CHAPTER VIII IMPACT OF INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OF WOMEN ON LOCAL ECONOMY (KOTTAYAM DISTRICT)

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1 CHAPTER VIII IMPACT OF INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OF WOMEN ON LOCAL ECONOMY (KOTTAYAM DISTRICT) Based on micro level data collected from about 446 women who have emigrated from Kottayam district it may not be possible to assess the direct impact of women s international migration on the local economy. However an indirect approach is adopted wherein Kottayam district is compared with other districts of the State with regard to: The status of women Human and Gender development and Overall development of the district ( social and economic development) There are five different waves of migration from Kerala. The first generation of migrants from Kerala in the early 20 th century were semi-skilled or quasi professional workers to Ceylon (SriLanka), Malaya (to work on plantations) Burma, Madras, Calcutta, Karachi and Bombay. The second wave of migration after the Second World War was to Singapore, Malaysia and different parts of India to big cities like Bombay, Delhi, Calcutta, Madras and Bangalore. Most of the people who migrated during the second wave from 1945 to 1960 were high school educated or semi-skilled workers (typists, secretaries, office workers and army personnel). The third wave of migrants from 1960 to 1975 consisted of people with technical skills and professional training (professionals, nurses, clerks, technicians etc.). These three waves of migration and the consequent remittances helped a number of families to join the Indian middle class. The fourth wave from 1975 to 1992 (until the Kuwait war) saw mass migrations to the Gulf, USA, Germany and other countries in Europe and elsewhere. Mass migration was prompted by the demand for skilled labour required for construction and infrastructure development of oil based economies. Those who economically transformed Kerala are people with ITI and nursing education. The increasing demand for nurses in the health sector resulted in a chain of migration to the US, Germany etc. One nurse was possibly responsible for the migration of an average of 20 people (Samuel, 2011). 293

2 The fifth wave of migration (1993 onwards) had three streams; 1. Relatively large migration of semi-skilled and unskilled labour from northern parts of Kerala particularly Malappuram and Kannur. 2. Immigration of highly qualified professionals (engineers, doctors, IT professionals, academicians) to various parts of Europe, US and other parts of the world. 3. Increasing emigration to the US by the family networks of nurses who migrated to the US and Europe during the fourth wave of migration in the 1980s. These patterns of migration and their consequences influenced every aspect of society: land relationships, decline of agriculture, growth of consumer and service sectors, rise of education as an industry and a relatively less skilled and knowledge based young leadership pool for political parties. This had a deep impact also in terms of the structure and leadership of political parties. Communities with a relatively greater stake in power structure of Kerala (Nair, Namboothri) that were economically well off through access to land and feudal relationships got into leadership positions in political parties (Samuel, 2011). Impact of international migration on the status of women Sex Ratio: The growth and development of women have direct impact on the general wellbeing of a society. Sex ratio is the most credible pointer towards the status of women in any society. Over the last one hundred years females have been outnumbering males consistently. According to the 2011 census, there are 1084 females per 1000 males. The major reason attributed to the increase in sex ratio is the decline in the female infant mortality rate and the increase in life expectancy of women. This is in sharp contrast to India s 940 females per 1000 males in The sex ratio is favourable to females in all the districts in Kerala the highest is observed in Kannur (1133) Pathanamthitta (1129) and Kollam (1113) districts and the lowest in Idukki (1006) and Ernakulam (1028) districts. Table (8.1) shows the sex ratio in the districts of Kerala. Sex ratio in Kottayam district is 1040, which is lower than the State s sex ratio of 1084, which may be due to large scale out migration of women from this district. 294

3 Table 8.1 Demographic indicators by Districts (Kerala) 2011 and 2001 Sl. No. Districts Sex Ratio Life Exp. IMR CBR TFR Mean age at Full ANC Institutional Deliveries (%) (2011) At Marriage (%) birth Female Public Private in (in years years) Thiruvanathapuram 2. Kollam Pathanamthitta Alapuzha Kottayam Idukki Ernakulam Thrissur Palakad Malappuram Kozhikode Wayanad Kannur Kasargod Kerala Coe. Of Variation (%) Source:Human Development Report(2005), CDS, Thiruvanathapuram and Census of India, 2011 Sex Ratio - Females per 1000 males Crude Birth Rate - per 1000 population IMR- Infant Mortality Rate per 1000 births, TFR Total Fertility Rate 295

4 Female literacy Education and migration: Kerala is the most literate state in the country (93.91 percent).table 8.2 shows the literacy rate by sex for the Kerala State and its districts. In the case of literary the difference between male female achievement levels is narrower in Kerala than in India as a whole. In Kerala male female literacy rates are percent for females and percent for males. Kottayam is in the forefront of education. It is the second most literate district in the state (96.40 percent). Male and female literacy rates are percent and percent respectively. Sl. No. Table 8.2 Literacy rate by sex for Kerala State and districts (2001) State/ District Literacy Rate Persons Males Females Kerala Thiruvananthapuram Kollam Pathanamthitta Alapuzha Kottayam Idukki Ernakulam Thrissur Palakad Malappuram Kozhikode Wayanad Kannur Kasaragod Source: Census of India,

5 The percentage of illiterate is minimum in Kottayam district (2.43 percent) (District hand book, 2003).The highest numbers of schools are in Malappuram district (1336 schools and the lowest in Wayanad district (292 schools). The numbers of schools in Kottayam are 908. In Kerala there is a lower primary school (LPS) for every 3270 persons. There is one upper primary school (UPS) for every 6334 persons. As regards graduation and above Kottayam stands second in the state. In 2001 the difference between male female literacy gap is for India and for Kerala it is 6.5 (Economic Review, 2007). Unlike in other states gender gap in school enrolment in Kerala is very low. Girls constituted percent of the total enrolment in school education in Kerala. Nursing: The demand for nurses and caretakers abroad has resulted in an expansion of nursing education in Kerala. Table 8.3 presents the annual intake of students in nursing course of government colleges in Kerala. Apart from government nursing colleges, there are about 42 nursing colleges under self-financing sector with an annual intake of 50 students each. Table 8.3 District wise annual intake of students in nursing courses in Kerala 2007 Sl. No. Nursing-Cum midwives (3 year course) Annual intake 1. Thiruvananthapuram Kollam Pathanamthitta Alapuzha Kottayam Idukki Ernakulam Thrissur Palakad Malappuram Kozhikode Wayanad Kannur Kasaragod SC/ST nursing School Kollam 20 Total 354 Source: Economic Review,

6 The likely demand for nurses in UK, USA and Japan is about 10, 00,000 in the next five to ten years. Migration plays an important role in the human resource development of the country of origin. There is an increase of population in secondary level education or education at the graduate level during The improvement in education was highest among Christians. About 36.1 percent of the Christians have secondary level of education or are degree holders compared to Muslims (15 percent). During 1990s higher educated females have increased more than that of males due to the migration of educated males. The educated labour force has been absorbed both in the local and global market. There is a correlation between unemployment and education. Unemployment during this period is highest among Christian community and lowest among Hindus. The religion with highest percentage of higher education has highest percentage of unemployment. Children s education is a major item on the budget of households. Christian households spend Rs /household, more than twice of the average of the Muslim households (Rs.4834).The average expenditure per non-resident Keralites household was Rs.7731 and Non Non-nonresident household was Rs.6143.Migration has an impact on the household expenditure on education (Zachariah and Rajan, 2004a). Female work force participation: Table 8.4 presents the comparative estimates of women work participation in the districts of Kerala. In 2001, women work participation rate of 15.3 percent is far below the all- India figure of 25.7 percent. Furthermore, while women work participation rate for all India have increased between 1991 and 2001, it has fallen marginally for Kerala during the same period. District wise break up of women work participation shows that the pressure to work has been higher in backward districts of Idukki and Wayanad. The lowest work participation of women is seen in Malappuram (6.6 percent). This district is known for sending the largest number of men to the Gulf. The adjoining district viz, Kozhikode also registers very low levels of female work participation. Women s work participation is 13.9 percent in Kottayam district that accounts for the highest emigration of women among the 14 districts in Kerala. Hence it may be inferred that women s work participation is lower in Kerala and its districts. Districts that account for higher rates of emigration (men and women) show low levels of women s participation in the labour market. 298

7 Sl. No 1. Districts Thiruvananthapuram Female. emigration Table 8.4 District Wise Data of Kerala State (2001 and2011) Male emigration Fem. Lit (2011) ( %) Male Lit. (2011) (%) FWPR (%) Female unem. PCY In Rs. SDI GDI *Dep. Index Kollam Pathanamthitta Alapuzha Kottayam Idukki Ernakulam Thrissur Palakad Malappuram Kozhikode Wayanad Kannur Kasargod HDI Source: Economic Review (2009), Government of Kerala; Census of India, 2011; Human Development Report (2005), Government of Kerala. *Deprivation index 299

8 Table 8.5 Sector wise Distribution of Women Workers Main and Marginal (2001) Sl. No. Districts Cultivators Agricultur al Labourers Household Industry Other Workers Thiruvananthapuram 2. Kollam Pathanamthitta Alapuzha Kottayam Idukki Ernakulam Thrissur Palakad Malappuram Kozhikode Wayanad Kannur Kasargod Kerala Coe. Of Variation (%) Source: Human Development Report (2005), Government of Kerala. There is an anomalous relationship between high educational attainment of women and low labour force participation of women in Kerala. It is necessary to probe into the nature of human capital investment made by women in Kerala as well as the specific skills that are demanded by employers in the labour market. Sectoral composition of women workers (table 8.5) reveals that 300

9 agriculture is not the main source of employment to women of Kerala only five percent and 22 percent of women are employed as cultivators and agricultural labourers respectively. The share of household industry and other workers category is 7 and 66 percent respectively. The other workers is a heterogeneous agglomeration of diverse economic activity. There is significant district wise variation. The proportion of women cultivators is higher in Idukki (12.2 percent) and Wayanad (9.8 percent) districts. However, Palakad, a major rice growing area, has the highest percentage of female agricultural labourers (56.7 percent) and correspondingly lowest level of women in other workers category. With regard to Kottayam, Malappuram and Kozhikode districts it is seen that the majority of women (74 to 87 percent) are employed in other workers category. This trend suggests that in districts where out migration (men and women) is larger, women s participation in agriculture is relatively lower. Unemployment among women: Female educated unemployment is a crucial problem in Kerala particularly among those with secondary school level education. Out of the total number of lakh registered job seekers in Kerala (including professional and general work seekers) lakhs are female job seekers (58 percent). The unemployment rate among women is 2.3 times higher than that of men in Kerala. About 20 percent of rural women (rural men 5 percent) and 33 percent of women in urban areas (urban men 6 percent) are unemployed. The unemployment rates among educated women seem to be higher (Eapen Mridual, 2003:1-29). The unemployment rate among females in rural areas is much higher than the unemployment rate in urban areas. Unemployment among females is very high in Kerala compared with the rest of India. This is especially troubling in a State that is characterized by the highest literacy rate and a matrilineal society that confers high status on women. However, when we analyse closely, we find that female workers in Kerala display distinct characteristics that make them outliers compared with the other female workers in India, many of whom are less educated and illiterate. Fewer women are interested in working in the traditionally primary sector as cultivators or agricultural labourers and instead prefer working in the secondary and tertiary sector in relatively skilled jobs. While the vast majority of female workers in India are employed as marginal workers, fewer females relative to males in Kerala are employed as marginal workers, despite the high unemployment rate (Singh, 2006).Table 8.4 shows that highest 301

10 proportion of women are unemployed in Thrissur(63%) district followed by Thiruvananthapuram and Pathanamthitta districts(61%).a large number of male workers in Kerala have migrated to other countries, primarily to the Gulf countries, in search of meaningful employment. Largescale emigration to the Gulf countries occurred primarily in the 1970s after the oil boom. As a result, annual remittances received by the wives of the migrant workers have been significant, leaving many families with considerable cash in hand. A large number of women whose household earnings have increased due to remittances from abroad have withdrawn from the labour market (Sivanandan, 1999). This could be due to individual choices shaped by labour leisure decisions; alternatively it could also reflect the growing domestic responsibilities of the wife being the sole parent in the household. In the case of women whose husbands have migrated to other countries, family responsibilities impose significant constraints on their mobility and work responsibilities. At any rate, male migration has affected the reservation wages of many women in the upper and middle classes in Kerala, many of whom choose to remain unemployed until they find professional jobs to their liking. Women in other parts of India generally do not have such options and often opt for jobs in the secondary labour market (Sivanandan, 1999). Lakshmy Devi (2002) gathered micro level data related to socio-economic status, education, and employment history of women in Kerala. One important finding was that nearly three fourths of the unemployed women remained unemployed because of their preferences for skilled white collar jobs. The matrimonial society in Kerala has instilled different aspirations and preferences among the educated women in Kerala, many of whom do not want to be employed marginally or in unskilled work. Improvements in educational attainment among women have created strong preferences for white collar and salaried jobs and reduced their willingness to take up manual work or self employment. Nearly two-thirds of the less educated and more than three-fifths in the educated group wanted to get jobs that were considered socially prestigious. The economic structure, on the other hand, imposes severe constraints on women s employment, as there are not enough skilled jobs. Emigration had increased the demand for higher education. The remittances are used for this purpose. Unemployment is high among higher educated persons. Emigration is also high among higher educated persons. So there is a positive correlation between unemployment and emigration and unemployment and education. Massive remittances from abroad lead to replacement migration in Kerala. The replacement workers penetrated in every economic sector 302

11 in Kerala due to massive wage differences between Kerala and other states and the unwillingness of Kerala workers to do certain types of jobs. So emigration shoots unemployment in the economy (Zacharia and Rajan, 2005). Fig. 8.1 shows the relation between migration and unemployment in Kerala. Wages: The wage rates are relatively higher in developed districts such as Kottayam, Malappuram and Thiruvanathapuram than economically backward districts. Further wage disparity on the basis of gender is also greater in developed than backward districts. Despite the Equal Remuneration Act, women get low wages particularly in casual work, construction work etc. Table 8.6 shows per day wages of unskilled / semi skilled workers in Kottayam (developed) and Kasargod districts (backward). Table 8:6 Wage / day (in Rs.) for Unskilled Works Sl. No. Persons Kottayam Kasargod 1. Male Female Source: Economic Review (2011), Government of Kerala. Human Development Index and Gender Development Index: HDI measures the average achievements in three basic dimensions of human development. As per UNDP, these dimensions are life expectancy at birth, adult literacy and a decent standard of living, as measured by GDP per capita. Kerala ranks first among States in India in the Human development index 2001 (0.773) but its per capita income lagged behind the all India average till recently. Kottayam district ranks 2 nd in HDI. Table 8.4 presents HDI and GDI for the districts of Kerala. What is remarkable here is that the district-wise human development indices of Kerala for 2001 all lie above In fact, one district (Ernakulam) comes out with a HDI as high as With an index of 0.749, the low-rung occupant in HDI is Malappuram district that accounts for large scale male emigration to Gulf. The hilly districts of Idukki and Wayanad are also in the same range as Malappuram. The low income indicated for 303

12 Malappuram district, which is an outlier district and thus raises the variability, does not take into account the significant amount of remittances accruing to that district. More than 40 per cent of the total international migration from Kerala is accounted for by this district alone. Thus, it seems safe to assume only marginal inter-district variability in respect of the income dimension. Viewed from an all-india context, this should be reckoned as a remarkable achievement. The Gender related development index (GDI) adjusts the average achievement to reflect the inequalities between men and women in human development. Kerala is also ranked at the top in the gender-related development index (GDI) among major States in India. The lowest rank was observed in Bihar followed by Uttar Pradesh. Further, there has been substantial improvement in the GDI in Kerala in tandem with the HDI. The GDI was in 1997 and increased to in Among the districts in Kerala, Alapuzha has been in the fourth position with respect to HDI; however, it ranked first position with respect to GDI. Ernakulam district secured second rank, while Malappuram district is ranked in the lowest position with respect to GDI. Kozhikode district was in the eighth position in HDI; however, it is pushed to thirteenth position in respect of GDI. Kottayam district stands in 4 th place in GDI. Analogous to HDI, the disparity among the districts seems to be insignificant with respect to GDI as well. The coefficient of variation in the GDI is only 3 per cent and it ranges between 3-12 per cent among the GDI component dimensions. Poverty: Kerala has made substantial progress in reducing the incidence of both rural and urban poverty. Between and , the headcount index of poverty in rural Kerala declined at an average annual rate of 2.4 per cent, the maximum achieved among 15 major Indian States (World Bank 1997:8). Till , the incidence of poverty in Kerala, both rural and urban, was higher compared to that in the rest of the country. In , however, the relative position of Kerala vis-à-vis India was reversed the incidence of poverty in Kerala dropped below the Indian average. This was possible because both rural and urban poverty in Kerala declined steadily throughout the last four decades, and more sharply compared to the decline in the country as a whole. As per estimates, 9.4 per cent of the urban population and 19.8 percent of the rural population are below poverty line. 304

13 Generalised deprivation: Owing to unavoidable constraints of data availability on the incidence of poverty at the district level, data on the incidence of deprivation is used. The index of deprivation is based on deprivation in four basic necessities for well-being, such as housing quality, access to drinking water, good sanitation and electricity lighting. Deprivation in these commodities can have a deleterious impact on human development and the well-being of the people. Table 8.4 shows this index of deprivation for Kerala by districts in The incidence of deprivation is about 30 per cent in Kerala, within a range of 15.5 (for Ernakulam district) and 46.3 (for Wayanad district), which is significantly above the official head count index of poverty. Wayanad, Idukki and Palakad districts have the highest deprivation indices of above 40 per cent. Thiruvananthapuram, Kasargod, Pathanamthitta and Kollam districts lie below this group, with deprivation indices of per cent. Ernakulam district is the only outlier, with the least deprivation of 15 per cent. With a deprivation index of 25.1, Kottayam stands in 3 rd place. Malappuram and Kozhikode districts occupy the 4 th and 5 th positions with regard to the deprivation index. Thus the developed districts account for lower rates of deprivation. It appears, therefore, that though there is no significant disparity with respect to HDI and GDI, significant variation is found in the generalised deprivation indices among the districts in Kerala, as revealed from the estimated coefficient of variation, which is about 26 per cent. One of the indicators that go into the deprivation index, viz., source of drinking water away from the house, varies significantly among the districts in Kerala with a coefficient of variation of 43 per cent (Navaneetham, 2005). But in the case of the other three indicators, the coefficient of variation is lower. Therefore, the higher disparity found in the distribution of the deprivation index among the districts could be due to the higher disparity with respect to the source of drinking water being away from the house. Structural Change of the Economy and per capita income The conventional growth transformation (from agricultural sector to industrial sector and then to tertiary sector) has not taken place in Kerala. This is evident as the relative shares of the three sectors, in both income and employment, on an average, show that the tertiary sector has been the major contributor followed by the primary sector. 305

14 The tertiary sector s share increased by 37.5 per cent in income and 43 per cent in employment during 1983 to , whereas the primary sector s share decreased by 26 per cent and 36 per cent, respectively, during the same period. In the secondary sector, while employment share increased by 27 per cent, income share fell by 24 per cent. Per capita NSDP of Kerala seems to be higher than the all-india average. The inclusion of remittances, however roughly estimated, raises per capita NSDP even higher. Among the 14 districts of Kerala State, Kottayam ranks third in per capita income. Sector wise contribution to Gross State Domestic Product of Kottayam district shows that major contribution is by tertiary sector (70.8 percent) followed by secondary ( 15.4 percent) and primary sectors (13.8 percent). Kottayam economy depends on agriculture and the different types of industries that have grown up in the city and its surrounding regions, over the years. Annual crops such as pineapple and plantain as well as seasonal crops such as tubers and ginger are grown on a large scale. Perennial crops such as jack fruit and mango are also produced in Kottayam and its neighbourhood areas. Rubber is the most important raw material of Kottayam and this has led to the growth of a flourishing rubber industry. The rubber industry provides large scale employment to the people of Kottayam. The rubber based Kottayam industries accounts for almost 25 percent of the total production of rubber in India. It is estimated that there are almost 2000 rubber based units in Kottayam, which employ modern techniques and equipments in the production and processing of rubber. The Rubber Research Institute of India and the Rubber Board are located in the city of Kottayam. Other than the rubber production, the economy of Kottayam is also largely benefited by the production and export of different varieties of spices. Kerala is one of the major exporters of spices and much of its spices come from Kottayam. Wood industry is another important industry of Kottayam. Different types of timber wood are available in the surrounding areas of Kottayam, providing raw material for a number of small enterprises in the production of plywood, packing cases, splints and furniture. Another important section of Kottayam industries is the cottage and village industries. These industries are promoted by the Khadi and Village Industries Board. There are in total 11 large scale as well as medium scale industries in Kottayam.Mini industrial estates are 12 in number while 12,000 small scale industrial units are present at Kottayam. Other sectors contributing to Kottayam economy are the housing sectors, public health division, engineering, 306

15 food products, fisheries, forestry and the animal husbandry. There are no major industries in Kasargod, Wayanad, Idukki and Alapuzha districts. In short, Kottayam district does have a high edge over other districts in industrial development. Demographic transition Migration and the elderly: Migration has reduced the working age population in the state and consequently increased the proportion of children and elderly. Return migrants at the age of 60 has also contributed to this. The elderly population in Kerala is large and is growing at a very rapid rate. District Table 8.7 Elderly women by districts in Kerala (in lakhs) Female Population Proportion of females Thiruvananthapuram Kollam Pathanamthitta Alapuzha Kottayam Idukki Ernakulam Thrissur Palakad Malappuram Kozhikode Wayanad Kannur Kasargod Kerala Source: Integrated Rural Technology Center, Gender Profile in Kerala (2004), Mundur, Palakad, irtc@vsnl.com Among the elderly, females out number males. In 1998 there were 3.4 million elderly population in Kerala and 6.8 percent of them are living alone without anybody to share their lives 307

16 (Zachariah, K. C., et. al., 2000). The younger generation has no time, money and opportunities to live with them. The districts viz., Pathanamthitta and Kottayam are more advanced in demographic transition than other districts in Kerala. Kerala ranks first in the case of proportion of elderly in the country in 2001.Kerala reached the final stage of demographic transition with low fertility and mortality rate. The proportion of population aged 60+ increased from 5.9 percent in 1961 to 10 percent in Women live longer than men, nearly five years. The size of widowhood would be larger than that of widower hood in old age. The proportion of aged in Kerala shows an increasing trend both for males and females from 1991 onwards. In almost all the districts, the highest proportion of aged women are in the age group 60+. Table 8.7 shows the proportion of elderly women in various districts of Kerala State. The highest number of elderly women is found in Malappuram district (15.88 lakhs). The gender dimension of the old age population is of paramount importance in relation to the drawing up of an ageing policy. Since women generally live longer than males, approximately 5 years more in the case of Kerala, it reflects on the living arrangements that need to be made for older persons. Appropriate policies and institutional arrangements are necessary to protect the well-being of the older women. The overall sex ratio among the older population was 1,224 (number of females per 1,000 males) in However, when we look at the oldest old (80+), there are 1,529 females per 1,000 males. This is likely to increase in the future due to improvement in the longevity among females relative to males. It also implies that the size of widowhood among females would be larger than that of widower hood among males in old age. Nonetheless, it is important to view the phenomenon of ageing as an achievement also. An increase in life expectancy means that the living conditions of people have improved and that the present generation is healthier. With regard to total fertility rate in Kerala, we find that it started declining from the 1960s. The total fertility rate (TFR), 2 which were 5.6 per woman in the1950s, declined to 3.7 in the 1970s, and reached 1.8, which is below the replacement level, in the 1990s. The fertility rate declined in both rural and urban areas, and there is virtually no difference between the two. Table8.1 shows the CBR and TFR for districts in Kerala. Malappuram seems to be an outlier with the highest fertility followed by Wayanad. Against this, the lowest fertility is observed in the districts of Pathanamthitta, Alapuzha and Ernakulam (1.5). TFR for Kottayam district (1.6) is relatively lower than Malappuram (2.4). 308

17 Age at marriage: The age at marriage is a proximate determinant of fertility change. Among the major States in India, the age at marriage is highest in Kerala for both males and females. According to an estimate from the Reproductive and Child Health Survey ( ), the mean age at marriage in Kerala for males is 28.7 years and for females 22.7 years. In the case of all- India, it is 24.9 and 19.7 years for males and females, respectively. Part of the decline in fertility in Kerala could have been contributed by the rise in the mean age at marriage. The mean age at marriage does not seem to vary among the districts in Kerala (table 8.1) Nevertheless, in Malappuram, where fertility was the highest; the mean age at marriage for both males and females was the lowest. It is also important to note that the largest proportion of girls married at the age of below 18 years (36 per cent) was in Malappuram district. Longevity: The general health status of the population can be understood from the level of life expectancy at birth, one of the aspects of human development included in the HDI. Life expectancy at birth in Kerala was 70.4 years for males and 75.9 years for females in During the same period, India s life expectancy at birth was 60.4 years for males and 61.8 years for females. Punjab, which is in the second position, has a life expectancy at birth of 66.7 years for males and 68.8 years for females. The life expectancy at birth of Kerala males increased from 44.3 years in 1956 to 70.4 years in 1995, an increase of 26.1 years in a span of 40 years. For females, it increased even more from 45.3 years to 75.9 years, an increase of 30.6 years. During the same period, India s life expectancy at birth for males increased by 24.9 years (from 35.5 to 60.4 years) and for females by 26.1 years (from 35.7 to 61.8 years). India is 25 years behind Kerala in terms of the achievement of life expectancy at birth. Because of natural advantage, women live longer than men if they receive comparable care. In the case of Kerala, over time the realized levels seem to have come closer to this potential relative advantage. For instance, women who were to live only a year longer than men in the 1950s are expected to live 5.5 years longer in the 1990s, whereas in all of India, women are expected to live only 1.2 years longer than men High life expectancy at birth in Kerala has been largely due to low infant and child mortality, particularly for males (Human Development Report, 2005:24). 309

18 Infant Mortality: A significant role in the dramatic decline in fertility in Kerala in the 1970s was played by the sharp decline in infant mortality rates. Among the major Indian States, Kerala s infant mortality rate is the lowest as per the latest available estimates given by Sample Registration System (SRS), In Kerala, out of every 1,000 children born, only 14 die before attaining their first birthday, whereas in India as a whole, it is 71. Maharashtra has an estimated 48 infant deaths per 1,000 live births, which is the second lowest among Indian States. Kerala has performed remarkably in reducing the infant mortality rate from 120 in the 1950s to 14 in For India as a whole, it has declined from 139 to 71 during the same period. The difference in IMR was only 19 points between Kerala and India in the 1950s, which widened to 78 in , but came down to 57 in The infant mortality rate (IMR) across districts in Kerala reveals that on excluding the two outlier districts of Wayanad and Idukki, the variability is low among the districts. In the districts of Wayanad and Idukki, 1 in 50 new born babies dies before reaching the first birthday, whereas in most of the other districts 1 in 100 dies. The estimated IMR is lowest in the districts of Pathanamthitta, Kollam and Alapuzha (table 8.1) Health: Mental stress is high among women because they are responsible for household work, childcare and productive activities. It leads to strenuous long hours of work with very short breaks and irregular meals. The average expenditure on health per household is Rs The expenditure is high among Non-resident Keralite families than among the Non-nonresident Keralite families (Zachariah, K.C., et. al., 2003). Kerala s health situation can be compared to the health status of high-income countries. There is high investment in public, private and co-operative sectors for health improvement. The health awareness among the people is also very high (IRTC, 2004). The hospital visits to Kerala people are higher than that in other states. Kerala s morbidity has been one of the highest in India. 71 out of 1000 persons are in acute illness and 83 out of 1000 persons are in chronic illness. The life style related diseases are rising in Kerala, as it has entered the fourth stage of health transition. It shows the burden of treatment, as the cost is high for these diseases. The alcohol consumption is growing in Kerala. Worry is the cause for drink among younger generations (IRTC, 2004). 310

19 Table 8.8 Health development indicators - Kerala and India 2007 Health Indicators Kerala India Birth rate (Per 1000) Death rate (Per 1000) Infant Mortality rate (Per 1000) Maternal Mortality ratio (Per lakh/live birth) Total Fertility rate (Per woman) Couple protection rate (%) Life at birth Male Female Total Source: Economic Review, 2007 Table 8.8 shows that Kerala has attained better health care status. Still women are facing some health related problems such as occupational hazards, psychic problems, violence related health problems and health problems of poverty and age. Maternal health care: Some of the favourable outcomes discussed above are primarily dependent on the utilization of maternal health care services, which is the highest in Kerala among all Indian States due to better availability and accessibility of such services (Navaneetham and Dharma lingam, 2002). For instance, antenatal check up is almost universal (99 per cent) in Kerala as compared to India (65 per cent), as per NFHS-II ( ). However, the use of full antenatal services (at least three ANC visits and at least one TT taken and IFA tablets taken during pregnancy) in Kerala is 86 per cent. Although there was little variation across districts, the use of full antenatal services is below the State average in the districts of Thiruvananthapuram (71.8 per cent), Kasargod (75.4 per cent), Malappuram (78.8 per cent), Idukki (82.1 per cent) and 311

20 Pathanamthitta (84.8 per cent). Nevertheless, almost all deliveries (97 per cent) took place at the medical institutions in Kerala, except in Malappuram district (88 per cent). Among these, 59 per cent of the deliveries were in private and only 38 per cent were in public medical institutions. In Kasargod district 11 percent of deliveries were in public medical institutions and the rest in private hospitals. This indicates the backwardness of this district with regard to public investment on provision of maternal health care (table 8.1). Social Infrastructure: Needless to state, achievements on the health and education fronts were to a large extent possible through investments in infrastructure. Kerala has had an edge over many other States in social and economic infrastructure, such as road transport, post offices, telecommunication, banking, schools, medical institutions, number of hospital beds and so forth but has remained below the all-india average in irrigation and electricity generation.the 12th Finance Commission ranks Kerala among the high middle on the Infrastructure Index together with Gujarat, Haryana and Tamil Nadu; while Goa, Maharashtra and Punjab are classified as States with a High Index (Ministry of Finance, 2004). Public expenditure on education on primary and secondary education in particular has risen consistently in real terms over the last four decades. Kerala has more than 180,000 teachers working in more than 12,000 educational institutions that cater to nearly 5.4 million students. The distribution of schools turns out to be about one school for every 3 sq. km and the number of schools per lakh population is about 42. At present, 94.4 per cent of the rural population is served by primary schools/sections within a distance of 1 km and 98 per cent within 2 km. Upper primary schools/sections are available for 96.2 per cent of the rural population within a distance of 3 km, and secondary education for 24.7 per cent within 2 km. and for 97.8 per cent within 6-8 km. Commensurate with the population density, Kerala also had a higher school density, and this along with a better transportation infrastructure has ensured expanding accessibility. Physical facilities like school buildings, furniture and equipment, sports facilities, toilets, drinking water, etc., are known to be much better in Kerala than anywhere else in the country. Around 82 per cent of the Government schools have good quality building (pucca building), 89 per cent of schools have drinking water facilities and 74 per cent of schools have urinal/ latrine facilities in Kerala. Good quality building and other ancillary facilities need to be further improved, and attention is needed to improve the school facilities in some districts. For 312

21 instance, the percentage of schools with pucca building is lowest in Wayanad (59 per cent) followed by Thiruvananthapuram (60 per cent) and Kasargod (73 per cent). Also, the percentage of schools having latrine/urinal facilities is significantly low in Kasargod (47 per cent) followed by Pathanamthitta (50 per cent).the performance of Kottayam district is remarkable in this regard. About 93percent of government schools in Kottayam district are in pucca building; 86 percent have drinking facilities and 89 percent have toilet facilities (Human Development Report, 2005). Communication: Communication facilities are critical across all aspects of development, especially in an internationally integrated economy. We highlight the rapid growth of telecommunication in Kerala. Globalization and the emergence of a knowledge-based economy have ushered in a telecommunication revolution and Kerala has been quick to avail of this device that narrows down global distances. The number of telephone connections in Kerala rose to 3.02 million by , an addition of more than 2.8 million connections over Kerala s telephone density of 95 per 1,000 population (101 per 1,000 population, including BSNL cellular mobile connections as in March 2003) is much above the national average. There were about 78 telephone connections in every sq. km area of the State in District-wise variations throw up a surprising result low connectivity in Malappuram district which has the highest incidence of migration. Kerala has had an edge over all-india in the number of post offices also. A number of favourable demand factors were at work behind the fast spread of post offices in Kerala, including emigration of Keralites to other parts of India and abroad, literary movements and spread of print media. It is significant to note that out of the 5,077 post offices in Kerala at present, as many as 4,197 are in rural areas. Kerala stands far above the all-india average, with 13 post offices per 100 sq. km of area. That is, every 7.7 sq. km of area in Kerala is now served by a post office, whereas it is 21 sq. km of area for one post office all-india. On an average, one post office in Kerala serves 6,271 persons in an area of 7.7 sq. km against 6,568 persons in an area of 21 sq. km for all-india (Human Development Report, 2005). Housing and sanitation: Table 8.9 shows that a substantial proportion of households in Kerala live in pucca houses. In Kottayam district nearly 78 percent of the population lives in pucca houses. Sanitation is another critical factor in health status determination that has earned Keralites a reputation for 313

22 Table8.9 Social infrastructure development in the districts of Kerala 2001 Sl.No. Districts Percentage of households having Pop. Served Telephone Road length Latrine Electricity Pucca housing per post office(no.) per 1000 population per 100 sq.km. 1. Thiruvanathapuram Kollam Pathanamthitta Alapuzha Kottayam Idukki Ernakulam Thrissur Palakad Malappuram Kozhikode Wayanad Kannur Kasargod Kerala Source: Human Development Report (2005), CDS, Thiruvanathapuram. personal cleanliness that Keralites attach a high premium to the significance of having a sanitary latrine is evident in the fact that the State has the highest coverage (84 per cent as per 2001 Census) of individual households with latrines in India. In 2001, about 81percent of the rural and 92per cent of the urban households in Kerala had toilets. Around 84 percent of the rural and 92 percent of the urban households in Kottayam district have latrine facility. Further, about two 314

23 third of the rural households and 89 percent of the urban households in Kottayam district have electricity connection (Human Development Report, 2005). Overall it is seen that the development of social infrastructure in Kottayam and Malappuram districts are remarkable than other districts. Remittances and development: Remittances that is, migrant earnings sent back to countries of origin are the main reason experts point to international migration as important for poverty reduction. Although exact numbers are hard to pin down, the sums are enormous. The World Bank estimates that, in 2005, formally transferred remittances rang in at about US$232 billion of which developing countries received $167 billion. The actual amount of remittances is considered to be substantially higher, since this figure does not take into account funds transferred through non-formal channels. Remittances are considerably larger than the value of Official Development Assistance (ODA) and comprise the second-largest source of external funding for developing countries after Foreign Direct Investment (FDI). Furthermore, remittances tend to be a more predictable and stable source of income than either FDI or ODA. For some small countries they represent a high share of GDP, such as in Tonga (31 per cent), the Republic of Moldova (27 per cent), Lesotho (26 per cent) and Haiti (25 per cent) (World Bank, 2006). Fully 70 per cent of China s FDI comes from the Chinese Diaspora (Bajpai and Dasgupta, 2004:15). So great is the impact on developing world economies that the World Bank theorizes that a 10 per cent increase in remittances as a proportion of a country s GDP could result in a 1.2 per cent reduction in the share of people living in extreme poverty (Keeley, 2010: ). This is borne out by statistics. In Nicaragua, more than 60 per cent of the 22,000 households who escaped poverty between 1998 and 2001 had a family member living abroad. Remittances sent by migrants to El Salvador, Eritrea, Jamaica, Jordan, Nicaragua and Yemen in 2000 increased the GNP of these countries by more than 10 per cent. That same year, 1.2 million Moroccans managed to escape poverty purely on the strength of remittance income alone. According to ECLAC, in 2002, remittances from abroad helped to boost 2.5 million people living in Latin American and the Caribbean above the poverty line. The propensity to remit and the amount sent depends on a variety of factors such as age, number of dependents, the marital status of the migrant and the duration of residence in the host country. 315

24 While the impact of remittances on developing countries would appear to be clearly beneficial, part of the literature still questions whether remittances have positive implications for short-term poverty or longer-term development. A major issue is that the poorest people and the poorest countries profit the least from remittances. The largest recipients are middle-income countries: Sub- Saharan Africa received only 1.5 per cent of all remittance flows in 2002 (UN, 2004: ). This only serves to show that people from the poorest regions have the most difficulty migrating, earning and remitting funds from abroad. Another concern is that remittances can sometimes exacerbate income inequality in the country of origin, with remittance receiving families and communities prospering while less fortunate neighbours do without. In addition, some experts argue that remittances encourage dependency by discouraging government efforts to take the steps necessary to restructure their economies. Still others contend that donor countries will use remittances as an excuse to shrug off ODA commitments to combat poverty, while developing countries might neglect the needs of their most vulnerable populations because some poor families are receiving remittance income. Thus, despite its contribution to poverty reduction, migration is not necessarily the ultimate equalizer particularly in an increasingly unequal world. Some experts also express concern that most remittances do not generally find their way into productive investments (IOM, 2005: 178). This is because remittances are privately owned monies that are largely used to contribute to family income rather than to capital flows, and because migrants tend to be unfamiliar with investment instruments. Existing research, however, underscores the fact that remittances could play a more significant role in development and poverty alleviation. Whether remittances are used for the purposes of investment or consumption, they bring important benefits to the households, communities and countries that receive them. There is no simple answer to the question on what the remittances are spent on. Situations vary greatly, not just from family to family but also country to country. But for a variety of reasons, it is relatively unusual for families receiving remittances to invest directly in the economy by, for instance, opening businesses. Instead, much of the money tends to go on typical day-today expenditures, like food and clothing, especially among poorer families. Typically remittances are also devoted to children s education, paying off debts, paying for 316