even then, with no intention of a permanent residence in the country of asylum, tend to reinforce this view. Up until 1981 when the International Conference on Assistance to Refugees in Africa (ICARA I) was held in Geneva, the deteriorating refugee situation in Africa received little publicity, except for refugees in Somalia. It is generally agreed that the ideal solution to the refugee problem in Africa, as elsewhere, is voluntary repatriation. This is normally the most satisfying and, conceivably, durable solution to the refugee problem in Africa, and is much preferred to the other long-term solutions - settlement in countries of first asylum on the basis of self-reliance, or resettlement in new 'homelands'. The latter is the least desirable solution for African refugees (Adepoju, 1982a). One might add that, for refugees whose situation makes repatriation difficult, but who have effectively integrated into the local community, naturalization can be a viable strategy. Tanzania has pioneered this approach (see below). In all, it is agreed that a regional solution, where feasible, offers the best opportunity for successful integration of refugees (UNHCR, 1982). This ideal solution is feasible - and is greatly facilitated - by general amnesty, cessation of armed conflict, change of oppressive regimes or policies, independence in colonized countries and peaceful negotiation between warring factions. Indeed, as Kibreab (1983) aptly puts it: 'voluntary repatriation is conceivable only when the root causes that create refugees are eliminated.' Repatriation has proved a successful solution in a number of cases ; Uganda, Zimbabwe, Mozambique, Zaire, Guinea, Equatorial Guinea, the Sudan, etc. Afew examples will suffice: as a result of the general amnesty in Guinea in mid-1971,between 20,000 and 30,000 'exiles ' returned home. Eight years later, similar number of refugees - perhaps even more - were repatriated from Gabon and Cameroun to Equatorial Guinea. The general amnesty in Zaire in mid-1078 also encouraged the repatriation of an estimated 220,000 refugees by Voluntary repatriation of refugees from Guinea Bissau (1974/ 75), Mozambique (1975/ 76), Angola (1975/ 76) and Zimbabwe (1980) following independence in these countries and Chad (1981) are obvious examples. The return of above 200,000 southern Sudanese to the Sudan after the Addis Ababa peace agreement of March 1972 between the Sudan government and the Southern Sudanese Liberation Movement demonstrates how (negotiated) peaceful settlement can greatly facilitate voluntary repatriation of refugees (Nobel, 1982).

7 The repatriation of between 220,000 and 500,000 Zimbabwean refugees during is another story of a large-scale return of refugees, much higher than the number of southern Sudanese refugees repatriated seven or eight years earlier (U.N., 1982; Adepoju, 1982). In February 1983, 5,000 Chadian refugees were assisted in repatriating from Sudan while 6,000 returned on their own. By this, UNHCR claimed to have assisted 160,000 Chadian refugees to repatriate since October The voluntary repatriation of refugees who had earlier fled from Equatorial Guinea to Gabon, Cameroun, Nigeria and Spain, resulting from the change of the oppressive regime in that country in 1979 is another example. Also in that year, the overthrow of Idi Amin's regime in Uganda induced the voluntary and assisted repatriation of thousands of Ugandan refugees living in Tanzania, Kenya, the Sudan and Zaire. Since African governments generally frown on resettlement of refugees in a third country of asylum, organized settlements will, for a long time, serve as a viable solution even for those who will (ultimately) repatriate as soon as conditions initially prompting the flight from home improve; this, for several thousands of refugees, is a distant hope as new developments soon aggravate the refugee situation, as is the case of the renewed internal war in Chad. Refugees from Chad repatriated from Cameroun in 1981, but a new wave of refugees have since returned to Cameroun as the fighting in Chad has es calated. It needs to be reiterated that about half or more of Africa's refugees live with the local population in the country of asylum (sometimes near the border) outside organized settlements (U.N., 1982). In the Sudan and Somalia, especially, over sixty per cent of the refugees spontaneously settle in rural areas, making assistance to them difficult. According to Melander (1980), only 48 per cent of the refugees in Somalia were in organized camps in December Others have since settled with the local population, especially those of the same ethnic origin, a factor which facilitates the relocation process of refugees. The objectives of the second solution - settlement (either organized settlements or self-settlement) - are to enable refugees to ultimately attain self-sufficiency. This strategy is adopted where voluntary repatriation is not feasible or foreseen (UNHCR, 1981). Organized settlements have proved workable mainly for rural refugees; this is to be expected, as the majority of Africa's refugees are of rural background. Such settlements are designed to ultimately promote self-sufficiency of refugees in meeting their basic needs, and in particular, food and shelter. The influx of refugees of rural background in the early 1960s, originating

8 mainly from Rwanda, Congo (now Zaire), Portuguese Guinea (now Guinea-Bissau ) and Mozambique, marked the beginning of assisted rural settlements in Africa. Avariety of settlements have since been set up; these include relief camps (for example, Dikhil and Ali-Sabieh in Djibouti); assisted spontaneous settlements (for example, Rwandese refugees in Zaire and the Muramba and. Kayongosi projects for Rwandese refugees spontaneously settled among the local population in Burundi ); unassisted spontaneous settlements (for example, Burundi refugees in Kigoma region, Tanzania); organized rural settlements (Meheba in Zambia; Katumba in Tanzania and Es-Suki in Sudan and Abuda settlement for Eritrean refugees in eastern Sudan); and, finally, quasi-urbanized settlements (for example. Ur n Gulja in the Sudan) (UNHCR, 1981). In the latter case, the settlement was designed largely to deflect refugees from the capital, Khartoum; those who secure jobs there could, if necessary, commute from the settlement. Rural settlements designed to consolidate refugees in economically (and socially ) viable communities have been established in Mozambique (in Doroi, Tronga and Mavudzi for Zimbabwean refugees); Tanzania (Burundi refugees in Ulyankulu and Katumba) and Kigwa (for Ugandan refugees); in Zambia (Meheba settlement for Angolan and Zimbabwean refugees); etc. In the Sudan, more than twenty settlements have been established mainly for Ethiopian refugees. In Swaziland, the Ndzevane settlement was set up for the 5,000 rural refugees from the Republic of South Africa, affected by the recent drought. In Angola, the Kwanza Sul settlement caters f or about 40,000 Namibian refugees. In Somalia, the 200,000 refugees in Belet-Weyne are settled in eleven camps where some refugees have already spent about four years. The government of Zaire has allocated sites in Adobia, Biringhi and Tole for the 90,000 Ugandan refugees and an average of 2 hectares of land per family to facilitate self-sufficiency for the refugees. Angolan refugees in Bas Zaire are already self-sufficient. Already, the Mutambala settlement in Zaire caters for refugees from Burundi. The sudden influx of an estimated 40,000 persons of Rwanda origin displaced in south-west Uganda in October 1982, as a result of 'ethnic and political tension' there, prompted the setting-up of the Oruchinga and Nakivale settlements in Rwanda to supplement the settlement in Kibondo. The Ulyankulu and Kafcumba, and later the Mishamo settlements in Tanzania are the most often cited examples of successful, indeed, the largest, organized settlements for refugees in Africa. In line with the prevailing self-help ideology in the country, refugees were encouraged to build schools, roads, and houses,and co-operatives have been established. Overall, by mid-1983, there are about 160 rural settlements in fourteen African countries; these host over one million refugees.

9 Three basic considerations are pertinent in establishing rural settlements for refugees: availability of suitable agricultural land; the attitude of the refugees; the approach and strategy of the host government and funding agencies to such schemes (Kennedy, 1982). In the African situation, land is not yet a critical problem (except in a few countries, including Somalia). In the Sudan, Tanzania, Zaire and Zambia, rural settlements are set up in sparsely settled regions and hectares of land allocated to refugees to facilitate the transition from dependence to self-reliance in food production. In all cases, refugees regard their stay as temporary, thus inhibiting, as some argue, their full commitment to such settlements. While organized camps are convenient for the delivery and distribution of emergency assistance and offer protection to the refugees, they nevertheless reinforce the refugees' sense of dependence. Urban refugees posit a greater challenge to countries of asylum in Africa. These include educated and skilled adults who compete for the limited opportunities, especially employment, in the towns. The Sudan and Djibouti are often used as examples.. In 1980, 49 per cent of the urban refugees in Djibouti lived in the capital; overall, urban refugees constitute 10 per cent of the urtpnan population there (U.N., 1982). The Sudan is reputed to have the largest urban refugee population in Africa, estimated at fifty per cent of all refugees in the country. But, in 1981, not more than 5-10 per cent of those in the capital city of Kharfcoum were gainfully employed (Adepoju, 1982b). In general, urban refugees are expensive to maintain and most difficult to integrate. In Port Sudan, where urban refugees constituted twelve per cent of the town's population in 1980, the majority were unemployed. In Kenya, where 88 per cent of the refugee population is in Nairobi, only 19 per cent of the urban refugees (14 per cent in Nairobi and 56 per cent in the provinces ) have a job. In all cases they face psychological problems ; strangeness, loneliness, problems of integration, etc., in addition to being unemployed. The Sudanese experiment of setting up semi-urban settlements has.-'not solved these problems. III. Future Outlook The future of the refugee situation in Africa is fluid and highly unpredictable; while old problems are being solved, new ones surface or deteriorate rapidly. The increasing desertification in the Sahel, drought, internal conflicts which sometimes become internationalized - as in the case of the renewed confrontations in Chad - and war of liberation in South Africa and Namibia, are factors likely to generate new or increased waves of refugees, including internally displaced persons in Africa in the years to come. African leaders should, therefore,

10 focus attention on the search for the fundamental problems that give rise to refugees and find a lasting solution to this phenomenon in both the short- and the long-run. Since refugees are from - and settle in - poor countries, sustained development of these countries is potentially a powerful tool in solving the refugee problem - both in arresting the factors that generate refugees and in increasing the capacity of the receiving countries to adequately accommodate them (Keely, 1981). The editorial remark of the March 1983 edition of Refugees (the newsletter of UNHCR) is pertinent here: 'The dire economic conditions prevailing in so many developing countries give rise not only to the acute hardships most often associated with under development, but provide tension, instability, persecution and, all too often, new flows of refugees.' For the present, Africa's refugees have received the least (international) publicity: unlike the ''boat people', for instance, refugees in Africa are never turned back by potential countries of asylum. Partly resulting from this, international assistance of refugees - per capita is the lowest in Africa of all regions. Yet, the rapidly increasing influx of refugees has severely strained the capacity of the few African countries overburdened by the influx. The burden of refugees is far from evenly shared between the sub+regions and countries in Africa: only eighteen of the fifty-one member states of the Organization of African Unity accommodate 90 per cent of the refugees. Yet, these countries are among the least developed countries and the 'most seriously affected' by recent adverse economic conditions (Kibreab, 1983). In Sudan, for example, the influx of refugees from Ethiopia, Uganda, Chad and Zaire has stretched to the limit the scarce resources of the country. One of the poorest on the continent, Sudan also suffered from both floods, and drought and adverse economic conditions. Hence, the urban refugees who settle spontaneously in the towns compete for the limited facilities - health, education, water, food, jobs - with the local population. The enormous magnitude of the refugee problem in Africa, especially in Somalia, Sudan and Zaire, and of internally displaced persons in Ethiopia and Uganda, has severely drained the limited resources in these countries. Ethiopia, Chad, Rwanda and Zaire have generated most refugees in recent years, while paradoxically, Somalia and Sudan in that order (two very poor countries ) are the major countries of asylum. By virtue of their geographical location, countries surrounding refugee-producing countries, are obvious destinations for refugees. This is especially the case in Zaire (bordered by nine countries) and Sudan (bordered by eight countries ) including Uganda, Angola, Chad, Ethiopia, Rwanda and Burundi which have generated thousands of refugees. For now, countries in Central and East Africa bear the brunt of the refugee problem. The exceptions are Senegal, Nigeria and Cameroun which have, in recent years, received a large

11 number of refugees from Chad, Equatorial Guinea and Guinea. The increasing difficulties for the countries of asylum in coping with the influx of refugees makes the principle of burden-sharing - one of the main recommendations of the Arusha Refugee Conference in 1979, later ratified by the OAU Council of Ministers in Monrovia - most appropriate, more so when the refugee issue is generally regarded as an African problem. Unfortunately, this principle has not been pursued vigorously. Since third country resettlement is not welcomed by African governments, the call for burdensharing - in the form of financial contributions by African countries not harbouring refugees to assist asylum countries to expand their economic base to adequately cater for refugees - deserves more than mere lip service by African governments, as is currently the case. Burden-sharing should be the key dis cussion point among African countries whose refugee problems are to be reviewed - and solutions proposed - during ICARA II, to be held in The solution most commonly pursued in Africa is the settlement of refugees in asylum countries. Of the three types : rural settlements (where refugees are allocated plots of land), wage earning settlements, and semi-urban settlements, the first type is the most successful, especially in the Sudan (Rogge, 1981). In most cases, refugees settle spontaneously, but even when self-sufficiency is attained, refugees soon become disillusioned: they have no political rights in the asylum country. Where refugees have effectively settled and become self-sufficient, the experiment in Tanzania could be tried elsewhere: naturalization of refugees, especially in a situation where repatriation is a very distant hope. In 1980, Tanzania naturalized about 36,000 Rwandese refugees who had been living there for several years. This is regarded as the largest mass naturalization in recent years (U.N. 1982). In the long run, a viable solution to one important cause of refugees in the continent lies in the promotion of human rights. As UNHCR (1962) stressed 'the promotion of human rights and the rights of people is the cornerstone of the task of eliminating the causes of the refugee exodus'. The OAU has adopted the Charter of Human and Peoples' Rights since 1981, but this has not been effectively implemented by the member states. Indeed, only 27 of the member states of the OAU have acceded to the Refugee Convention and, so far, not more than 17 states have signed the Charter and only six have ratified it. African leaders should also work relentlessly to eliminate other basic causes of refugees - internal conflict, repression, war - and by granting amnesty, encourage voluntary repatriation of exiled persons. The amnesty law, recently passed by the Ethiopian government, has encouraged UNHCR and the government of Djibouti to make arrangements for the voluntary repatriation of about 30,000 Ethiopian refugees in Djibouti, where they constitute one-tenth

12 of the country's population. Earlier on, the general amnesty in Zaire (1978-9) and Guinea (1971) induced thousands of refugees to repatriate. However, amnesties themselves are not sufficient; countries of origin should create conditions conducive to the reception of returnees and ensure their integration in the country. In this respect, African leaders should explore more concretely political solutions to existing refugee problems and prevent fresh influxes of refugees. It is reported that since 1978, Zaire has organized a series of missions to Angola, Zambia and the Sudan to encourage the repatriation of Zaireois refugees there. Besides, bilateral arrangements were concluded with the Sudan in 1972, and Angola in 1980, to facilitate voluntary repatriation of refugees. It is also speculated that the Gbadolite Summit of 1982, creating the tripartite Zaire-Sudan-Uganda is geared to finding a lasting solution to the refugee problem (UNHCR, 1982). Similar efforts like these should be initiated in different parts of the continent to find lasting solutions to the basic causes of refugees at the origin, and create situations conducive to their repatriation. One should add that the political situation in southern Africa - both in Namibia and the Republic of South Africa - and especially the liberation struggle in these countries, is a major source of refugees, both before the attainment of independence and, as experience shows, in newly-independent countries (such as Angola, Zaire, Chad, Mozambique), well after independence.

13 References: Adepoju, A. 1982a 'The Dimension of the Refugee Problem in Africa', African Affairs, 81 (322). 1982b 'The Refugee Situation in the Horn of Africa and Sudan', Issue, 12 (1/ 2) Gould, W.T.S 'Refugees in Tropical Africa', International Migration Review, (3). Keely, C.B Global Refugee Policy; The Case for a Development-Orianfced Strategy (Public Issues Paper, The Population Council, New York Kibreab, G Reflections on the African Refugee Problem; A Critical Analysis of Some Basic Assumptions (Research Report No. 67), Upps ala: Scandinavian Institu te of African Studies Melander, G Refugees in Somalia : (Research Report No. 56), Uppsala: Scandinavian Institute of African Studies. Nobel, P Refugee Law in the Sudan (with the Refugee Conventions and the Regulations of Asylum Act of 1974), Uppsala: Scandinavian Institute of African Studies. Kennedy, J.C 'Refugees in Africa: The Continuing Challenge ' i n U.S.C.R., World Refugee Survey 1982, New York. Rogge, J.R 'Africa's Resettlement Strategies', International Migration Review, (Special Edition on Refugees Today), 15 (1-2) 1982 'Refugee Migration and Resettlement ' in Redistribution of Population in Africa, J.I. Clarke and L.A. Kosinski (eds.), Heinemann, London United Nations 1981 Report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (General Assembly, Official Records, 36th Session, Supplement No. 12 (A/ 36/ 12) New York International Migration Policies and Programmes ; A World Survey (Population Studies No. 80), Dept. of International Economic and Social Affairs, New York.

14 United Nations High Commission for Refugees 1981 Managing Rural Settlements for Refugees in Africa (Proc. of Workshop on Follow -up to Arusha Recommendations on Rural Refugees in Africa ), Geneva Report of the Seminar on the Problem of Refugees in Zaire, Geneva. United States Council on Refugees 1981 World Refugee Survey, New York