5. Also influenced by American pragmatism, as I mentioned before, and American literary criticism

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1 I. C.W. Mills on the New Structure of Power A. Background 1. Mills writes before the term "conflict theory" had become popular, but it is still considered as one version of it 2. Mills evolved a sociological stance distinctly his own, although he owed much to a variety of partly divergent schools of sociological theory a. His distinctive version of conflict theory, with its central emphasis on macro-sociological forces and the contentions of power between classes of corporate actors, helped revive an almost buried radical perspective within the sociological tradition 3. Mills began with symbolic interactionism and pragmatist philosophy, taught to him by George Herbert Mead a. Mills contributed to some early developments in the social psychology of language, motives, and culture, and produced a pioneering piece of research applying the sociology of knowledge to the pragmatist theorists themselves b. But he eventually felt that these theoretical methods didn't get at the heart of what he wished to understand, and that was the big issues of politics and social change c. He, along with Hans Gerth, translated many of Max Weber's works in a much different way than Parsons had been doing -- Parsons being the one of the few translators of Weber into English d. Where Parsons emphasized the idealist side of Weber, giving priority to values and culture and placing him within a functionalist frame of reference Mills placed Weber as a conflict theorists who depicts class, status, and power conflicts, politics as a struggle carried out in a mixture of ideals and "dirty realities" He emphasized the organization as a rational bureaucracy with a tendency to become carried along by its own need to perpetuate itself through meaningless rules (red tape) 4. Mills began early as a follower of the theoretical school known as the sociology of knowledge and the work of Karl Mannheim a. The attempt to understand where ideas come from b. How is it that we come to perceive and understand things in a certain way? c. What societal influences are there over us that create are sense of knowledge? How is it relative from one society to the next? d. Can we trace the roots of where our taken-for-granted knowledge comes from? 5. Also influenced by American pragmatism, as I mentioned before, and American literary criticism

2 6. Mills moved from concern with problems of the sociology of knowledge to broader macro-sociological investigations a. He was not concerned with the details of differences in status between individuals or the channels of social mobility b. Instead, we was concerned with the major conflicts and struggles among the key power holders of societal power and the historical drift of this power from local to popular centers to the higher positions of military and corporate bureaucracies c. To Mills, any macro-sociological analysis worth its salt had to be grounded in a concern with the struggle for power between conflicting classes, between rulers and those they ruled, between the high and mighty and the common person 7. In the 1950s, Mills' interest moved in the direction of Marxism and in the problems of the Third World 8. While functionalism was at its height, Marxian theory tended to be ignored or considered unfavorable to most American sociologists (WHY: Admit something wrong with the system, with capitalism, American way of life, core values, etc.) 9. Mills is noteworthy for his almost single-handed effort to keep the Marxian tradition alive in sociological theory a. Mills was not a Marxist, and he did not read Marx until the Mid-1950s 10. Restricted to the few translated works of Marx at the time a. This radicalism of his put him on the fringe of American sociology He tended to be the object of a lot of criticism, and he, in turn, became a severe critic of sociology b. By the time of his major works in the 1950's, he had become one of the most famous American sociologists in the public eye, this made him especially disliked by his fellow colleagues Mills also publicly scorned his colleagues as narrow and irrelevant -- thus by that time he was no longer allowed to teach graduate students (just undergrads)

3 11. Of particular note is his severe criticism of Talcott Parsons and his practice of grand theory In fact, many sociologists were more familiar with Mills' critique than of Parsons' actual work a. Mills attacked Parsons for his ideas of a grand theory and the emptiness of functionalism b. He felt that Parsons created esoteric (barely understood) categories for talking about social life -- while causing more confusion then explaining the kinds of problems Mills felt would destroy modern society c. Parsons developed many of his arguments in a debate against Mills, who charges that there is this "power elite" in the United States, consisting of a structured exchange of favors between big business executives and the heads of the federal government, and the military Mills saw this as undermining democracy d. Parsons, with his usual optimistic defense of the status quo, saw it merely as an instance of a much more abstract process that goes on in all social systems: A coordination by way of exchange between political and economic sectors (AGIL) e. Parsons automatically assumed that exchanges among these sectors were equal and balanced, and that they benefited the whole system The idea that private business corporations might be unduly favoring their interests by their political influence at the expense of the population at large seems never to have occurred to him (Military-Industrial Complex, Lobbying by Tobacco Companies, Clinton conspiracy -- Gore Vidal article in LA Times -- etc.) f. Parsons response to much of Mills' criticisms was: Mills has a "zero sum" (fixed sum) concept of power -- one group has a share and the rest of the group does not For him, there is only one amount of power -- either you have it or you don't Parsons says power can be an enabling or growing force -- thus it tends to let more people in than it excludes

4 12. Mills published two major works that reflected his radical politics as well as his weakness in Marxian theory a. The first was White Collar (1951), a very hard critique of the status of a growing occupational category -- white-collar workers b. The second was The Power Elite (1956), a book that attempted to show how America was dominated by a small group of businessmen, politicians, and military leaders The Power Elite presented a powerful challenge to much previous research in stratification and class analysis This book gained its strength from the challenge to the status quo that some sort of cohesive elite of corporate and military leaders controlled the major decision-making power in America and had taken it away from the population-at-large 13. Mills died in 1962, an outcast in sociology

5 B. Method 1. Mills invented a method called "collective biography" -- where theory and empirical methods were synthesized into a research method for studying social reality 2. Mills was concerned with the problem of power in modern society a. This society, as was envisioned by K. Mannheim before, was one where large-scale organizations swallowed up the individual Mills, who felt that the individual, as a powerful agent of social action, wanted to locate the core of these organizations and the people who were there b. Mills believed that the thing that centralized or brought the whole structure together of these huge organizations, was the concentration of power at the top of these massive structures (organizations) Thus, he would study the people at the top and draw some sort of collective portrait He would look at how the history of their careers, their individual personalities, and their character, was selected for and shaped by these organizational power structures c. Mills attempted to look at all aspects of American life, looking at each organizational sector that grew into a large-scale concentration of power For each one of these he created a collective portrait of the leaders d. Thus, he examined American life with a critical eye, watched how each one of Parsons' sectors interacted with one another and the affects it had In doing so, he showed Parsons' work as too abstract and fantasylike

6 C. White-Collar 1. One of the groups he looked at were the new white-collar middle class a. This was the new white collar workers, well-educated and well dressed, working in clean offices instead of dirty factories Thus, he felt that Marx had missed the reality of what capitalism could do Marx overlooked the difference between white-collar and blue collar workers The proletariat was not going to be the group that gained political dominance, it was the white collar workers whose numbers had grown more than the blue-collar (working class) b. They are employees too, no property and not members of the capitalist class, but they are not workers in the way they behave or in their lifestyle It was their education and expertise that might lead them to become the new class that would come to power Thus, changing Marx's old distinction and constant struggle between the capitalist and the worker A new era might be born? For Mills, this meant that management was separated from ownership -- there was no violent and bloody revolt by the proletariat, but a quiet one by the new middle class c. What he talked about in White Collar He said that the way that people were shaped by organizations was very important in understanding the shifts in power that were taking place and not taking place He believed that this new middle class had emerged because of the expansion of huge organizations in business and industry Expansions of sales, products, new markets, and advertising The expansion of bureaucracy into all spheres of our lives (government and private) was also a contributing factor America is no longer the land of the small farmer or independent business owner -- thus the political and personal values that went along with this old-america had no meaning except for propaganda used to appeal to American's sentiment

7 d. The current middle-class culture has become a "hyper-competitive market place" of status symbols and conspicuous consumption (he called it status panic) Our identities don't depend on the pride of our work or recognition by the community, because work now takes place in large, anonymous organizations -- "the great salesroom" Superficial images and presentations of ourselves are bought and sold and bureaucracies run almost every aspect of our impersonal lives Everybody ends up becoming tools of the establishment -- even old respected professions Thus, people compensate for loss of status in this way by pursuing marks of status outside of the job -- acquiring material goods, and slaves to the current fads and styles People have become "cheerful robots" Putting on smiling faces to keep appearances or they will lose status e. Most of us are alienated from work and we have a constant concern for changing popularity of consumption and entertainment They are superficially satisfied and full of angst or anxiety They are dishonest about it to themselves and others either because they don't realize it or don't care f. Also important to keep in mind is that they are politically powerless The above described personality of this collective new middle class emerges because they have no independent source of power They exist in mass organizations, they livelihood comes or goes depending on how the organizations or corporations expand or contract, hire, promote, or "downsize" The system is impersonal

8 D. The Power Elite 1. In The Power Elite, Mills says that power is highly centralized and concentrated in all parts of American society a. The key organizations have become big business and corporations, the permanent bureaucracy of the federal government, and the military The American economy is dominated by a smaller number of corporations, whose top executives and owners make up a national upper class (in these days of multi-nationals -- a global upper class or elite?) The federal government's power is more powerful than the states, thus sets much of the policy through Congress and the President The military had become the third major power center -- going its own way in carrying out a world-wide policy of war preparation -- where it worked closely with corporate America Military-Industrial Complex b. All three organizational sectors had become interdependent All are huge bureaucracies held together by networks (finance, interest, and interchangeable personnel) or interlocking directorates of sorts American policy becomes tied to protecting business interests around the world -- while keeping up large amounts of government spending in the private sector -- especially through military contracts c. So for Mills, the power centers at each of these start to resemble each other (their collective biographies) Military, business, and politics shape the same kinds of personalities -- become a common peer group -- a common culture of power d. There is no challenge to the Power Elite from traditional democratic institutions There is no system of checks and balances anymore Decisions and policy are made in secret and presented to Congress as a done deal (set in stone) There are still debates, considerations of alternatives, compromise, and deadlock, but they are over less important aspects of life, not over large-scale national issues or policies e. Mills was looking at the interdependence and centralization of power in American society and how that power was transferred from local politics and political parties to a bureaucratic elite f. G. William Domhoff, is a sociologist at UC Santa Cruz, who has studied this phenomenon -- looking at the disproportionate influence of Americas upper class on national politics

9 2. Mills was very concerned with the US becoming a "garrison state," (Harold Lasswell s) meaning that all states in the world were going like Nazi Germany was a. That is, organizationally every state was becoming a permanent fusion of military, economy, and government Each state would continue to have its enemies in order to justify the need for a huge military machine Military spending propped up the economy preventing massive depressions (like our own in the 1930s -- HEY WWII!) Thus, with the end of WWII, this system was not dismantled, we sought new enemies, and produced newer, more, and greater weapons) b. Mills became one of the first nuclear build-up critics and publicized the threat of nuclear war He felt that the cold war and nuclear build up was the epitome of his theories of society c. Big business owed a lot to military contracts, lots of jobs, created prosperity, set up a framework for social reality where everything has become dependent upon it

10 E. The Sociological Imagination 1. During this time he wrote The Sociological Imagination (1959) which I discussed a bit about at the beginning of the course a. He made a very important distinction between personal troubles and public issue, as well as the objective of linking the two together 2. Mills' political and sociological philosophy comes out in his Sociological Imagination a. "Personal troubles are public issues" For example, being unemployed was not just a matter of one's personal hardships and failings (although that s what the American value system tells us) It is structured by an economic system that is intertwined with political and financial decisions which sacrifice individuals to unemployment for the sake of profit b. In the 1970s, feminists used this idea to show that spousal abuse or marital struggles is not just a personal matter (nothing is), it is part of a larger patriarchal system of gender domination c. Micro is grounded in the Macro Collective biography: Seeing how the patterns of individual lives are shaped by the organizations in which they live We live in a world or organizations which create the troubles of our lives at the same time that they create public consciousness that blinds us from seeing what is actually going on USE THE SOCIOLOGICAL IMAGINATION!!

11 Power-elite: Who has decision making power in society? 1. The real decision making power in the power elite: military, political, and corporate 2. Power-elite vs. pluralism a. Pluralists say individuals have a certain amount of real power over decisions by organizing into groups and exerting their influence (like a democracy) 3. Mills says that the real power lies in the power elite and the "people's" power is not very strong a. Mills says pluralism works at middle levels but not at the top 4. The decline of a reasoning and critically thinking public is part of the problem a. The increasing use of things that arouse or quiet the public (t.v., public relations); mass manipulation; the middle class becoming agents of large organizations and no longer independent; and the rise of the technically manipulated consuming public (mass society)

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