CHAPTER4. Support Base of Congress Party in Haryana: A Historical Perspective

Transcription

1 CHAPTER4 Support Base of Congress Party in Haryana: A Historical Perspective

2 Chapter- IV Support Base of the Congress Party in Earyana: A Eistorical Perspective In India, like all other democratic political systems, political parties must seek support from the people through periodic elections and their influence and effectiveness are determined in large part by the verdict at the polls. Elections are, thus, an index of the relative political standing of various parties. They both reflect and shape the trend of events and focus on underlying social and political order. Among other things they throw a light on the nature of the party system and of the changes that are taking place in the system. 1 The Congress party has had a relatively more heterogeneous and differentiated social, economic and demographic support base. The support of the Congress party has come from nearly all regions and all social and occupational groups, with overall support from the young, the highly educated, the urban voters, the upper caste and higher income groups from the other sectors of the society? To know the popularity mass support of the Congress party in this region, the chapter has been divided into three phases as given below: 1. The first phase deals with the support base of the party in the pre-independence era from 1885 to The second phase relates with the support base of the Congress party after the independence and before the formation of the Haryana state i.e. from 1947 to Norman D. Palmer, Elections and Political Development, New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House Pvt. Ltd., 1975, p Ibid., pp

3 3. The third phase relates with the support base of the party afte~ the formation of Haryana state and before the 1977, which is\ the era of acceleration of the Congress decline. The First Phase ( ): The weakest hold of the Indian National Congress in the colonial period was in the province of Punjab. The strength and domination of the National Unionist Party and the limited support and response offered to the various nationalist movements highlight the weakness of the congress especially in its southest region. Now known, after being carved out as a separate state on the November 1, 1966, as Haryana. 3 The Congress hardly showed enthusiatic beginnings in this region in 1885, having been confined to barely a handful attending the annual sessions of the Indian National Congress. An analysis of the background of these delegates shows them to be urban, educated and belonging to the professional families. Caste-wise they were mostly Banias or Brahmins. 4 ~ The Congress between 1895 to 1899 of this phase was marked by weak representation in the sessions of the Congress. It was the period when northern India was affected by severe famines and Congress leaders along with Lala Lajpat Rai were involved in the famine relief work as also in securing Hindu orphans from Christian missionaries. Even after 1899, the Congress movement in this region remained weak till This was attributed to the fact that Lala Lajpat Rai had become apathetic to the Congress under influence from his Arya J, Samajist friends who considered the Congress not" only useless but also detrimental to the interests of the country. Though Lala Lajpat Rai did not share these feelings, yet during this period his first loyalty was the Arya Samaj. 5 3 Prem Choudhary, Social Support Base and Electoral Politics: The Congress in Southest Punjab, Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 25, No.4, Oct. 1991, p Ibid, p V.C.Joshi (ed.), La/a Lajpat Rai: Writings and Speeches, Vol. I, Delhi: University Publishers: 1966, pp. XXI-XXII.

4 68 Actually, Lala Lajpat Rai's indifference to the Congress was owing to his dislike for the holiday aspect of its annual meetings which he called the annual national festival of educated Indians and absence of serious efforts at constructive activity. It could not touch the basic questions of ignorance and poverty. 6 Even Lala Duni Chand a veteran Congressman from Ambala, also had the similar view. To him, the Congress during the period was just a gathering of holiday makers out for intellectual entertainment. 7 Moreover, since the Congress did not join hands with Hindus in their protest against Punjab Land Alienation Bill, their sympathies with the Congress became lukewarm. 8 The Swadeshi Movement gave a new life to the Congress in Haryana. Its success was proved by the interest taken by the people in the Punjab Provincial Conference held at Ambala in October The Conference was attended by people from different parts of the Punjab and Haryana. A number of resolutions were passed in this Conference. Some of the significant ones were: Establishment of Congress branches in every district, setting up of Congress committees to remove the problems like excesses, forced labour, stress on Hindu Muslim Unity etc. 9 However, nothing significant happened till the breakout of the World War I in 1914 except occasional participation by a few Haryana leaders in the annual sessions of the Indian National Congress. During this period, the Congress leaders in Haryana helped the British Government in other ways also such as in the collection of war fund and war loans. 10 The Khilafat agitation in effect marked the beginning of a new era of the role of the Congress party in Haryana. ;It gave Gandhi an opportunity to unite Hindus and Muslims. 11 On August 1, 1920, Gandhi warned Lord Chelmsford about his launching of the Non-Cooperation campaign and as a protest he 6 V.C. Joshi (ed.), op. cit. 7 Azim Hussain, Fazal-i-Hussain, A Political Biography, Bombay: Longmans Green Co. Ltd., p Ibid. 9 Chander Prakash, op. cit., p K.C.Yadav, Haryana Ka Itihas ( ), New Delhi: Macmillan Indian Ltd, 1981, p C.P.C. Bamford, History of the Non-Cooperation and Khilafat Movement, Delhi: Deep Publications, 1974, p. 143.

5 69 surrendered the decoration and titles of the Kaiser-i-Hand, the Zulu war medal and Boer War Medal. 12 The Arya Samaj, politically the most conscious section of the Hindus in Haryana, helped the movement with its leaders and volunteers. 13 People like Chhotu Ram and Lal Chand, who later formed main pillars of the National Unionist Party, were not only Arya Samajists but also most enthusiatic supporters of the Congress. For example Chhotu Ram was the first President of the Rohtak District Congress Committee and also the Secretary of the District War Committee. 14 Under the Presidentship of Rambhaj Datt, a prominent Congress leader of Lahore, the Rohtak District Conference was held at Rohtak on November 6-8, 1920 to pass a Non-Cooperation Resolution. 15 Besides, many local leaders, Lala Lajpat Rai and Swami Satya Dev also attended it. When the Non-Cooperation Resolution was placed before the conference, Chhotu Ram, a prominent Jat leader of Rohtak and his followers opposed it. 16 Chhotu Ram was lost by the Congress consequently, the Congress Movement suffered a setback in Haryana. Thousands of Jat, followers of Chhotu Ram, who earlier had joined the movement because of him, left it. Now only few Jats who were opposed to Chhotu Ram remained in the Congress. 17 The programme of Non-Cooperation became popular in the cities and towns of Haryana. The urban middle class took the leadership of the movement and Brahmins and Banias were their active followers. The triple boycott programme was successfully implemented in almost every town of Haryana. A large number of students left schools and colleges D.G. Tendulkar, Mahatma, Vol. II, Delhi: Times oflndia Press, 1951, p. I. 13 S.L. Malhotra, Gandlli and Punjab. Chandigarh: Punjab University Publications, \970, pp :: 14 Tribune, Lahore, 10 June 1945, p Shri Ram Sharma, Congress Ki Tehreek, Rohtak: Haryana Seva Ashram, pp , and The Tribune, November 5, Chander Prakash, op. cit., p. 26, The Tribune, November 13, Shri Ram Sharma, Congress Ka Itihas, Rohtak: Haryana Seva Aashram, 1974, p Ibid, pp

6 70 The All India Congress Committee at its meeting held at Bombay on July 18, 1921 passed a resolution discarding the use of foreign cloth henceforth and advised all Congress organization 'to collect foreign cloth to be burnt. 19 Bonfires of the foreign cloth were also made at Hissar 20, Rohtak 21 and Bhiwane 2 in Haryana. The formation of the Swarajist Party, which was formed on January 1, 1923 with C.R. Das as its President and Moti Lal Nehru as its Secretaty, 23 gave a new turn to the politics of the country as well as this region. A branch of the party was established in the Punjab on April 9, With the efforts of the prominent leaders like Duni Chand (Ambala), Ganpat Rai (Kamal), Roop Narain (Gurgaon), Shri Ram Sharma (Rohtak) and Lal Satyagrahi (Hisar), 24 the Swaraj group was more effective in the Haryana region. To popularize Swarajists ideals, Shri Ram Sharma started a Hindu weekly called 'Haryana Tilak' on March 18, 1923 from Rohtak and Shambhu Chopra an Urdu paper 'Swarajya' on May 24, The Congress leaders in Haryana took advantage of the newly generated tempo. The attempts were made to activate the Congress workers and educate the masses. To began with, the Congressmen called a Punjab Provincial Political Conference at Rohtak 26 on March 8-9, 1920 under the Presidentship of Satya Pal, a progressive nationalist and a good organizer. Moti Lal Nehru and Jawahat Lal Nehru also attended the conference. Many resolutions of vital importance were passed, touching national issues like Nehru Report as well as local problems such as remission of land revenue owing to the failure of crops, the boycott of foreign cloth and picketing of liquor shops M.M. Juneja, 'Haryana and Swades/li Movement' in Proceedings of Punjab History Conference, Patiala, 1976, pp The Tribune, August 5, Ibid, August 6, Ibid. 23 D.G. Tendulkar, op. cit., p Jagdish Chander, Freedom Struggle in Haryana, Unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Kurukshetra: Kurukshetra University, p Shri Ram Sharma, Haryana Ka ltihas, Rohtak: Haryana Seva Aashram, 1974, p The Tribune, March I 0, 1929, Haryana Tilak, March, 17, The Tribune, March 13, 1929.

7 71 After this Conference, a Peasants' and Workers' Conference was held on March at the same place under the Presidentship of Arjun Lal Sethi. It was attended by Jawahar Lal Nehru, Sohan Singh Josh, Duni Chand, Smt. Parwati Devi, Neki Ram Sharma and Baldev Singh? 9 They were asked to establish Peasants' and Worke~s' Societies in all villages and towns ofharyana. 30 To stimulate and strengthen the Congress Movement, the Congress Working Committee met at Sabarmati from February 14-16, 1930 and authorized Gandhi to start the Civil Disobedience Movement. Gandhi decided to start this movement by the manufacture of salt at Dandi. 31 So the instructions were sent to the District Congress Committees to hold meetings on the commencement of the Dandi March. 32 In response to it, the public meetings were held all over the Haryana. The Salt Law was violated by preparing salt at Hissar, Bhiwani, Ambala, Rohtak and Panipat. 33 Apart from violating Salt Law, picketing of liquor shops was so effectively undertaken by Congress volunteers in Haryana that Municipal Committees had to intervene and request the Congress committees to call off the picketing of liquor shops on understandilfg that the Municipal Committees would take steps under the local option Act, to close down some shops. 34 At some places, liquor vendors were socially boycotted. Educational institutions were also boycotted. The boycott of foreign cloth was also a part of the Civil Disobedience Movement. Foreign Cloth Boycott Day was fixed on March 17, all over Haryana. The prominent leaders like Madan Mohan Malviya, Gopi Chand Bhargava, Neki Ram Sharma, Abdul Ghaffar Khan and Suraj Bhan toured the districts of Haryana and exhorted the people to boycott foreign cloth. The trader$ of Rohtak, 28 The Tribune, op. cit., Shri Ram Sharma, Congress Ki Tehreek, op. cit., pp The Tribune, March 12, :: 30 Ibid, March 13, Chander Prakash, op. cit., pp D.G. Tendulkar, op. cit., Vol. III, pp Shri Ram Sharma, Haryana Ka Itihas, op. cit., p. 94; Congress Ki Tehreek, op. cit., p. 50, Chander Prakash, op. cit., p The Tribune, August 12, 1930.

8 72 Bhiwani and Ambala undertook not to import foreign clothes. 35 This shows that the Congress Movement in Haryana was fairly wide-spread. The movement was suspended as a result of Gandhi-Irwin Pact in March Even during the suspension of the movement, the Congress leaders in Haryana continued their peaceful activities which were not relished by the British Government. In the early electoral politics, the Congress was confined primarily to the urban areas. Two urban seats of this region were taken by the Congress in the nearly all the triennial elections fought under the 1919 reforms. So far as the election of 1931 was concerned the Congress was successful in wooing the rural voters of Kamal and Hissar districts due to the leaders of Unionist Party and the Hindu Sabha respectively. The Congress was not without support in the rural areas. It would also be incorrect to say that the Congress could not be commanded by the Unionists, drawn primarily from the military personnel, the richer stratum of landowners, the official and non-official revenue agencies, as well as some other government officials. 36 However, it has to be admitted that it was never substantial. For example, there is enough evidence to suggest the several branches over the years had been effected in the loyality of the Unionists' traditional supporters found among the military personnel. During the first world war confidential information reaching the British administrators showed that the Congress propaganda during the Non-cooperation and Khilafat movement had indeed affected the personnel of certain regiments primarily drawn from this region. 37 The real Social Base of the Congress in this region could be found among the lower economic category of agriculturists. They could not remain uninfluenced by the Congress propaganda. Moreover, over the years the increase in their numbers and somewhat widening of the social base cannot be denied. 35 The Tribune, August 8, 1930; June 18, 1930; April 13, 1930; Shri Ram Sharma, Haryana Ka ltihas, op. cit., p Prem Choudhary, The Triumph of the Congress in Southeast Punjab: Elections of 1946, in D.N. Panigrahi (ed.), Economy, Society and Politics in Modern India, Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1985, pp C.P.C. Bamford, op. cit., p. 34.

9 73 During the Civil Disobedience Movement of , the Congress drew its volunteers mainly from among the Jats, Brahmins, Banias and Chamars, among them the Jat volunteers were the most numerous. And even though Unionist Party was labelled as the Jat-Party in this region, with the single large t caste of Jats being estensibly its stronger supporters, the lower class Jats we Congress supporters. 38 The Congress had been paying special attention to the untouchables and agricultural labourers in this region right from the 1920s. However, the leadership of the Congress continued to remain confined to 'Lalas' and 'Banias.'. Despite a very large following among the Jats, no Jat occupied any respectable position in the Congress organization. 39 Consequently, in this region the Congress continued to be popularly associated with overwhelmingly urban middle class and merchant groups, while its other followers drawn from different economic categories remained blanketed. 40 The total rout of the Congress i~ the rural areas and the success of the Unionist Party due to the latter's phenomenal hold over its limited electorate in 1937 elections (see table 4.1). Under the Government oflndia Act 1935, Ambala Division had been allotted twenty two seats; eleven general rural, two general urban, three reserved and six Muslim rural. The Congress could annex only one rural seat that of Ambala and Shimla. The Congress had fielded only seven candidates: four from general rural, two from general urban and one from Muslim rural constituencies. The Congress was noticeably unsuccessful in the rural constituencies of this region. So complete was the hold of the unionists on the rural seats. The Congress was also unsuccessful in the Muslim rural constituencies. The sole Congress candidate, Abdul Ghaffar Khan forfeited his security in the constituency of Ambala and Shimla. The six Muslim constituencies were won by the Unionists. 38 Jat Gazette, 6 June 1937, p fat Gazette, 6 June 1937, p. 7; 27 Oct. 1937, pp Prem Choudhary, Social Support Base and Electoral Politics: The Congress in Colonial Southeast Punjab, Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 25, No. 4, Oct. 1991, p. 818.

10 74 Table Election: Results of the General Rural Constituencies of Ambala Divisions Constituency Total Votes Votes polled to Congress Votes polled to Unionists Polled Votes 0 /o Votes % 1. Hissar 20,401 7, , South 2. Hansi 14, , Hissar 18, , North 4. Rohtak 26, , North 5. Rohtak 22,550 11, , Central 6. Jhajjar 20,074 4, , Gurgaon 19, , Northwest 8. Gurgaon 21, , Southeast 9. Kamal 21, South 10. Kamal 18, , North 11. Ambala 24,996 13, , & Shimla Source: Parliamentary Papers: Return showing the results of Elections in India, 1937: Tribune 4 February to 12 February 1937 and 19 February to 23 February 1946 and Times of India, 13 March 1946, p. 8; Cited from Prem Chaudhary, Social Support Base and Electoral Politics: The Congress in Colonial Southeast Punjab, Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 25, No. 4, Oct. 1991, p. 82I. The result of the 1946 elections (see table 4.2) shows a complete reversal of the political fortunes of the Congress and the electoral patterns that had emerged till then. In this election, the Congress Party in Haryana for the first time had an upper hand by winning 11 out of 21 seats. It was due to the improved

11 75 image of the party. Moreover, the Unionist Party, its strong rival, had lost its leaders like Sikander Hayat Khan and Chhotu Ram. 41 The 1946 elections were a triumphant victory for the Congress in General Hindu rural constituencies ofthis region and of the Muslim league in the Muslim constituencies. Out of a total polled votes of 236,067, the Congress secured 123,070 or 52.13% votes. The Unionists percentage of popular vote went down to 32.72% from 54.47% in The Congress by winning nine out of a total of eleven rural seats made a clean sweep of the Unionist Hindu rural vote. Table Elections: Results of the General Rural Constituencies of Ambala Division Constituency Total Votes Votes polled.to Congress Votes polled to Unionists Polled Votes 0 /o Votes 0 /o 1. Hissar 16,064 10, , South 2. Hansi 13,008 5, , Hissar 13,928 7, , North 4. Rohtak 26,422 14, , North 5. Rohtak 18,215 9, , Central 6. Jhajjar 18,798 11, , Gurgaon 17,729 8, , Northwest 8. Gurgaon 22,525 10, , Southwest 9. Kamal 22,233 10, , South 10. Kamal 31,568 13,23.: , North 11. Ambala 35,577 20, , & Shimla 41 Chander Parkash, op. cit., p. 107.

12 76 Source: Parliamentary Papers: Return showing the results of Elections in India, 1937: Tribune 4 February to 12 February 1937 and 19 February to 23 February 1946 and Times of India, 13 March 1946, p. 8. Cited from Prem Chaudhary, Social Support Base and Electoral Politics: The Congress in Colonial Southeast Punjab, Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 25, No. 4, Oct , p Many factors were responsible behind this victory of the Congress. Prem Choudhary in his article pointed out that the Congress derived its support not merely from the urban middle class, mercantile groups, but from the small zamindars, tenants, agricultural labourers etc. as also from its so called traditional non-supporters, i.e. military personnel, the revenue service personnel and the surplus producing landowners. The support base among the. former hardly counted due to the high franchise system and among the latter this support was never substantially large enough in members to tilt the electoral balance in favour of the Congress. Even among the major caste groups, Congress was not the ' exclusive domain of the Brahmins and the Banias only, it also drew its strength from the agriculturist castes like the Jats, especially the lower classes among them. Also, the Congress' hold on the untouchables was almost total. The Congress was an association of sahukars and shopkeepers and anti-agriculturists. Yet despite this popular perception and its limited social base the Congress won in the 1946 elections. 42 Prior to independence, Congress' influence was confined mainly to urban areas while rural areas were under the influence of the multi-communal Unionist Party. 43 However, due to fission in the Unionist Party and the increasing communalism in Punjabi politics, the Unionist Party's influence dwindled very sharply as independence approached. As a consequence, in the 1946 elections held on the eve of the transfer of power, the Congress was able to extend its support base into rural areas. 42 Prem Choudhary, op. cit, p Jagdish Chandra, Freedom Struggle in Haryana: , Kurukshetra: Vishal Publications; 1982, pp

13 77 According to Ranbir Singh, in the pre-independence period, the Urban Hindus constituently supported the Congress. Before independence, the Congress had virtually no support base among the rural or urban Muslims and Sikhs. 44 Chander Parkash also points out that the main reason for the poor show of the Congress was that it did not have mass support in rural areas. Congress movement did have impact in the rural areas but that could not be mobilized and organized to make a mass base for a political party. 45 Apart from this, the Congress did not take up the rural issues and failed to involve itself in solving those problems which related to the rural people. That is why it could not win the sympathy and support of the rural people. It concentrated itself to the problems of urban people whose interest clashed with the interest of the land properties and agriculturist rural people. 46 I There was something strange that the Congress leadership was limited to Brahmins and Banias. There was no prominent Jat leader on its side. So clear cut a division in the leadership had impact on the voters also. The role of caste in elections in this region cannot be ignored. The Congress could not enlist the support of Jat community in electoral battles. However, the extent to which this factor influenced the election outcome, cannot be precisely known, its role was unmistakable. 47 The Second Phase ( ): Second phase discusses the support base of the Congress party after the independence and before the formation of Haryana state i.e. from 1947 to In the post-independence era the Congress system was continuously characterized by an extensive network of patronage system whose tentacles reached deep into the countryside. According to Weiner, the Congress system was based on three attributes: (1) Party organization, (2) Party's adaptive quality, and (3) monopoly 44 Ranbir Singh, 'Changing Social Bases of Congress' Political Support in Haryana in Diversity and Dominance in Indian Politics, Vol. I, 'Changes Bases of Congress Support', ed. by Richard Sission and Ramashray Roy, New Delhi: Sage Publications, 1990, p Chander Prakash, op. cit., p lbid,p.3i5. 47 Ibid, p. 316.

14 78 over patronage resources. 48 These attributes of Congress were possible because of the sheer charisma and National standing of Jawahar Lal Nehru. The Congress system was artificially propped up by Nehru's personality. The importance of Nehru in sustaining the Congress system cannot be under estimated. Without Nehru, Congress would not have been able to dominate Indian politics as it did until the mid-1960s. Nehru gave Congress a true national character. 49 After the independence of India, electoral politics was synonymous with the so called 'Congress-System'. According to Kothari, the Indian party system can be characterized as a one party dominant system and not a party system. 50 Congress is the party of consensus that provides the overaching umbrella under which the various parties of pressure co-exist. Before India's independence, Congress was a nationalist movement that cut across various religious, ethnic and political factions. With independence, this factional network that came together for the purpose of gaining independence within Congress was transformed and internalized into the Congress Party. At the time of independence, there existed various political parties other than Congress but none had the reputation and the extensive network of Congress. Independence, in assence, gave Congress a Philip that other parties were not in a position to receive. 5 1 The First General Election held in free India in 1952, marked the beginning of second phase. The members who were elected members of the Punjab Legislative Council in 1946 continued after independence till In this election the Congress contested 59 seats out of 61 seats in Haryana region which then consisted of the districts of Ambala, Kamal, Jind, Rohtak, Gurgaon, Mahendergarh and Hissar. It won 51 seats securing 40.1 percent of total votes. Jan Sangh, the newly formed party contested 25 seats but could win only 2 seats 48 Myron Weiner, Party Building in a New Nation, Chicago: University of Chicago Press: Chicago, Yoosuk Kim, Indian Electoral Politics and Tile Rise of tile Bllartiya Janata Party (BJP), the Florida State University, 2006, p Rajni Kothari, The Congress System in India, Asian Survey, December 1964, p Yoosuk Kim, op. cit., p. 15.

15 79 (See table 4.3). The Zamindara Party 52 was the strongest party in this region in the pre-independence era. Though this time it got 16.8 percent votes. Kisan Majdoor Praja Party contested for one seat and won the same. Akali Dal also contested two seats and won one seat. 27 candidates of Socialist Party were in the field and even though none of its candidate could win a seat. Communist Party of India and the depressed classes league each contested for only one seat. The candidate of each party lost its security deposits. The Independents won rest of four seats by securing 29.6 percentage of votes. Table 4.3 Party-wise Performance in Haryana Region - Assembly Elections 1951 Punjab Legislative Name of the Party Seats Contested Seats Won % of Votes Polled INC ZP JS 25 2 "' 6.7 SOP AD KP KMPP DCL CPI IND Source : Cited from Chander Parkash, Congress party in Haryana ( ): Organization, Ideology and Election Performance, Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, Rohtak: MD. University, 1983, p The Unionist Party of the pre-independence era was replaced by the Zamindara Party in this region.

16 80 The Second General Election was held in At this time the election was distinct in many ways from the previous election. It was marked by a clear decrease in the number of seats, the contesting candidates, the independents, the number of political parties and the number of those who lost deposits. The Congress could win only 39 seats (70.9%) by securing 45.9% votes in comparison to 51 seats (83.6%) by securing 40% votes in earlier election. This showed an improvement in securing votes but decrease in winning seats. This time the Jan Sangh doubled its strength by winning four seats (7.3%) by securing 12% votes in comparison to 2 seats for 6. 7% votes. C.P.I. also made its entry for the first time in the Punjab Legislative Assembly by winning two seats. It secured 6.7% votes. (See table 4.4). Table 4.4 Party-wise Performance in Haryana Region Punjab Legislative Assembly Elections Name of the Party Seats Contested Seats Won % of Votes Polled INC JS CPI SCF PSP IND Source : Cited from Chander Parkash, Congress party in Haryana ( ): Organization, Ideology and Election Performance, Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, Rohtak: MD. University, 1983, p Another new entrant Scheduled Caste Federation won 4 seats. However, it secured only 5.3% votes. Another political party, Praja Socialist Party, that entered the election arena for the first time contested 9 seats but could not secure even a single seat. It secured 1.8% votes. The independent candidates fared better. Though there were 102 candidates and they secured 6 seats (10.9%) in comparison to 4 seats (7.3%) in earlier election by securing 28.3% votes.

17 81 The Third General Election was held in This time apart from the Congress, Jan Sangh, CPI, Akali Dal, Socialist and Praja Socialist Party which had been in the field in the earlier election, Haryana Lok Samiti, Swatantra and Republican Party of India entered the arena for the first time in the Assembly Election. But so far as the victory was concerned, only the Congress, Jan Sangh, Socialist Party, Haryana Lok Samity and Swantantra could make a mark. The independents succeeded in capturing 9 seats. This indicated a significant increase in comparison to the earlier general election of 1952 and 1957, when they had captured only 4 and 6 seats respectively. However, there was a definite downfall in so far as the securing of votes was concerned. They secured only 25.1% votes whereas in 1952 and 1957 they secured 28.8% and 28.3% votes respectively. So far as the performance of political parties was concerned, the Congress party was the most successful party. It won 31 seats out of 54 seats (57.4%) by securing 40.4% votes. However, it showed the downward trend in the performance of the Congress Party in this region, whereas in 1952 and 1957 elections, it had won 51 (83.6%) and 39 (70.9%) seats re,spectively by securing 40.1% and 45.9% votes respectively (See Table 4.5). Table 4.5 Party-wise Performance in Haryana Region - Assembly Elections 1962 Punjab Legislative Name of the Party Seats Contested Seats Won % of Votes Polled INC JS SWA HLS ~ '- SP OPI

18 82 PSP RPI AD HF RRP IND Source : Cited from Chander Parkash, Congress party in Haryana ( ): Organization, Ideology and Election Performance, Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, Rohtak: MD. University, 1983, p The new entrants - Haryana Lok Smiti, Swatantra and Republican Party of India contested 8, 20 and 9 seats and secured 5.2%, 6. 7% and 1.1% votes respectively. So far as the winning of seats was concerned, Haryana Lok Samiti and Swantara Party won three seats each. Other successful parties were Jan Sangh and Socialist which contested 34 and 7 seats respectively and won 4 seats each. Though Akali Dal, C.P.I. and Praja Socialist Party put 1, 12 and 5 candidates respectively but none of them could succeed. Though they got 0.4%, 2.5% and 1.1% votes respectively. The elections of post-independence era were characterized with a significant change because for the first time in the first General Election held in 1952, the adult suffrage was introduced. This led to radical changes and it gave the common masses the power to elect their rulers. The introduction of joint electorate system left not much scope for communal parties. That is why now almost every political party had to accept the secularism at least in theory not in practice. The secular character of the Congress party and the vagueness in its

19 ideology helped the party in broadening its base and support structure which \ further facilitated the Congress victory. 53 According to Ranbir Singh, the extension in the support base of the Congress in the post-independence period was the result of a package of policies it adopted involving selective, but in most cases substantial, concessions to various segments of the population. These concessions may or may not have brought about significant improvement in the economic status of these segments taken as a whole, but they constituted a powerful inducement to the elite elements in each segment to influence the political activity of the segment to which they belonged. Reservation in jobs, educational institutions and seats in the Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha in the case of Scheduled Castes, the benefit of conferring the status of 'backward-classes' in the case of backward castes, and the expansion of irrigation and co-operative credit facilities in the case of the agriculturist castes were sufficient inducements for the political atmosphere favourable to the Congress. Developmental plans under the Five Years Plans launched by the Congress Government and the expansion of employment o.pportunities increased the catchment area among various urban as well as rural groups became translated into political support. 54 The Third Phase ( ) The third phase began after the formation of Haryana on November 1, The first election of the Haryana Legislative Assembly was held in In this election, the Indian National Congress won 48 seats by securing 41.33% votes. It was followed by the Bhartiya Jan Sangh that won 12 seats by securing 14.39% votes. The other successful political parties in descending order were Swatantra Party and Republic Party of India. They secured 3 seats by securing 3.18% of votes and 2 seats by securing 2.90% of votes. However, CPI, CPM PSP and SSP and other parties in electiop. arena could not win any seat. (See Table 4.6). 53 Chander Parkash, op. cit., pp Ranbir Singh, op. cit., pp

20 84 Table 4.6 Performance of Political Parties: 1967 Haryana Assembly Elections Party Seats Votes Polled Vote 0 /o in Seats contested Contested Won Votes % 1. BJS % 24.58% 2. CPI & 6.02% 3.CPM % 5.57% 4. INC % 41.33% 5.PSP % 5.59% 6. RPI % 9.74% 7.SSP % 13.02% 8.SWA % 21.59% 9.IND % 34.22% Source: Compiled from Election Commission data for 1967 Haryana Legislative Assembly Elections at In these elections the Congress was able to extend, to a small extent, the support base that it had captured in the post-independence period in different segments and groups. According to Sinha, the Congress failed to get Punjabi and Jat votes in 1967 elections and got the support from the Chamars among the scheduled castes

21 85 but failed to got the support of Balmikis and Khaniks in those reserved constituencies where the Congress had put up Chamar candidates. 55 Rai points out that the support for the party declined in a section of urban voters, a segment composed largely of Punjabi Hindus, who were opposed to the demand of Haryana Prant. The shrinking support of the Congress in this particular group, however, was almost entirely offset by the gains of the agriculturist caste group in the rural area who had raised the demand for Haryana Prant. 56 Ranbir Singh argues that the support base created by the Congress in the earlier decades amongst the Sikhs, Backward Castes and the Scheduled Caste groups does not on the whole display the same complexities and divergences as the agriculturist castes, internal contradictions, nevertheless were not entirely absent. The support from the social formation was a function of the allocation of party tickets for the reserved constituencies to men from particular castes. 57 The next year i.e. in 1968 the mid-tenn election for Haryana Legislative Assembly was held. Though the Congt:ess party maintained its position by winning 48 seats, Bhartiya Jan Sangh had to suffer a setback. It could win only 7 seats whereas it has won 12 seats in the previous election. The newly formed VHP got 16 seats in this election. The other successful political parties BKD, RPI and Swatantra Party won 1, 1 and 2 seats respectively. The independents got a setback because this time they could win only 5 seats as against 16 seats in the previous election. Out of the basis of percentage of voters the popul~ity of the parties in descending order was- Congress (43.83%), VHP (14.86%), Bhartiya Jan Sangh (10.45%), Swatantra Party (8.18%), BKD (1.90%), RPI (1.60%), Akali Dal (1.59%), SSP (0.94%), CPI (0.32%) and PSP (0.07%). However, the 55 B.B. Sinha, The Fourth General Election in Haryana, Political Science Review, 6(3&4) and 7(1&2), , p Satya M. Rai, Partition of Punjab, Bombay: Asia Publishing House, 1965, pp Ranbir Singh, op. cit., p. 299.

22 86 Independents secured 17.11% votes but as many as 129 independent candidates lost their deposits. (See the Table 4.7). Table 4.7 Performance of Political Parties: 1968 Haryana Assembly Elections Party Seats Votes Polled Vote 0 /o in Seats contested Contested Won Votes 0 /o 1. BJS % 19.69% 2. CPI % 8.56% 3.CPM % 11.13% 4. INC % 43.83% 5. PSP % 2.58% 6.SSP % 11.72% 7.SWA % 22.09% 8.ADS % 37.26% 9. RPI % 7.13% 10. VHP % 31.18% 11. BKD % 16.25% 12. IND % 19.70% Source: Compiled from Election Commission data for 1968 Haryana Legislative Assembly Elections at www. eci. nic. in. A segment wise analysis of Congress support shows that the gains were evenly distributed in the urban and rural areas. As the traders and professional middle class groups had been adversely affected by the policies adopted by the

23 87 coalition government for the appeasement of the rural agriculturist caste groups, a small section of the non-agriculturist high caste groups and Punjabi Hindus shifted support from the Jan Sangh to the Congress. 58 According to Siwach, the Congress lost Ahir support in 1968 mid-term elections. However, it was able to make a dent in the support base of the Jan Sangh because the latter was discredited as it had supported Rao' s government. 59 With respect to the support base of the Congress in terms of religious satisfaction, there was a marginal increase in its support among Muslims who have mostly tended to support the Congress. Factional rivalries did, however, reduce support to some extent, as one of the leading Muslim leaders of the Mewat area, Tayyab Hussain, left the Congress to join the pro-haryana VHP of Rao Birendra Singh. 60 Next time in 1972 Haryana went to poll under the Chief Ministership of Bansi Lal who gave Haryana stability of the government. This election was significant in a number of ways. Firstly, Congress this time improved its position. It won 52 seats by securing 46.91% votes. Secondly, the Congress (0), the party formed after the split in 1969, succeeded in winning 12 seats by securing 10.80% votes. Thirdly, the Jan Sangh and VHP got set back and could win only 2 and 3 seats by securing 6.55% and 6.94% votes respectively. Other successful party was Akhil Bhartiya Arya Sabha (BAS) which captured only 1 seat and got 2.21% votes. However, the position of independents improved as they won 11 seats and secured 23.57% votes (see Table 4.8). 58 Ranbir Singh, op. cit, p J.R. Siwach, Mid-term Poll in Haryana, Political Science Review, 9, 1970, pp , (pp ). 60 Ranbir Singh, op. cit.

24 88 Table 4.8 Performance of Political Parties : 1972 Haryana Assembly Elections Party Seats Votes Polled Vote% in Seats contested Contested Won Votes % 1. BJS % 28.75% 2. CPI % 17.12% 3.CPM % 7.07% 4.INC % 46.91% 5.NCO % 36.36% 6. SOP % 2.11% 7.BAS % 35.09% 8.BKD % 3.27% 9. RPI % 4.26% 10. VHP % 38.17% 11. HMS % 0.94% 12. RPK % 3.09% 13. sue % 5.36% 14. IND % 26.41% Source: Compiled from Election Commission data for I 972 Haryana Legislative Assembly Elections at In the 1972 elections the Congress and the Independents improved their position by securing more seats and higher percentage of votes as compared to the mid-term poll. The Congress won 52 seats and polled 46.9% votes as against 48 seats won the mid-term poll with 43.8% ofvotes. 6 ' 61 S.S. Chahar, Dynamics of Electoral Politics in Haryana, Vol. I, New Delhi: Sanjay Prakashan, 2004, pp

25 89 The Congress won more seats and a higher percentage of votes in each of the seven districts than any other political party. The margin by which the Congress candidates defeated the opposition candidates was higher than that with which the opposition had been able to defeat the Congress in some of the constituencies. The Congress made gains both in terms of seats and percentage of votes in Hissar, Ambala, Gurgaon and Mahendergarh districts where the impact of economic development was clearly perceptible, but it suffered reduction in seats as well as in percentage of votes in Jind and Rohtak districts. 62 The support base of the Congress Party was determined by the caste and religious background of Congress candidates. Ahirs and Brahmins voted against the party due to the opposition of Ahir leader, Rao Birender Singh and Brahmin leader, Bhagwat Dayal Sharma. However, the Brahmins of Kamal voted for the Brahmin candidate of the ruling party. The party was able to attract a segment of Jat and Punjabi votes due to the caste background of its candidates. The only exception was Hissar where a substantial number of Jats voted for a Bishnoi of the Congress Party because of the support lent to him by. Chief Minister Bansi La1.63 The increase in the support for the Congress was registered in both urban and rural areas. A higher than average increase in support came from the articulate sections of the middle classes, from the non-agriculturist high castes and the Punjabi Hindus. The urban poor were enthusiased by the slogan of 'Garibi Hatao'. They extended strong support to the Congress on this account. 64 The gains of the Congress were poor in the reserved constituencies as compared to the general constituencies. Though the Congress returned to power with a comfortable majority, its performance was not to spectacular as in most other states where the success of the Congress exceeded the party's own expectations. The consideration of caste and sub-caste, Punjabi Vs Local, agriculturist V s non-agriculturist played an important role in the elections. 62 S.S. Chahar, op.cit., pp J,R. Siwach, Haryana: Social Dynamics and Politics of Defection, in Iqbal Narain (ed.), State Politics in India, Meerut: Meenakshi Prakashan, 1976, pp Ranbir Singh, op. cit., p. 301.

26 90 However, the victory of India in Pakistan War and development plans provided by Bansi Lal contributed a lot in the Congress success in the election. On the whole, the anti-congress parties failed to present to the electorate a credible alternative. 65 The most crucial election for the Congress party in Haryana was held in June In this election, the Congress had to face a miserable defeat. It could win only 3 seats. However, it secured 17.15% votes. As many as 38 candidates of this party lost their deposits, the newly formed Janata Party won 75 seats by securing 46.70% votes. Three of its candidates lost their deposits. The only other successful party was the VHP which won 5 seats by securing 5.96% votes and 19 of its candidate lost deposits. So far the independents were concerned, they got 7 seats and secured 29.03% votes (see Table 4.9). Table 4.9 Performance of Political Parties: 1977 Haryana Assembly Elections Party Seats Votes Polled Vote% in Seats contested Contested Won Votes 0 /o 1. CPI % 5.06% 2.CPM % 14.47% 3. INC % 18.69% 4.JNP % 46.70% 5. VHP % 16.89% 6. RPI % 1.19% 7.RPK % 2.61% 8.SUC % 1.27% 9. IND % 29.03% Source: Compiledfrom Election Commission datafor 1977 Haryana Legislative Assembly Elections at www. eci. nic. in. 65 S.S. Chahar, op. cit., p. 224.

27 91 In this election, the Congress party suffered a virtual rout. In the Lok Sabha elections it could not win any seat, whereas in the Assembly election it won only three seats out of 90. The poorest performance of the Congress party in this election was due to the respective policies pursued by the then Congress regime during the emergency. 66 During the Assembly Elections, there still persisted a lurking fear of the re-emergence of the old caucus headed by Bansi Lal. It was out of this fear that the people voted against the Congress party. The development programmes were not widely dispersed over the entire segment of the population. In short, the Congress leadership in Haryana had lost touch with the grass root base of politics. 67 Even the factional fights with in the Janata Party did not help the Congress. The urban and rural poor, particularly the scheduled castes and backward castes who had moved away from the Congress, in this election, eroded the support base of the party. 68 The 1977 Lok Sabha Elections witnessed a significant and exceptional turn in the support base of the Congress Party in Haryana. Its support base had been seriously eroded expect in Bhiwani Lok Sabha constituency where the local influence of its candidate, Bansi lal, partially countered this dominant adverse trend. This steep decline was due more to national factors; local factors only served to aggravate this countrywide trend. 69 The last of electoral support was almost evenly distributed in all groups and segments of the population including those which has come to be recognized as a durable support base of the Congress, such as the scheduled castes, backward castes and the minorities. The crude manner in which family planning measures had been implemented during the emergency was the single most important factor in alienating the Congress from the poorer sections of the society in both the urban and the rural areas Chander Prakash, op. cit., p Ibid, pp Ranbir Singh, op. cit., pp Ibid, p Ibid.

28 92 The detailed analysis of the support base of the Congress party in Haryana leads to certain generalizations. Firstly, before independence the support base of the party was comparatively narrow and was largely confined to urban areas although it had a small base in the rural areas throughout the region. It had, however, succeeded in broadening it by the time of the 1946 elections. Secondly, after the independence, the support base of the Congress party increased in all segments of the population by virtue of the recognition of its historic role in the freedom movement. In addition, social policies adopted by the Congress, particularly the emphasis on secularism and the policy of reservation and protective discrimination of the weaker sections like the backward castes and scheduled castes, created a durable support base for the party in these sections. Agriculturist castes, which constitute a major component of the rural electorate, were initially attracted to the Congress, but subsequently withdrew their support and have tended to constitute the core of the opposition. Urban based Punjabi Hindus from areas of pre India that became Pakistan tended to ignore the Congress in favour of the Jan Sangh. Thirdly, the support base which Congress had created for itself among different social groups before the creation of Haryana in 1966 not only remained intact up to the Vidhan Sabha elections of 1972 but also showed an expansion though this was unevenly distributed largely due to fluctuations in support from agriculturist castes. The Jats, Ahirs and Brahmins particularly showed a tendency to shift loyalties according to the political stance of their prominent caste leaders. And lastly, the 1977 elections to the Lok Sabha marked a critical and significant turning point in the support base of the Congress in Haryana when it suffered a 35 percent decline from the level of support received in the national elections six years before. In the 1977, the Congress lost its core support among the backward castes, scheduled castes and minorities. The main factor responsible for this adverse trend was the excesses in the implementation of the family planning programme and the overall atmosphere. So far as the impact of the ideology and programme of political parties was concerned, most of the

29 93 voters being illiterate and ignorant, this factor could not be said to be effective. Moreover, the slogans that touched a sympathetic cord in the heart of the common masses such as 'Garibi Hatao' of the Congress Party in elections and 'Save Democracy' of Janata Party in 1977 elections had a mass appeal. The government of the party which ruled in the centre would be useful to the progress of their state was a consideration which helped the Congress in coming to power in the state in successive elections save for the short spell following 1977 elections