Diversity in Bahrain and its implications for citizenship education: policy and practice

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1 Diversity in Bahrain and its implications for citizenship education: policy and practice Selaibeekh, Lubna Department of Political, International and Policy Studies, University of Surrey, UK. ABSTRACT This study examines the policy and practice of citizenship education for the secondary stage. It highlights preliminary findings from a study of ten selected secondary schools from various parts of the country. Four pupils and two teachers from each school were interviewed on a one-to-one basis. These findings show that sectarian tensions continue to exist in secondary schools in Bahrain, that the citizenship education curriculum fails to address them, and that teachers are not prepared to deal with them. Moreover, the citizenship education curriculum document (CECD), meeting minutes, student textbook and interviews with policymakers indicate that there are normative tensions in policy as there are in practice. I argue that citizenship notions in the Bahraini context are stretched between liberal and communitarian conceptions, which/ and are distinguished by emphasising one of the four components of citizenship over the others (Delanty 2000): rights, duties, participation and identity. The emphasis on a national Bahraini identity, with an Arab ethnicity and an Islamic religion is problematic because not all pupils in Bahraini schools whether Bahraini, naturalized Bahraini, or residents all belong to those categories that shape the Bahraini identity as stated in the Bahraini constitution. Also, teaching Western liberal concepts such as human rights, women s rights and children s rights in a communitarian male-dominant religious society as Bahrain is bound to have an effect on the pupils and their families. Introduction Following political reforms that started in 1999 led by King Hamad, the Directorate of Curricula in Bahrain co-organised a national conference for citizenship education with the British Council in Speakers involved representatives of the civil society of Bahrain as well as speakers from the Citizenship Foundation in London. Over 60 teachers and curriculum specialists and supervisors were trained in using active learning methods in teaching citizenship education by the Citizenship Foundation experts later that year. Citizenship education was seen as the answer for combating sectarian tension that was increasing and a tool for national unity and social cohesion. 1

2 Two years later, a directorial decision number 1/2004 was issued on 19/01/2004 to form a team of curriculum specialists to write up the citizenship education curriculum policy. The team was made of 14 specialists from all the different curricular units. Later the same year, a ministerial decision number 252//2004 was issued on 18/08/2004 to form a ministerial committee made up of 20 members from all different directorates of the Ministry of Education to write up the new citizenship education curriculum document. Although the citizenship education curriculum document is still under review, all textbooks were developed based on this document for each of the basic school years (Grade 1 to 9) and one textbook was developed for secondary stage labelled, "Citizenship Education: the political system" (al-khaja et al 2005). As a result, the new citizenship education curriculum was bound to be influenced by the British model for citizenship education with all its theoretical implications. Moreover, American curriculum standards were also used as reference and many other Arab countries curriculum for citizenship education were also consulted. These together with Bahraini curriculum specialists input influenced the outcome of the Bahraini Citizenship Education curriculum document, (CECD). To teach citizenship education with its British and American influence would in Bahrain result in a dilemma. Both these liberal democratic countries have developed citizenship education with regard to their own contextual needs and influenced by their political, social and economic history. To date, a common concept of citizenship with regard to citizenship education has not been agreed amongst educators or other civil society members in Bahrain. Therefore, confusion exists with regards to the aims of the subject which can affect the desired outcomes. Since the curriculum is centralised and is delivered through the use of a textbook based course, the formal curriculum is the same in all secondary schools in Bahrain. The population in Bahrain is diverse as it indigenous population constitutes Shia and Sunni Muslims of different ethnic backgrounds including non-arabs as well as other 2

3 religious groups. Moreover, the cultural characteristic of the foreign labour force, which is bigger than the national labour force (CIO 2006), is not restricted to that of the local culture. This causes a problem for schools, as public schools are open for all citizens and residents. The difficulty, I argue is the contradiction in the new citizenship education. In its alleged attempt to develop cohesion between the two main Muslim sects by stressing the Bahraini identity, yet not stating the two groups explicitly, it excludes other minorities in schools and the community who are residents and therefore creates a division between "original" Bahrainis on the one hand and naturalised Bahrainis as well as residents on the other hand without really resolving any of the conflicts existing. Therefore, Bahraini schools are facing challenges and although citizenship education was brought to address these in an attempt to promote national unity, challenges still prevail in schools that need to be resolved. Theoretical Tensions In a comparison of the difference between the liberal and communitarian purpose of education, Paul Theobald and Dale Snauwaert in Arthur (1999, p. 48) provide the following summary: The fundamental purpose of communitarian education is the transmission of the cultural heritage, and with it enculturation into an ethic of association wherein there are fundamental obligations to the common good. In contrast, the fundamental purpose of liberal education is preparation for defining and pursuing one s own conception of the good life and with it enculturation into an ethic of tolerance wherein there is respect for the equal rights of others. According to Osler (2005) the communitarian approach stresses the benefits of identity conferred by a cultural or ethnic group. He argues that those aspects of citizenship education programmes that stress national identities may be considered communitarian. The limitations of this view are that they may confine individuals within predetermined ethnic or cultural identities with which they do not necessarily feel at ease. It may deny citizens the freedom to determine their own way in the world and develop as cosmopolitan citizens with multiple identities and loyalties. 3

4 On the other hand, classical and contemporary forms of liberalism intend to lift the individual above the constraints of family or cultural background and therefore education was the device to achieve this goal. According to liberal theory citizenship requires autonomy. One of the reasons why citizenship education in the Bahraini context cannot simply adopt liberal values such autonomy is the religious institutions reluctance to this concept. Starting from their families and later in school, children are taught not to question and take whatever is given to them as the ultimate truth. This starts from a religious perspective and then generalised into other domains of life. Moreover, if citizenship education in Bahrain is to be a liberal education, it has to either acknowledge all the different communities living in Bahrain, by teaching pupils about each community's culture or else it should not teach about any culture at all. Despite the fact that citizenship education in Bahrain teaches about human rights and democracy, it will not be fully learnt unless liberal principles are fully embedded in such a curriculum. Otherwise, these lessons would be recited by pupils in rote learning way to pass a written exam and all forgotten about after that. In relation to Bahrain, citizenship education aims to promote a national identity, which can be defined as a communitarian approach to citizenship despite an attempt towards liberal values in the form of teaching about Human Rights. According to Osler (2005) nationalist discourses encourage xenophobia because they make a sharp distinction between national citizens and foreigners. Many Bahrainis have strong feelings towards foreign workers and naturalised citizens and feel more entitled to the benefits of society than others because of this shared national culture they belong to. Therefore, glorifying this national identity may prove to be problematic in a country where its citizens are less than 62% of the population (CIO 2006). 4

5 Preliminary Findings Drawing on documents, literature review and preliminary findings, it is apparent that there are tensions in the citizenship education policy as well as in practice. There are real challenges in the lives of Bahraini students in schools with regard to their conceptions of citizenship, religious identity, gender identity, urban/rural identity and ethnic identity. The curriculum needs to address these issues. The citizenship education curriculum document is made of four main strands that are covered in all four cycles of the education system, these are: 1. the citizen and the political system; 2. the civilisational and cultural diversity in the Bahraini society; 3. the civilisational role of the Kingdom of Bahrain; 4. the role of the citizen in a democracy (Directorate of Curricula, 2004). The study examines the above second and fourth strand of the fourth cycle of the education system in Bahrain (Secondary Education). Each strand has one principal standard, five secondary standards and twenty four performance standards/ indicators for the fourth cycle of education (secondary stage). Although the principal standard for the second strand, the civilisational and cultural diversity of the Bahraini society, is clearly emphasising the particularity of the social, political and economic characteristics of Bahrain, there is no explicit reference to these social characteristic, not in the curriculum document or the textbook. Also, the fourth strand, the role of the citizen in a democracy, is even more controversial than the previous one because its principal standard is clearly liberal with its emphasis on democracy and human rights, yet its attainment targets are emphasising communitarian characteristics by using words such: loyalty, belonging, limitations of rights, responsibilities, and community. 5

6 From the above, these two particular strands are useful and sufficient to examine as they combine features of both liberal and communitarian principles within them. Both the above strands and the more detailed attainment targets for the second and fourth cycle highlight the importance placed on identity, community, limitations of rights and responsibilities (communitarian principles) as well as concepts such as diversity, coexistence, democracy, human rights and citizenship values as the principal strand (liberal principles). Pilot Findings In using evidence from the early data collected from the pilot. Some of the challenges in schools that the curriculum needs to resolve can be seen in examples drawn from a pilot study conducted in May Bahrainis and Non-Arabs: A girl from the pilot when asked about the rights of residents in Bahrain answered: We shouldn't make them feel like strangers but they also should have limits not to cross, you see Indians all of a sudden controlling you. I don't like that but I don't like Bahrainis who make fun of Indians and say he's just an Indian but everything has limits.. I am scared of them. Bahrainis and other Arabs: When asked about the rights of residents in her school, a girl said: There are two groups. There are Egyptians, maybe they feel hated. They hate Bahrainis. There was an Egyptian teacher who said we are here to save you, or something like, you are nothing without us We have a problem of smell [Egyptians] relations with Ajam [Persian Bahrainis] and Baharnah [Shia Bahrainis] are not good. 6

7 Bahrainis and naturalised Arabs and non-arabs: I think Indians and Asians have less and less rights because Syrians and Yemenis have the same religion and language as we do, so they have a different treatment in terms of rights. (A Bahraini girl, Shia father, Sunni mother) I think if they have received Bahraini citizenship, then their rights are the same as ours, but they should remember that, they should remember their origins. It's true that they are in Bahrain but everything has limits, we don't want them to be like Pharaohs on us. (Ajami girl, Bahraini from Persian background, i.e., not Arab) Shia, Sunni and Ajam (Persian origin) Bahrainis: When asked directly about differences between Sunni and Shia, all the girls present acknowledged that there were issues. Although there are issues between Bahrainis and others, there are more between Sunni and Shia, for example, I know Shia girls who would not talk with Sunni girls and would be staring at them, there are also Sunni girls who wouldn't walk with Shia girls. (A Bahraini girl, Shia father, Sunni mother) There's one I know, she didn't have any prejudices but now she only walks with Sunni girls. I don't know what she thought I was but she only relaxed when she found out I was Ajami [Persian Bahraini], however, we had a course together and a group started making fun of Ajam and she joined them. It still hurts my feelings. There is another girl who doesn't talk to me, I am not sure why, maybe because of my origin or maybe it's my looks, I don't know. [Persian Bahraini] From the above quotes, it is evident that there are real challenges facing pupils in secondary schools that need to be dealt with especially in citizenship education. Issues of discrimination and expressions of chauvinism amongst those pupils are clear in those quotes and evidently the curriculum did not explicitly or implicitly address these issues. Also, levels of acceptance of the other are dependent on sectarian, religious, linguistic, economic and ethnic factors. Asians are seen as the farthest from their belonging circle and other Gulf Co-operation countries' citizens as the nearest. In relation to liberal and communitarian theories of citizenship, while liberal values with its emphasis on tolerance and individual freedom, communitarians emphasise a shared identity, heritage and culture as a prerequisite of membership and acceptance. 7

8 Also, most participants define citizenship as loyalty and belonging, even though it is unclear neither in policy nor in practice loyalty and belonging to what and/or whom. However, this corresponds with the rationale given by policymakers for introducing citizenship education as a national necessity to develop a sense of loyalty and belonging (al-ghatam, al-khaja, & al-marzooq, 2002; Directorate Curricula, 2004). Yet, this sense of loyalty and belonging is not clarified in the policy as well. Neither how social cohesion or national unity can be achieved by citizenship education. Conclusion Although the new citizenship education in Bahrain was introduced in the national curriculum as a compulsory subject taught in all school grades to achieve social cohesion and national unity, it fails to do so in policy as well as in practice. This can be attributable to the normative tensions that are reflected in policy. This is transmitted in the student textbook that is used as the main if not the only source of reference in teaching in the classroom. Also, secondary pupils understandings of citizenship differ amongst them affected by their local identities and the demographics of their school population. The current citizenship education does not address any of these issues despite claiming to promote social cohesion. Moreover, teachers need to be better prepared to deal with controversial issues and conflict resolution in order to handle effectively aggressive behaviour shown in the classroom or in the school towards non-bahrainis, possible naturalised Bahrainis and Shia and Sunni Bahrainis, which must be supported by curriculum activities that are targeted to do so. 8

9 References Al-Ghatam, N., Al-Khaja, K. & Al-Marzooq, A. (28 April 2002) Future Prospects for Citizenship Education. Paper presented at the 2002 Citizenship Education Conference in Bahrain. Can be retrieved from the Directorate of Curricula in Bahrain. al-khaja, K., al-majed, O, Abdulla, M., al-madani, Z. & Dhaif, S. (2005) Citizenship Education: Political system in Kingdom of Bahrain. Bahrain: AlArabya Publishing. Arthur, J. (1999). School and Community: The Communitarian Agenda in Education. London: RoutledgeFalmer. Available: [Accessed 25 October 2006] Bahrain Constitution (2002) [online] Available: [Accessed 20 October 2006] Central Informatics Organization (2006). Bahrain Population Census. Available: [Accessed 13 October 2008] Directorate of Curricula (2004) Citizenship Education Curriculum Document. Manama: Ministry of Education (Not published). Delanty, G. (2000) Citizenship in a global age: Society, culture, politics. Buckingham: Open University Press. Directorate of Curricula (2004) Citizenship Education Curriculum Document. Manama: Ministry of Education (Not published). Osler, A. (2005) Cosmopolitan Citizenship. Berkshire: McGrawHill Education. Downloaded from 9