Preliminary review The PNG LNG Project in the Hela region of Papua New Guinea 1

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1 Preliminary review The PNG LNG Project in the Hela region of Papua New Guinea 1 James McIlraith 2 Abstract The PNG LNG Project is Papua New Guinea s most important natural resource extraction project. The PNG LNG Project will provide substantial revenues to affected landowners and government. This paper reviews preliminary findings of research into the impact of the PNG LNG project. This follows community interviews and surveys with stakeholders over a number of months in the Hela region of PNG during 2010 and Introduction The PNG LNG Project (LNGP) is now underway in the Hela region of Papua New Guinea (PNG). Once extracted and conveyed to the coast for liquefaction, refined gas will be exported to customers throughout Asia. The primary construction phase of the LNGP began in 2010 and is expected to be completed by 2014, when the first gas deliveries are due to take place. This paper provides a preliminary review of results from field research carried in the Hela region of PNG into the LNGP. It addresses considerations related to community awareness; landowner agreement and identification; employment and business development; as well as social concerns raised by the local community. Stakeholder engagement, final analysis and reporting of the research will take place over the coming months. While the unique nature of prevailing circumstances in PNG is well-known, this paper does not address many of these local nuances. This limitation is especially important to note in the context of abiding customary relationships of people and land in the Hela region. 3 This paper begins with a brief overview of resource development and the LNGP. It continues by providing details of the research project and its results, as well as some preliminary conclusions. Background PNG relies heavily on its resource wealth for investment and revenue. The export of mineral resources, accounts for over 75 percent of export receipts, while agriculture accounts for slightly less than 20 percent. 4 However, the country s experience with resource development projects is decidedly mixed. Some of the larger resource extraction projects, for example, the Ok Tedi and Panguna mines in the Western Province and Bougainville respectively, have contributed to significant environmental destruction and social turmoil. 1 Please seek permission from the author before further distribution or citation. 2 James McIlraith is a Research Fellow at the National Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies, University of Otago, New Zealand. Correspondence can be sent to james.mcilraith@otago.ac.nz. 3 Space limitations also mean this paper does not address important resettlement activities. 4 Asian Development Bank, "Sector Assessment (Summary): Trade," (Manila: Asian Development Bank, 2010). 1

2 Resource development projects can give rise to harmful outcomes. Explanations for such outcomes include the Dutch disease, where massive resource revenues result in an appreciation of the exchange rate and consequent contraction of the non-resource (agricultural) sector. Resource development projects also tend to impose a disproportionate share of the costs on the poor. Poverty can increase along with levels of inequality as a minority reap greater rewards. Under these circumstances, resource development projects can lead to rising tensions and a heightened possibility of conflict. The LNGP is the largest resource extraction project ever undertaken in PNG. It is predicted to require capital investments of US$10 billion 5 and generate between US$55 (K200 billion) and US$123 billion (K443 billion) in oil and gas value over the life of the project. 6 The LNGP is led by Esso Highlands Ltd, the PNG subsidiary of Exxon Mobil, in partnership with a number of other multinationals and the PNG Government. The LNGP brings together the Hides, Angore and Juha fields, in addition to the already existing Gobe, Kutubu and Agogo/Moran fields. The main LNGP infrastructure includes a gas conditioning plant at Hides, extensive pipelines down to the coast, an LNG facility near Port Moresby (including a processing plant and wharf facilities), as well as a further production facility to be built at Juha in Research description The research took place over several months, beginning in late 2010 and ending in late It centred on the Hela region of PNG, which is expected to become a province in Comprised of three districts Komo-Margarima, Koroba-Lake Kopiago and Tari-Pori the Hela region is currently part of the Southern Highlands Province (SHP). 7 The research included field and background deskwork looking into the LNGP and associated issues. It employed mixed method research to best capture a variety of qualitative and quantitative data under restricted resource and time constraints. The study surveyed people from 17 villages in the Hela region and interviewed over 70 key informants and stakeholders. The Huli are the largest ethno-linguistic group in the Hela region and are the majority in the SHP. 8 The population of the Hela region amounts to 185,947 people, accounting for 34 percent of the total SHP population of 546,265. The largest township in the Hela region and the future provincial capital is Tari, with a population of 8,186 people. 9 5 The bulk of investments would be made during the initial construction period and the remainder after project commissioning. See: ACIL Tasman, "PNG LNG Economic Impact Study: An Assessment of the Direct and Indirect Impacts of the Proposed PNG LNG Project on the Economy of Papua New Guinea (Prepared for Exxon Mobil)," (Melbourne: ACIL Tasman Pity Ltd, 2008), p.9. 6 ACIL Tasman, "PNG LNG Economic Impact Study: An Assessment of the Direct and Indirect Impacts of the Proposed PNG LNG Project on the Economy of Papua New Guinea (Prepared for Exxon Mobil)," p.1. 7 All the gas fields noted above are situated in the SHP (especially the Hela region) and neighbouring Western Province. 8 Nicole Haley and Ronald J. May, "Introduction: Roots of Conflict in the Southern Highlands," in Conflict and Resource Development in the Southern Highlands of Papua New Guinea, ed. Nicole Haley and Ronald J. May (Canberra: E Press, Australia National University, 2007), p.9. 9 National Research Institute, "Papua New Guinea: District and Provincial Profiles," (Port Moresby: National Research Institute, 2010), pp

3 The Huli, like others in the SHP, continue to rely on subsistence agriculture for survival. There is also a need for some cash to pay for services such as school fees and mobile phone usage, as well as an increasing array of household consumables and goods, such as tinned fish, rice and clothing. Limited formal employment opportunities mean most people garner cash through the sale of food crops, coffee and livestock. To an extent, this is changing with the rise in employment related to the LNGP. Outside remittances from family are also an important source of income. 10 The predominant concern of this research and many stakeholders is the social impact of the LNGP on people in the Hela region. The research was especially interested in human security issues that might be developing in the Hela region. Whatever the perception and experience of the LNGP is for the local Hela community, the intent must be to maximise benefits and minimise harms. However, there is a danger of marginalising local costs in favour of the expected benefits to the country as a whole. 11 Results One of the most significant and ongoing issues associated with the LNGP relates to landowner agreement and landowner identification. When speaking with those surveyed and more generally to those interviewed, it was clear the process has been unsatisfactory and left many feeling dismayed about the LNGP. The PNG LNG Gas Agreement (LNGA) was signed in May 2008 between the PNG Government and the LNGP proponents. Under the terms of the LNGA, the LNGP companies agreed to assist and support the development of the Benefit Sharing Agreement (BSA) process and BSA terms; although the LNGP companies stressed they did not participate in negotiations and were not a signatory to any of the BSAs. 12 The PNG Government approval of the Social Mapping and Landowner Identification (SMLI) studies carried out by the LNGP companies set the stage for the determination of project area landowners. 13 The Department of Petroleum and Energy (DPE) then undertook awareness and selection of landowner representatives over two intensive weeks in Hela, 14 with the help of the LNGP companies. The BSA process subsequently moved to the Development Forum and BSA execution stages. The Umbrella Benefit Sharing Agreement (UBSA) was signed at Kokopo in May The UBSA provides an overarching framework for the sharing of revenues between the state and project area landowner as well as local level and provincial governments. It also committed the Government to infrastructure projects in LNGP areas. The UBSA further provided the framework for the following Local Licence Based Benefit Sharing Agreement s (LBSA), which applied the UBSA at the local project area level. 10 National Research Institute, "Papua New Guinea: District and Provincial Profiles," pp Michael Ross, "Extractive Sectors and the Poor," (Boston: Oxfam America, 2001). 12 Field research communications, Social mapping essentially lists clan groups with customary rights of ownership or registered title; it does not demarcate boundaries or specify landholdings by producing lists of individual landowners. By contrast, landowner identification is generally understood as a census of sorts that ultimately lists individual landowners within these clans or groups. Landowner identification is often carried out to aid in the formation of Incorporated Land Groups (ILGs), mechanisms for the eventual distribution of benefit stream to landowners. 14 Field research communications. 3

4 It has been alleged that protocols were not followed, that it was rushed through to meet operator deadlines and lacked an independent observer. At the centre of much discontent is the aforementioned social mapping and landowner identification. In addition to significant confusion regarding definitions of social mapping and landowner identification, the delays in verifying landowners led to serious concerns about representation and fairness. Consequently, as either bystanders or participants, the overwhelming majority of people sampled considered the benefit sharing negotiations to be unfair and non-transparent. Landowner identification is ongoing at the time of writing, two years after signing of the UBSA. Some clans are still disputing the social mapping studies that foreshadowed the signing of the UBSA and LBSAs. Local landowner companies (LANCOs) were formed and interacting with the LNGP, while the ILG process, with the associated listing of individual members and verification of clan groupings, has not been completed. This has added to the confused and unequal processes surrounding the BSAs and LNGP. Beyond the minimal detail of social mapping studies, there is disagreement about the capacity for landowner identification. Ideally, a full census and genealogical study (realistically only extending back a few generations) to give a foundational picture of individuals' residence and relationships as well as clan connections would have been carried out well before the LNGP construction phase. A number of factors complicate the situation in the Hela region. The difficulties of undertaking largescale genealogical enquiry are immense. Tracing ancestors and claims to landownership by Huli up to eight generations on either side means it is perhaps a prohibitive undertaking given the potentially large pool of people with links to the project area. However, the failure to carry out full social mapping and landowner identification effectively underway now before the Development Forums has left many people feeling aggrieved and excluded from the LNGP. In the interim, the social surveys carried out by the LNGP were unable to capture all those with legitimate claims to LNGP benefits over time. This is particularly the case in Komo. Komo experienced significant tribal conflict in the late 1990s, which led to an exodus of people to safer areas. A great benefit of the LNGP is the peace it fostered encouraged people to return to Komo. However, many legitimate landowners have effectively been excluded, as they came back between the social surveys and the start of construction. Finally, if social mapping and landowner identification does not effectively represent project area landowners in the near-term, including their understanding of relationships with the land and LNGP, growing frustrations will likely lead to chronic levels of conflict, as compensation and other benefit streams distributed through ILGs fail to reach their intended beneficiaries. From the beginning, communities need to feel they are partners in decisions that will significantly affect their lives. There were widespread complaints about the lack of awareness and information on the LNGP. This criticism holds across all levels of engagement, from the grass roots to local level government. Although there have been efforts to avoid raising undue expectations and misinformation about the LNGP, there has clearly been an element of both, particularly in the lead up to the Development Forums. Many felt the awareness programmes should have been implemented sooner, with the LNGP community relations role made harder because of its delay. 4

5 Despite this charge, respondents suggested it was not too late to instigate a more vigorous and wide-ranging community awareness programme. There are a number of obligations on the LNGP operator to ensure PNG nationals, especially those living in project affected area, benefit from employment and business opportunities. Under section 129 of the Oil and Gas Act 1998, the operator of a petroleum licence is required to use and purchase goods and services made in PNG; encourage and assist citizens who want to establish related businesses; and maximise the use of PNG contractors and subcontractors who are of a comparable standard to other prospective companies. 15 By March 2011 PNG citizens made up 77 percent of the total workforce, which stood at around 6000, double the original estimate for that quarter. 16 A media release in September 2011 stated that the number of Papua New Guineans employed was in fact 6,600, of which almost 70 percent were recruited through LANCOs. 17 However, this will drop off radically at the end of the construction phase, potentially leaving a large unemployed labour pool, although it is possible that some of this labour force will be absorbed by spending on infrastructure development projects initiated under the BSAs. Locally, the LNGP offers a range of activities that people can participate in during the construction phase, whether employed directly, contracted or sub-contracted through a LANCO. This includes contracts for food supply, security, vehicle hire and transportation, as well as manual unskilled labour. The purpose of Business Development Grants (BDGs) as set out in the BSAs is to spur business development activities in these and other areas. 18 However, the BDGs were associated with widespread misappropriation, contestation over claims and a lack of monitoring. 19 One of the positive aspects of the LNGP for people was the rise in employment, although many still felt excluded. 20 The question for most in the Hela region relates to what is seen as an unfair distinction between those within Petroleum Development Licence (PDL) areas and those outside PDL areas. Moreover, within the PDL area, there is often further resentment from those who have failed to find employment. There was also a measure of concern about the limited range of employment opportunities for people. This was matched by a desire to up-skill in order to participate more fully. 21 The LNGP has utilised the skilled labour available and a significant segment of the unskilled labour in the respective PDL areas. Clan and cultural considerations complicate hiring practices at the local level. Clan leaders, for example, are known to bring relatives from outside the PDL areas, in an attempt to have them hired as locals. There was anecdotal evidence of bribery and fraudulent endeavours to gain employment on the LNGP. Many of those hired on the local system are from outside PDL areas Oil and Gas Act, p IESC, "Environmental & Social Compliance Monitoring (Site Visit March 2011)," (2011), p Esso Highlands Limited, "Media Release: PNG LNG Project Employs 6,600 Papua New Guineans,"(2011). 18 Field research communications. 19 Field research communications. 20 Field research communications. 21 Field research communications. 22 Field research communications. 5

6 There is also a tendency to over-hire people from PDL areas, particularly in relation to the unskilled labour pool. The community welcomes this practice. Those hired receive medical checks and are mostly paid well by PNG standards. Many locals hired receive ration packs and a housing allowance. The combined package for a full-time general labourer can add up to approximately 1,500 kina a fortnight. Many workers also augment their income by selling portions of their ration packs. 23 The research team asked community members if anyone had businesses or investments that had benefited directly or indirectly from the presence of the LNGP. A minority (around ten percent) indicated they had such a business or investment. Many of these people were from Tari, which attracted a larger number of small market traders. Some people have produced surplus agricultural goods with the expectation that they would be on sold to the LNGP. However, many people now see the prospects of selling produce to the LNGP as increasingly unlikely. This realisation is especially evident amongst those who reside outside the PDL areas, but still in the Hela region. 24 A small number of people have also accessed or sought to access market in the PDL area, travelling to Komo, for example, to sell their produce. Rather than using their own gardens, others are buying produce, cooking it and selling it on at a profit. 25 Militating against such entrepreneurial activities are the poorly developed market facilities and the costs of transportation to and from market. Roadside sales are common. There were also reports of sellers being charged exorbitant market fees and of theft of both produce and money from sales. 26 The people, who are able to participate in such opportunities, whether on a small or large scale, are pleased by the ostensibly greater access to the cash economy. However, the steady and higher incomes many are currently experiencing are qualified by the relative price rises seen in the Hela region and across PNG, which undermines real gains in income growth. As people have increased the prices for their produce, this has been offset by the rise in prices elsewhere and the higher cost of living. This has proven particularly burdensome for those who are excluded or cannot keep up with rising costs. 27 Indeed, many around the Hela region resent missing out on a steady income or the larger LNGP cash benefits. While there is increased cash-flow in some parts of the community, people who lived outside PDL areas or away from townships particularly commented that they saw little in the way of extra cash income, again noting only the added pressure of having to cope with prices rises. There was some criticism directed at both the government and the LNGP, that too little support had been given to financial management and business development in the Hela region that would in turn help to spread the benefits of the LNGP more widely. 28 In particular, there was a lack of support surrounding the disbursement and management of BDGs. For example, some LANCOs invested in vehicles that were soon deemed inadequate or unsuitable for hire to the LNGP. Subsequent 23 Field research communications. 24 Field research communications. 25 Field research communications. 26 Field research communications. 27 Field research communications. 28 Plans for LNGP business development are set out in the National Content Plan. 6

7 attempts to channel resources at the issue of business development have been misdirected or misused by recipients, with insufficient focus given to the grass roots and wider Hela region. 29 An immediate issue that has been addressed in the context of other resource development projects in PNG is the management and use of cash incomes or windfalls. 30 Money is usually spent very quickly. Only a small number people surveyed reported investing or saving their money for the future. There were numerous reports of the misspending of such money on alcohol, drugs, travel and women. Although the saving rate in the Hela region is notoriously low, what efforts the research team heard about were encouraging in the context of improving the local economy. For example, for one local group, the rental of a guesthouse has allowed savings from a good income to be reinvested in agriculture and the raising of livestock. 31 The problem of inequality and the likelihood of it worsening was a common concern amongst those interviewed. Many also expressed concern that much of the money, rather than being invested or spent within the Hela region, ended up being used elsewhere, particularly in the larger centres of Mt Hagen or Port Moresby. Some people spoken with argued there was a measure of redistribution within the community, a trickle-down effect borne of traditional networks and relationships seen in the wantok system. However, this redistribution is limited in its effectiveness when dealing with large sums of money. As many argued, the LNGP should spread the benefits as widely as possible, addressing core issues of inequality and concern, such as education and healthcare. A number of people felt strongly that the failure to do so would result in tensions and potentially conflict. With the LNGP come demands to alter or diversify the use of the land. Such pressures have come from external stakeholders, as well as from landowner wanting to take advantage of their landholdings through, for example, the sale of appropriate produce to the LNGP camps. This trend also works in reverse, with some ground left fallow as landowners take up employment or move towards a greater reliance on the cash economy and market and store bought goods. There is evidence that some people are changing their dietary and food production habits away from agriculture and pastoralism towards market and store bought goods. Some experts expressed a concern that the decline in gardening capacity and skills of the younger generation will return to haunt many in the Hela region, when the construction period and employment comes to a relatively quick end. More broadly, there is little evidence of sustainable businesses unrelated to the LNGP emerging in the local economy. Education and healthcare are two of the most important areas of concern for the people interviewed in Hela. There are three major concerns in relation to these matters: accessibility, 29 Field research communications. 30 See: Glenn Banks, "Globalization, Poverty, and Hyperdevelopment in Papua New Guineas Mining Sector," Focaal - European Journal of Anthropology 46(2005). 31 Field research communications. 7

8 quality and cost. People want to be able to easily attend or travel to a school or health facility. Likewise, they want both to be of a high standard and affordable. In many ways, the LNGP is making accessibility to education and healthcare easier through, for example, improvements on major roads. However, increasing costs are affecting the affordability of education. It is understood that cost increases affecting the health system have not been fully passed onto the public in Hela. 32 Particular issues related to the LNGP include the resignation of teachers and health workers in lieu of better pay and conditions with the LNGP. This has indirectly affected the standard of education and healthcare available to people. The problem of increased pressure on limited healthcare resources especially, in the context of a greater prevalence of some communicable diseases such as HIV, was highlighted as a particular problem. Most people we spoke with felt the LNGP and its proponents had both an opportunity and a responsibility to contribute in a proactive and sustained manner to education and healthcare in the wider Hela region. There are challenges facing the family and households throughout the Hela region. Issues and stresses are raised by the cash benefits of the LNGP and the conditions brought about by the LNGP. Most prominently, those spoken with felt there was an evident change in the values and structures of family life. Access to and the pursuit of monetary rewards is, to a degree, distorting some traditional family values and structures. Many men are moving away from their spouses to take up employment with the LNGP. This causes issues in relation to the provision of money to support their family and the manner in which they spend their money. As noted earlier, cash is often spent on largesse, rather than more gainful returns, including family. Some observers noted the ability of some men with increasing LNGP wealth to pay bride price for more wives. This created a twofold problem: less women are available or willing to marry men with less means and the cost of bride price is rising. This puts an ever-greater amount of pressure on young men and their families to raise unaffordable sums. Wider feeling portrayed greater access to cash as distorting marriage and marital relations. Many of those interviewed suggested an increased number of divorces were occurring as husbands and wives either viewed their spouses unfavourably or sought opportunities elsewhere. There was also some debate over the role cash played in household violence. On the one hand, it was argued by some that family disagreements about the sharing money led to violence. The use of cash on alcohol and other unnecessary or luxury items also contributed to violent encounters in the home. However, other noted the importance of improved incomes from the LNGP in some households, which eased the pressure on their livelihood situation. The Hela region is characterised as beset by conflict between and within kin groups, by raskolism and politically motivated violence. In Tari, tribal fighting re-emerged in the 1980s together with a 32 The cost of treatment and main hospital in Tari is supported by the welcome presence of Médecins Sans Frontières. 8

9 rise in violence, criminality and a general breakdown in law and order. In 2003, there were 164 conflict-related deaths in the Tari area and 40 more over the first eight months of the following year. 33 Interpersonal violence at the household and wider family level is endemic. 34 Respondents in our survey relayed 19 LNGP related and 28 non-lngp related incidents, totalling 47 incidents that resulted in physical violence over the past 12 month. The majority of these incidents involved individual or household conflict. The remaining minority involved landowner or tribal conflict. This evidences contradictory circumstances: there are seemingly a growing number of interpersonal conflicts related to the LNGP, while landowner and tribal conflict has generally fallen because of the LNGP (despite the landowner and tribal conflicts remembered being all LNGP related). However, there is some indication that local turmoil could arise between groups over the LNGP in the future. Small arms remain a significant concern in the Hela region. Men more than women felt small arms were a serious problem. Many young men continue to arm themselves and government seems unable or unwilling to address the problem of illegal guns. Some we spoke with suggested landowners were effectively stocking up on weapons at the present time, in anticipation of future trouble or the need to take action over contentious LNGP issues. When the prevalence of crime in the community was canvassed with participants, there was a general feeling that the presence of the LNGP and police had contributed to a decrease in many of the worst criminal excesses. However, people also expressed concerns about the increase in petty crime and targeted nature of some criminal enterprises, theft from LNGP beneficiaries who travel from the Komo and Hides areas for example; as well as the brutally of the armed robberies that seem to regularly take place on the Highlands Highway outside Tari. Many people in our survey felt less safe since the LNGP arrived. Another concerning issue for the community was alcohol. The greater availability of cash, as well as the use and abuse of alcohol in the community, has generated social problems. Currently, there is an alcohol ban in the SHP. However, there are reported instances of smuggling of alcohol into the SHP in addition to a thriving trade in home brewed liquor. People we spoke with noted the importance of the current alcohol ban in the SHP in reducing household and community violence. Other reported social problems associated with a higher cash-flow include increases in gambling and prostitution. The worry of increasing prostitution is also related to LNGP migration, family breakdown and the growing prevalence of HIV in the Hela region. Conclusion 33 N. Lewis, "Conflict Vulnerability Assessment of the Southern Highlands Province," in Conflict and Resource Development in the Southern Highlands of Papua New Guinea, ed. N. Haley and R. May, State, Society and Governance in Melanesia Studies in State and Society in the Pacific 3 (Canberra: ANU E-Press, 2007), p See: M. Kopi et al., "Insecurity in the Southern Highlands: The Nature, Triggers and Consequences of Violence in Hela Region," State, Society and Governance in Melanesia Discussion Paper(2011); H. Wardlow, Wayward Women: Sexuality and Agency in a New Guinea Society (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2006). The 2005 small arms survey found that around 50 per cent of households in SHP were victims of violent crime, with one in twelve households affected by sexual assault or rape, 26 per cent by domestic violence and 17 per cent by inter-group fighting. See: N. Haley and R. Muggah, "Jumping the Gun? Reflections on Armed Violence in Papua New Guinea.," African Security Review 15, no. 2 (2006). 9

10 A majority of people in our research feel that the benefits of the LNGP are not fairly shared, and many remain uncertain about the future. The BSA and landowner identification process has created significant discontent in the community. If not resolved in the near-term, there may well be added difficulties for all stakeholders. This holds true especially in the context of the LNGP construction phase ending in The dramatic fall in the number of people employed is a critical juncture for the LNGP. How stakeholder (including local landowners) use future benefits streams following the ending of construction is crucial. A greater emphasis is required on sustainable community and livelihood development. The extent and speed with which revenues can be channelled into local services, particularly education, both in and outside PDL areas is also pivotal in building the perception amongst local people that they are genuine stakeholders in the project. All the people of Hela wish to share in the benefits of the LNGP. However, governance and institutional mechanisms lack capacity. Oversight of monetary disbursement to date has so far been poor, suggesting future benefit streams are at risk. In this situation, human development is likely to stagnate for many, while the risk of instability and violence is likely to increase if improvements in these areas do not materialise. 10

11 References ACIL Tasman. "PNG LNG Economic Impact Study: An Assessment of the Direct and Indirect Impacts of the Proposed PNG LNG Project on the Economy of Papua New Guinea (Prepared for Exxon Mobil)." Melbourne: ACIL Tasman Pity Ltd, Asian Development Bank. "Sector Assessment (Summary): Trade." Manila: Asian Development Bank, Banks, Glenn. "Globalization, Poverty, and Hyperdevelopment in Papua New Guineas Mining Sector." Focaal - European Journal of Anthropology 46 (2005): Esso Highlands Limited. "Media Release: PNG LNG Project Employs 6,600 Papua New Guineans." (2011). Field research communications Haley, N., and R. Muggah. "Jumping the Gun? Reflections on Armed Violence in Papua New Guinea." African Security Review 15, no. 2 (2006): Haley, Nicole, and Ronald J. May. "Introduction: Roots of Conflict in the Southern Highlands." In Conflict and Resource Development in the Southern Highlands of Papua New Guinea, edited by Nicole Haley and Ronald J. May. Canberra: E Press, Australia National University, IESC. "Environmental & Social Compliance Monitoring (Site Visit March 2011)." Kopi, M., R. Hinton, S. Robinson, S. Maiap, and Y. Guman. "Insecurity in the Southern Highlands: The Nature, Triggers and Consequences of Violence in Hela Region." State, Society and Governance in Melanesia Discussion Paper (2011). Lewis, N. "Conflict Vulnerability Assessment of the Southern Highlands Province." In Conflict and Resource Development in the Southern Highlands of Papua New Guinea, edited by N. Haley and R. May, Canberra: ANU E-Press, National Research Institute. "Papua New Guinea: District and Provincial Profiles." Port Moresby: National Research Institute, Oil and Gas Act. Ross, Michael. "Extractive Sectors and the Poor." Boston: Oxfam America, Wardlow, H. Wayward Women: Sexuality and Agency in a New Guinea Society. Berkeley: University of California Press,