Gunning for Page One: The Gun Control Debate and Social Movement Organization. Tactics in Garnering Media Coverage THESIS

Transcription

1 Gunning for Page One: The Gun Control Debate and Social Movement Organization Tactics in Garnering Media Coverage THESIS Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Trent T. Steidley, B.S. Graduate Program in Sociology The Ohio State University 2012 Master's Examination Committee: Andrew W. Martin, Advisor Cynthia G. Colen Vincent Roscigno

2 Copyrighted by Trent T. Steidley 2012

3 Abstract Do social movements have any influence in how they are portrayed in media coverage? While social movement scholars have long recognized the importance of media coverage in social movement mobilization, recent research has lacked systematic analysis of how social movements attempt to interact with media agents via tactical frames which generate media resonance. Using the gun control debate in the United States as a case study and the employment of mixed methods, this article explores how social movement organizations garner media attention. Press releases from the National Rifle Association and the Brady Campaign to Prevent Gun Violence are used to identify collective action frames issued by both groups. Content analysis of media coverage is then employed to assess the effectiveness of achieving media coverage and communicating frames. Findings indicate that social movement organizations employ frames and packages in a tactical manner. Despite the tactical use of movement frames, the coverage of these respect groups is influenced by prevalent biases in media coverage rather than the individual efforts of an organization to frame its presence in the media. Considerations are raised for how social movements might, or might not, benefit from attempts to interact with media organizations. i

4 Acknowledgments This work is the result of not just my labor but also from the support of my family, friends, and academic advisors. My wife Brandi has taken all my antics during this process in stride while supporting my academic pursuits. She is undoubtedly the best friend anyone could ask for. My thesis committee deserves credit for pushing me not only in the production of this paper, but also in my intellectual growth. Dr. Martin tasked me with a literature that I was unfamiliar with, but has instilled in me a curiosity about organizations and social movements that I did not know I had. Dr. Colen provided not only her invaluable knowledge regarding quantitative methods, but also shared helpful wisdom about this endeavor we call graduate school. Dr. Roscigno taught me how to become a better scholar as well as a better writer. These scholars are responsible for the strengths of the paper, and any shortcomings are not their responsibility. Multiple colleagues also deserve thanks. Lisa Nielson, Lindsey Ibanez, Martin Kosla, Matt Schoene, Jill Yavorksy, and many others from The Ohio State Sociology Department are worthy of thanks. Truly, without the opportunity to discuss, opine, and vent with these sharp minds, this paper would not be the same. ii

5 Vita May Foyil Pubicl High School B.A. Sociology, Oklahoma State University Dean's Graduate Enrichment Fellowship, The Ohio State University Fall 2011 to present... Graduate Teaching Associate, Department of Sociology, The Ohio State University Fields of Study Major Field: Sociology iii

6 Table of Contents Abstract... i Acknowledgments... ii Vita... iii List of Tables... v Chapter 1: Introduction... 1 Chapter 2: Understanding Media Coverage as a Social Movement Resource... 5 Chapter 3: Collective Action Framing and Media Beyond Core Tasks The Brady Campaign and The National Rifle Association Chapter 4: Data and Analytic Strategy Data Collection Analytic Strategy Chapter 5: Findings Qualitative Inferences of the NRA and Brady Campaign Press Releases Understanding Tactical Implication of Press Releases Frames and Packages Press Releases Assocaiton with Media Coverage of SMOs iv

7 Press Releases Association with Framing in Media Coverage Chapter 6: Discussion and Conclusion References v

8 List of Tables Table 1. Frequency of Frames and Pacakges in SMO Press Releases and NYT Coverage of Gun Control Debate Table 2. Summary Statisitcs for Weekly Counts Table 3. Pairwise Correlations of NRA and Brady Camp. Frames and Packages in Press Releases Table 4. Row Percentages of SMO Press Releases and Quotes in the NYT Occuring in the Same Week Table 5. Zero Inflated Negative Binomial Regression Coefficents Predicting NYT Coverage of the NRA and Brady Camp Table 6. Weekly Core Frame Task Occurrence in the NYT Predicted by Weekly Press Release Package Occurences vi

9 Chapter 1: Introduction Social movement scholars have long recognized media coverage as a crucial resource in movement success (Lipsky 1968; Gamson et al. 1992; Gans 1979). Likewise, the concept of collective action framing has been an integral concept in understanding how movements generate movement mobilization (Benford and Snow 2000). While research has focused on these two separate processes, assessing the linkage between collective action framing and media coverage is an area of research ripe for exploration. In is paper, I explore the process of how collective action framing itself may facilitate media coverage of specific social movements. To that end, the question explored here is whether social movement organizations (SMOs), can use framing in a strategic manner that either generates new media coverage of an SMO or shapes the media discourse around the SMO. Frames here are understood as products crafted from internal social movement cultures. From their internal cultures, an SMO creates messages to interpret reality for sympathizers and mobilize potential supporters (Snow et al. 1986). By employing a frame a social movement seeks to strike a resonance of shared understanding with the broader culture of a society. The intentional use of frames in such a way that garners support in the broader public can be understood as a tactic in a SMOs repertoire of mobilization strategy (Davis et al. 2005; McAdam 1983; McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly 2001). The 1

10 media can play an important role here for the SMO, by picking up on a SMO s frames and broadcasting them into the public sphere. Media coverage of SMOs and their frames can facilitate framing resonance with broader audiences, potential sympathizers, and current supporters. The tactical use of frames in attempts to generate media resonance is one that can be seen as comparable to other tactics, such as protests (Taylor et al. 2009; Rohlinger 2002). Building on the work of McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly (2001), frames here are argued to be wielded by SMOs to generate resonance with media actors so either 1) more media coverage of a social movement is attracted, or 2) SMOs are able to influence what frames enter media coverage. Additionally, I recognize effects that the processes of modularity and neo-institutionalism may play in the strategic use of frames. SMOs are seen as bound by internal social movement cultures and isomorphic processes, which limit the range of freedom that SMOs enjoy with tactical framing. While social movements research is quite familiar with the concept of collective action framing, it has not been used to explain patterns of social movement media coverage. Through this understanding of collective action frame, I test the viability of SMO tactical framing to influence media coverage using SMO press releases and subsequent newspaper coverage of these SMOs. The gun control debate is employed as a case study of this question, similar to previous research on the abortion debate (Ferree 2002; Rohlinger 2002). To assess if SMOs are able to garner or influence media coverage, I examine press releases from the National Rifle Association (NRA) and the Brady Campaign to Prevent Gun Violence 2

11 (Brady Camp) and subsequent coverage of these SMOs in the New York Times (NYT). Consistent with Johnston and Noakes s (2005) outline for framing analysis, I first identified the cultural arguments and frames of the NRA and Brady Camp press releases. Next, I analyzed media coverage of the organizations to assess whether or not those frames garnered coverage in the NYT. NRA and Brady Camp press releases from January 1st 2000 to June 29th 2011 were coded for both the presence of core frames, packages of framing arguments, and discussion of major touching points in the gun control debate. New York Times articles covering these two SMOs in the same time period were collected, while those articles falling within a year of crucial touching points (identified later) in the gun control debate in the same time period as the were coded for presence of frames from earlier press releases. In all 1,053 press releases from the Brady Camp and 386 press releases from the NRA were qualitatively read for inductive identification of core frame tasks and framing packages. These data contributed to the coding scheme of 235 NYT articles covering the NRA and/or Brady campaign. The conceptualization of framing to garner media coverage builds on Benford and Snow s identification of core framing tasks (2000). The idea of packages being used to deliver these frames emulates Rohlinger s conceptualization of packages as a set of ideas related to frames that represent an explicit attempt to respond to oppositional activity and the larger political environment (2002:480). Findings show that both the NRA and the Brady Camp have unique packages that deliver core frames, neo-institutional processes and modularity create packages that are shared by both organizations (Tilly 1993). Via the concept of collective action framing, I argue that SMO press releases are 3

12 subsequently crafted to strategically employ these frames within a framing package. These press releases are then seen as influencing media coverage in a way that either draws media attention on the SMO or promotes their desired frames into the public sphere. 4

13 Chapter 2: Understanding Media Coverage as a Social Movement Resource Lipsky s (1968) seminal work found that SMOs focus attention on media coverage in achieving social movement success. This research illustrated that media energizes support among movement insiders and builds new recruits to a movement. Media coverage of social movement events also reaches the broader public which may not be aware of the movement s grievances or agenda (Jenkins and Perrow 1977; Gamson and Modigliani 1989; McAdam 1983). Consequently, social movement researchers have sought to examine the processes by which SMOs engage the media to understand how movements can acquire this mobilization resource (Andrews and Caren 2010; Ferree 2002; Ryan 1991). Since the early recognition of media coverage as a social movement resource, social movement scholars have examined what patterns exist in media coverage of SMOs. The fruits of these efforts have revealed several biases that exist in media coverage of SMOs. One bias is the media attention cycle, which can bring more recent news making events into the media limelight. McCarthy, McPhail, and Smith (1996) found that movement events perceived by the media as more salient and recent received more coverage than events that were not perceived as such. Amenta et al.(2009) likewise, found that events related to the issues of SMOs impact the relevance of these groups to the media and results in increased news coverage. Ferree and colleagues found that 5

14 SMOs who are associated with contentious, emotional, and politically divisive issues garner more attention in the media than SMOs which are not (Ferree et al. 2002). Yet, the most consistent and powerful factor that has been associated with media coverage of SMOs is the production of violent protests and visible counter protests (Earl et al. 2004; McCarthy et al. 1996; Oliver and Maney 2000). These patterns of bias often guided SMO strategies for garnering media attention. However, in western democracies, institutionalization of protest results in a reduction of the newsworthiness of protest activities (Meyer and Tarrow 1998). Indeed, SMOs have been seen engaging the media in novel ways so that movement messages and grievances might reach the public sphere (Oliver and Maney 2000). SMO attributes also play a role as Andrews and Caren (2010) found that older, larger, and more organized SMOs tend to achieve significantly more coverage in the media than smaller younger, and disorganized organizations. Consequently SMOs have moved to exploit mediaspecific engagement tactics, like press releases, which obviously favor larger, well financed SMOs but also allow resource poor SMOs opportunities to gain media coverage by improving their image in the eye of media agents (Andrews and Caren 2010; Barker- Plummer 2002; Levin 2002; Rohlinger 2002; Wolfsfeld 1984). SMO press releases have been highlighted as promising documents to expand knowledge of how social movements engage with the media outside of protest and insurgent action (Barker-Plummer 2002; Levin 2002; Martin 2010; Rohlinger 2002; Wolfsfeld 1984). Press releases convey concise messages that are designed to be picked up and published by journalists, exploiting the known process of journalists to minimize 6

15 time in research and interpretation of events (Gans 1979). Martin (2010) found that press releases indeed appear more often when media coverage of an SMO increases. It is here, with the positive relationship between of press releases and media coverage, that press releases can be understood as a SMO mechanism to either generate media coverage or shape media framing of SMO issues. Through the use of collective action frames, SMOs utilize press releases to appeal to media agents in a manner that allows the proliferation of SMO frames in media coverage of SMO events and issues. Here press releases are conceptualized as culturally crafted products, meant to translate the frames originating within a SMO s internal culture into media discourse. This process parallels Isaacs s conceptualization of the labor problem novel, where he describes the novel as a literature product used by labor activists to frame and shape labor discourse in late 1800 s America (Isaac 2009). Rather than having a product meant for public use, however, press releases are meant to appeal to journalists. I posit that previous literature on the norms of journalism (discussed later) allows us to understand how press releases obtain coverage in the media, with older and larger groups obtaining more coverage and credibility in the eye of journalists and reporters relying on these sources for original content. In order to explore processes by which SMOs can achieve media coverage, it is important to understand processes of media coverage and how they impact the concept of coverage as a social movement resource. Tuchman and Gans separately pioneered sociological research of American news media and the processes. These efforts found that journalists follow relatively simple heuristics to determine what is newsworthy. Both 7

16 researchers offered conclusions that journalists tend to produce stories that will have a wide audience and come from sources that a journalist perceives are trustworthy (Tuchman 1972; Gans 1979). While Tuchman focused more on how journalists strive to achieve objectivity in their work, Gans work examines organizational patterns and norms of news journalists to determine what stories are newsworthy. Gans also found that journalists tend to rely on simple interpretations of events covered, sometimes relying on the sources they interviewed for their interpretations of events so as to avoid time consuming research. Tuchman (1972) shows that the concept of the direct quote in a news story offers an interesting indicator of this phenomena. As journalists rely on movement actors to convey messages, they allow the actors to convey the preferred messages and interpretations of reality seen in the movement. These studies illustrate that journalists, strapped for time and searching for the next big scoop, can often be counted on to convey messages from sources perceived as trustworthy. These messages may contain interpretations of events that originate from the trusted sources, especially if a journalist cannot devote time and effort to research that would lead them to their own interpretations. Charlotte Ryan s subsequent work (1991) with grassroots activists and her own research supports the understanding of media coverage processes as outlined above. Ryan's work illustrates how activists can utilize these processes to their advantage in conveying preferred messages and gaining media attention. With journalists facing increased pressure to meet deadlines and publish newsworthy stories that have interpretations of events that make sense, the construction of stories ready-to-print by SMOs in press releases maximizes the likelihood that a 8

17 SMO s message will enter into media coverage and the public sphere. Tuchman's (1972) earlier work offers an interesting measure how successful these efforts maybe in the concept of the direct quote in a news story. So while media coverage of a an SMO is understood as an important resource for movement mobilization, and press releases can be seen as SMO attempts to engage the media for coverage, an explanation remains for how press releases would be effective tools for SMOs. In the following sections, I outline how collective action frames and neo-institutional processes allow for an understanding of the relationship between SMOs and the media and how this relationship impacts the use of press releases. 9

18 Chapter 3: Collective Action Framing and Media Snow and colleagues (1986) seminal work on collective action framing laid the groundwork for contemporary social movement scholars in illustrating the fundamentals of framing processes in social movements. Building on Goffman s (1974) more psychological concept of cognitive framing, these authors propose a novel means of explaining movement mobilization that diverged from earlier social movement theories by emphasizing the role of grievance identification and movement identity construction/maintenance. Frames provide basic understandings to complex issues, and the means by which movement actors communicated messages of grievance and retribution. These heuristics are understood to operate in a frame alignment process and explain how social movements operate on a cultural level in order to recruit participants, identify areas of potential mobilization, and to express their messages of grievance to sympathizers and the inquisitive (Snow et al. 1986). Collective action frames generate mobilization resources through the three core tasks that they achieve. First, they must identify a grievance of a social movement (diagnostic framing), offer explanations for and solutions to said grievances (prognostic framing), and finally, motivate allies and sympathizers to act upon the proscribed solutions (motivational framing) (Benford and Snow 2000). The creation of these frames, however is determinate upon the culture of a social movement. Taylor and 10

19 Whittier (1995) found that social movements produce an internal culture based upon emergent values and norms, collective identity, ritual, and discourse with countermovements. Taylor and Van Dyke's (2004) later review of culture and tactics in social movements highlights that these internal movement cultures constrain the options of movements to wield tactic and frames. The creation of internal cultures and symbols for frame creation are essential social movement laws that all movements follow (Taylor and Van Dyke 2004). For example the NRA's identification of the right to bear arms is undoubtedly an internally shared cultural artifact of the SMO that influences the collective action frames utilized by the SMO. From this single cultural idea, entire frameworks of understanding and logical arguments emerge to facilitate the movement. Symbols that resonate with the internal culture emerge as well, the icon of a the American Minute Men toppling the tyranny of the English Empire (only possible because of this understood right) is one example of such a symbol. This resonance of internal culture understandings is determinate of the subsequent selection and success of frames and tactics that this or any other social movement use. Through framing it is clear that social movements, including their agents and organizations, are not pluralistic entities in political and social engagements. Rather, they are cultural agents who create symbols and cultural items that are intended to initiate change. The process of frame creation must begin within a social movement, drawing on its internal culture. Once created, frames can be translated into a broader appeal that seeks to prescribe collective action. 11

20 In the context of media coverage, Gamson and Modigliani (1989) similarly argued that a frame is cognitive and cultural concept that serves to offer a number of different condensing symbols that suggest the core frame and positions in shorthand, making it possible to display the package as a whole from a deft metaphor, catchphrase, or other symbolic devise (p.3). This understanding of framing fits well with Swidler s (1986) concept of culture as a toolkit. Frames provide excellent examples of how the toolkit metaphor worked in a concrete way, because social movements relied on shared cultural meanings to generate resonance and alignment. Later work by Roscigno and Danaher (2001) illustrate such a phenomena in their work depicting the mobilization of southern textile mill workers as a result of cultural frame resonance via music in the early days of radio. Cultural interpretations of framing, as well as the concept's ability to simultaneously illustrate resonance and implications for movement mobilization, lead scholars to quickly recognize framing as a strategic tactic for a movement (Davis et al. 2005; McAdam et al. 2001; Westby 2005). Framing efforts of an SMOs that manage to resonant with internal movement cultures and with the macro-culture garner the most mobilization resources for a social movement. This applies to the case of media coverage as well, as SMO frames that resonant with media agents are more likely to repeated by these agents. Thus, movements have incentive to tactically use frames that they might feel resonate the most in the media given a certain cultural environment. Beyond Core Tasks: Frames as Tactics and Neo-Institutional Limits Gamson s (2004) analysis of opportunity structure, movement framing and the media argues that social movements face crucial challenges of legitimacy in order to 12

21 create cultural resonance in the broader macro culture. Media coverage provides an answer to this challenge for social movements in three crucial ways: 1) through persuasion in cultural resonance through the promoting of frames they prefer to communicate, 2) offering incentives to joining a social movement via a marketing campaign, and 3) by using tactics of embarrassment to challenge targets that a social movement opposes (Gamson 2004). This depiction of media's ability to generate mobilization resources for SMOs highlights a strategic understanding of framing resonance in the media. The ability to achieve frame resonance in the media strategically is synonymous with other work on tactical innovation (McAdam 1983; McAdam et al. 2001). This act of social movements strategically using their own frames to combat the presence of countermovements' rhetoric creates the phenomena of framing battles (Dixon 2008; Benford and Snow 2000; McAdam et al. 2001). In these frame battles SMOs apply new arguments to already well-structured frames, creating a playing field (or battleground) of rhetoric that social movements engage with counter movements and the state in order to out maneuver opposition forces. Indeed, it is a strategy game where success is measured in terms of macrocultural resonance. While SMOs may choose to wield frames in a strategic manner, it is important to note that frames themselves are not unique to a specific SMO. Two movements engaged in a rhetorical debate utilize collective action frames to engage with cultural and moral value driven debates in the public forum. Here we see that, while the movement's rhetoric may be based in the logic of a collective action frame, the actual cultural bedrock upon which the foundations of a frame are built upon convey deeper symbolic meanings and 13

22 values than any one argument or slogan can sum up. Thus, opposing social movements can both utilize the same cultural meanings in their opposing frames. This use of a shared cultural value or understanding by different groups for very different objectives parallels what Tilly (1993) termed modularity, a social movement phenomena where multiple actors strategically lay claim to a single tactic or frame, innovate upon it, and project cultural authority over it. Burns s (2005) analysis of abortion and contraception discourse in the United States exemplifies this modularity, demonstrating that frames are not loyal to those who wield them but rather those that lay claim to them with the most cultural authority. For example, the humanitarian frame in the US abortion debate is often used by pro-life movements to show how tragic abortion is in terms of human life lost. Illustrating modularity, Burns highlights how the humanitarian frame is also used by pro-choice movements to highlight how the outlawing of abortion would produce disastrous outcomes for those who would seek abortions from unregulated sources. Likewise, Adams and Roscigno (2005) illustrated the modularity of contested frames in the white supremacist movement. Ultimately frames can be seen as occupying a contested terrain; the culture that they are based in and drawn from often resonates with those on both sides of social movement. While culture is important in social movements' attempts to mobilize via framing, it is also necessary to understand what potential processes outside the internal cultures of a movement both facilitate and limit the formation of frames. Neo-institutional theory provides an understanding for organizational culture and isomorphic processes that can 14

23 shape framing strategies of a social movement. Davis et al. (2005) highlights the linkage of social movements to neo-institutional theory by illustrating that social movements closely emulate organizational logic; both social movement scholars and organizational scholars have found that internal cultures have significant impacts on the outward presentations of movements and organizations respectively. Meyer and Rowan (1977) state that organizations seek to build facades of legitimacy so as to increase their access to resources from political actors as well as peer organizations. In the context of this study, we see how SMOs attempt to put on facades of legitimacy for the media to improve their perceived credibility in the eye of journalists, which increases the likelihood receiving media attention. However, this attempt to project legitimacy must find cultural resonance with the internal culture of the SMO. SMOs are bound by internal culture, structure, and rituals which binds the institutional logic for all aspects of the organization. For example, drawing on my case of the gun control debate, frames that emerge from gun rights SMOs are firmly grounded in the cultural roots of the movement, which is the broader American gun culture (Melzer 2009). Consistent with Meyers and Rowan, these gun rights SMOs cannot create or express frames that are not consistent with their movement cultures, meaning these SMOs are strictly bound within the logic of the gun culture in their use of strategic framing and presentation of frames to the media. There is also potential for the neo-institutional aspect of isomorphic processes in SMO framing (DiMaggio and Powell 1983). The interaction of media organizations and SMOs creates rituals of streamlined interactions where organizations in the same field will begin to emulate similar behaviors they perceive as beneficial. The creation of these 15

24 rituals will occur even when two SMOs are fundamentally at odds with one another; as these organizations still seek the same resources for movement success. Consequently, for these organizations' concerns of garnering media coverage, they will move to mirror each other in how they attempt to acquire such a resource (DiMaggio and Powell 1983). For SMOs, we see that this is the case in regards to media coverage. Culturally different SMOs create entire press teams and media kits that are rather homogenous meant specifically to improve relations with the media (Andrews and Caren 2010; Ryan 1991). In sum, the effects of modularity and neo-institutionalism on the framing tactics of SMOs are somewhat limited by the internal cultures in which frames are constructed. Simultaneously, SMOs will exercise frame modularity during opportune moments as they attempt to employ frames they feel will generate the most macrocultural resonance. These SMOs however, are not exempt from broad field level processes as they emulate other SMOs in their attempts to interact with outside institutions like the media. The Brady Campaign and the National Rifle Association Year after year, gun control is an issue that mobilizes millions of Americans who see the issue as either common sense violence prevention or infringement of constitutional freedom. Politicians in the United States will frequently cater to the gun vote, leading to discourse in the media about the role that firearms play in our society. For SMOs in the gun control debate, shaping this media discourse via strategic framing could mean the difference between movement success and defeat and by extension policy outcomes related to firearms. This study utilizes the gun control debate as a case study of strategic framing press releases with a frame analysis of the two dominate, opposing 16

25 SMOs in the debate: The Brady Campaign to Prevent Gun Violence and The National Rifle Association. The Brady Campaign to Prevent Gun Violence (Brady Camp) - The Brady Camp is the most widely recognized SMOs in the United States advocating stronger gun laws (Goss 2008). The organization s name is honorific of Jim and Sarah Brady, with the former being the White House Press Secretary tragically paralyzed in the assassination attempt on Ronald Reagan and later becoming a lifelong leader in the anti-gun movement with his wife. From the mid-90 s to 2004, the Brady Campaign offered promise of becoming a stalwart SMO that challenged the National Rifle Association as a countermovement in policy and protest efforts. As of late, that clout has largely faded away from the policy discourse on the topic of gun control in the United States. Goss s (2008) work examining the fading of support for gun control in general, as well as the Brady Campaign, explains the failure of gun control advocates to sustain the movement due to the inability of elites to create frames that highlighted broad individual incentives for gun control. Despite the fact that by 2005 the Brady Campaign was considered to be less significant than its former self in terms of lobbying power in Washington DC, it remains the largest membership based gun control organization in the United States. Also, the Brady Camp is one of the oldest organizations promoting gun control in the US. The Brady Campaign has a history of gun control victories, most notably the Federal Assault Weapons Ban in 1994 and the aptly named Brady Bill in 1998, which mandated the use of instant background checks for all merchant purchases of firearms. This track record of 17

26 early victories and size contribute to the Brady Campaign being the most covered SMOs in the media on the topic of gun control (Amenta et al. 2009). The National Rifle Association (NRA) - The NRA is often used as the very definition of special interest group in American political discussions. However, despite its image as a lobbying group, the NRA claims to be the largest civic organization in the United States. Boasting over 3 million members in 2004, the NRA sends regular publications to its members and organizes regular social events for fund raising and promotion of shooting sports (Melzer 2009; Spitzer 2007). Melzer s (2009) cultural examination of the NRA suggests that the organization is based in cultural narratives of a frontiersman as a rugged individualist and ultimate patriot. The current NRA agenda results from the Cincinnati Revolution in 1977, when hardline gun-rights advocates managed to win a majority of leadership positions on the NRA s board of directors at the organization s annual convention. From that point on the NRA s leadership adopted positions of strict defiance to any new proposed gun regulations, whether they be local, state, or national (Sugarman 1992). Despite recent victories for the NRA in the past decade, such as the expiration of the Federal Assault Weapons Ban in 2004, and several states passing less restrictive concealed carry laws, the organization continues to argue to its members that the right to bear arms is but a single election or congressional vote away from being destroyed. The image of credibility that the NRA portrays to the media is most impressive, with its size and ability to mobilize voters leading to it being the most covered gun rights group in the media (Amenta el at. 2009). 18

27 These two organizations do not represent the entirety of SMOs devoted to the issue of gun control in the United States. However, for the purposes of understanding how SMOs fare in conveying their frames via press releases, they offer the most viable examples: both are large in terms of membership, both have dedicated efforts to constructing press releases on a fairly regular basis, and both have the premise of credibility to journalists due to their history of advocacy and previous track records of success in policy outcomes. Adding to the viability and implications of findings or a study utilizing Brady Campaign and the NRA in a frame analysis, is the fact that previous research has found media coverage of gun control issues to be influential on public opinion as well as policy outcomes. Media Trends and SMOs in the Gun Control Debate- Both the NRA and the Brady Camp have unique perspectives on their relationship with the media. Goss s analysis of the gun control movement found there to be a bias among media agents to support the frames and perspectives of gun control advocates (2008). As a result the media strategy of the Brady Camp has been to go to journalists early and often with potential stories, seeing the media as a valuable resource to broadcast frames. On the other hand, communications scholar Brian Anse Patrick found that media outlets reserved a deep seated bias against the NRA and its agenda from the late 80 s up to 2000 (Patrick 2001). The source of this media bias is attributed to a liberal culture in journalism circles that is unfamiliar with, and has little desire to become acquainted, gun ownership and gun owners. While Patrick s findings conflict with Gan s and Tuchman s long standing interpretations of media agents, it is telling that this bias is also perceived by the NRA 19

28 general membership (Melzer 2009; Patrick 2001). NRA members generally feel that elite media outlets, like the New York Times, Wall Street Journal, and The Washington Post, favor the agenda of gun control advocates over the values expressed by gun rights supporters. Patrick attributes this bias as a source of hostility between the NRA and media agents (2001). Thus, the media strategy of the Brady Camp can be seen as one that embraces media relations as a valuable framing tool. While the NRA can be seen as more hesitant to engage media outlets, as such endeavors are assumed to not produce favorable coverage of the organization. Despite these differences, both organizations have maintained formal media relations in the form of issuing regular press releases. It should be expected that these differences in perceptions of media coverage will impact how these organizations choose to frame issues to the media. The Brady Camp may use media relations to solidify its core membership via media engagement, as the Brady Camp perceives likely supporters to be in media or to accept its framing attempts. The NRA, however, may use media relations to reach those outside its core group of supporters, as it recognizes that NRA supporters members are not likely to accept media messages on gun control. Thus, for the NRA, framing strategies that resonant with undecided agents and have a higher likely hood of being productive rather than frames which will resonant with core NRA supporters. With regards to previous research on media coverage of the gun control debate there are some trends that are apparent. Communications researcher has found a long standing bias in the news to adopt a cosmopolitan view of guns in society: that is guns 20

29 are not desirable in a modern society and gun owners/rights supports are suspect (Downs 2002). Callaghan and Schnell (2001) found that media coverage of the political discussion on gun control from had the ability to bring key frames of gun control discourse to public attention. Arguing that media must select a few frames offered by interested parties in the gun control debate, the found that media may select topics that they feel will generate the most cultural resonance. In a similar vein, Dowler (2002) found that consumers of print media are significantly more likely to favor stronger gun control initiatives. This results in the public discourse being significantly altered; not all parties and not all frames will get equal play, affecting policy discussions and the means by which SMOs and political leaders may select their respective frames for presentation to the media. Simply put, previous findings that media outlets exhibit bias towards gun control supporters frames might predict a bias in media coverage of the NRA and the Brady Campaign to favor frames from the Brady Campaign. Thus, when it comes to the topic of gun control in the United States, the interplay of SMOs with the news media may have significant effects on the policy outcomes and public opinion. While evidence suggests that biased support for gun control advocates exists, how pronounced this bias is, and how it is shaped remains to be assessed. Should the framing efforts of press releases from the Brady Camp and the NRA be found to be influencing the content of media stories of these organizations, then broad implications for how policy formation and elite discourse are influenced by SMOs outside of protest activity exist. If press releases from a SMO manage to shape media discourse, which influences policy formation and discourse, then SMO framing can be argued to have 21

30 influence in political spheres rather than just in movement mobilization. Thus, cultural musings of collective action framing may have concrete implications in how they affect policy for the rest of the United States. 22

31 Chapter 4: Data and Analytic Strategy Data Collection The current study employs SMO press releases to explore social movement interactions with media. Data for SMO frames comes from a content analysis of press releases from the NRA and the Brady Camp. Press releases from January 1, 2000 to June 23rd 2011 were downloaded from the respective SMOs' websites and incorporated in a content analysis. The time period of 2000 to mid-2011 was partly selected because of available press release data. More importantly though, is the fact that five major events have happened in the gun control debate is this time period: The Million Mom March, the expiration of the Federal Assault Weapons Ban, The Virginia Tech Massacre, the Supreme Court Ruling in Heller v. DC, and the Tucson Safeway Shooting. These latter three events represent major touching points in the gun control debate that have not seen collective systematic assessment by social movement researchers. Data for media coverage of SMO frames comes from a second content analysis of New York Times (NYT) articles from the same time period. In combined, the press release data and the NYT data allow for pre- and post-effects of these events to be seen in framing tactics and media coverage. Using a frame analysis of press releases and media coverage, the effectiveness of SMO framing attempts to influence media coverage can be assessed. Data collection, setup, and use is discussed below. 23

32 Frames and Packages in Press Releases- The current study explores framing of press releases issued by both the NRA and the Brady Camp via a qualitative content analysis. NRA press releases were gathered from the NRA s Institute for Legislative Action webpage. Brady Camp press releases were gathered from the media page of the Brady Campaign to Prevent Gun Violence webpage. 1 All press releases from January 1st, 2000 to June 23rd 2011 were downloaded and incorporated into a framing analysis. The time period of 2000 to 2011 was selected for two reasons. One, the 2000 s were a time when social scientists devoted significantly more attention to the SMOs involved in the gun control debates, which allows the current research to expound on previous research (Melzer 2009; Goss 2008). Two, this time period represents the only complete record of press releases for these two organizations during the same time period, which allows for a comparison of framing tactics between the Brady Camp and the NRA. All of the press releases gathered were incorporate in the qualitative analysis and preliminary frame analysis. In total 1,050 press releases from the Brady Camp and 395 press releases from the NRA were collected and incorporated into the qualitative analysis. 2 Cultural analyses, and by extension framing analyses, often raise concerns regarding the capture of their conceptualized measures (Benford 1997; Griswold 1987). 1 The author ed both SMOs to determine if the websites contained complete press release data, the representatives responded that this was the case for the sample period specified. The press releases for the NRA were publicly available until the website was updated in early 2012, however the data was gathered is available upon request as the press releases were recorded electronically. Press releases for the Brady Campaign are available online at < 2 While this discrepancy in the total number of press releases from each organization may appear problematic at first, previous research actually accounts for it. Patrick (2002) actually describes the NRA as hostile toward media engagement towards the end of the 20th century. My data suggest that this trend is changing, as the yearly number of press releases from the NRA increase from 2000 to Eventually, by the end of the 2000 decade, the NRA and the Brady Camp are much more comparable in terms of how many press releases they issue. 24

33 The current study seeks to overcome such hurdles using a frame analysis strategy that first identifies frames from their cultural source (Johnston and Noakes 2005). To this end, every press was read and assessed by the author, and qualitatively coded for the presence of core framing tasks. The identification of these core frames was achieved using Benford and Snow s (2000) conceptualization of diagnostic, prognostic, and motivational frames. A press releases was coded for the presence of diagnostic frames (frame identifies grievances of the SMO), prognostic frame (SMO proposes solutions to problems and counters logic of opposition forces), and motivational frames (SMO calls to action for members and sympathizers). If more than one framing task was prevalent the press release was coded as containing both or all three. Coding for press releases that did not appear to have a core framing task was also included. Statistical analyses of the data is achieved by making the variable for the presence of a frame a dummy for each possible frame once the initial coding was complete. This coding procedure was used for both the NRA and the Brady Camp press release data. Table 1 presents percentages of frames and packages in press releases and NYT articles which will be discussed shortly. Each row in Table 1 shows the number and percentage (in italics) of releases or articles that contained a respective frame or package. For the NYT articles, I also present which SMOs and outside parties were quoted as using a particular frame and package. 25

34 Total Releases / Articles (N) Table 1- Frequency of Frames and Pacakges in SMO Press Releases and NYT Coverage of Gun Control Debate Press Releases Containing Frames and Packages NRA Brady Camp. NRA n % n % n % n % n % n % n % n % Frames Diagnostic Frames Prognostic Frames Motivational Frames No Dominate Frame Pro-Gun Politicians New York Times Articles Containing Frames and Packges Pro-Gun Third Party Brady Camp Anti-Gun Politicians Anti-Gun Third Party Packages Unique to the NRA 2nd Amendment Rights Safety and Rule of Law American Culture/Heritage Packages Unique to the Brady Camp. Crime Control Public Health / Safety Rights and Democracy Shared Packages Responses to Opposition Groups Politician Endorcements Poltician Condemnation Adminstrative Other None Valence of Articles in NYT % Support NRA Supprt Brady Camp Neutral Types of Articles News Opinion

35 Press releases were also coded for the presence of packages used to deliver frames. Packages here are cultural arguments that are used to deliver a frame, and are meant to fit within the political and social concerns of the time (Rohlinger 2002). During the initial reading of the press releases, the author identified reoccurring themes in the press releases and began to inductively identify the most common themes into a coding scheme. This initial reading identified fifteen themes in each SMO's population of press releases. These themes were incorporated into a structured content coding scheme for the press releases (Singleton and Straits 2009). Packages were identified as unique to either SMO, which were unique to the SMO issuing the press release, or shared by both SMOs, which shared commonalities in tone and purpose of a press release. The themes and content of each of these packages, shared and unique, are discussed in detail in the qualitative analysis below. Following the qualitative analysis, I use weekly counts of packages and frames in press releases for a quantitative assessment of SMO framing tactics. The modal frame tasks that occurred in both organizations press releases were diagnostic in nature, while the most common types of packages used in the press releases were those that were unique to either organizations. Frames and Packages in NYT Articles- Data measuring SMO frames in media coverage comes from a content analysis of New York Times newspaper articles about both the NRA and the Brady Camp. The use of the NYT for such an analysis follows a research tradition in sociology that regards the NYT as the gold standard for newspaper data in the US (Amenta et al. 2009). Lexis-Nexis Academic, one of the most complete 27

36 electronic archives of newspaper articles available, was utilized to gather newspaper articles from the NYT. To set the population parameter, I gathered all articles that were published in the NYT that covered these SMOs. Consequently, search terms that captured the titles of the Brady Campaign and the NRA were employed to cast as wide a net as possible 3. These terms were selected after several preliminary searches that yielded large results but with fewer usable articles. The search string used returned 1,184 NYT articles that contained mentions of either SMO from the same time period as represented by the press release data. After these articles were downloaded, the author read through each article to assess which organizational search term caused Lexis Nexus to hit the article and if the article either mentioned the NRA or Brady Camp in passing or if the article content was focused coverage of either SMO. For an article to be considered having focused coverage of the NRA or Brady Camp it either 1) had a direct quote from either organization, or 2) mentioned the groups and discussed the organization s position on a gun control issue. Direct quotes offer ideal measures of frames and media coverage for three reasons: 1) according to Tuchman (1972) direct quotes provide unique analytic opportunities, as reporters go to lengths to provide equal opportunities to speak for all contentious sides of an issue, 2) quotes often contained direct framing rhetoric and were often balanced with voices of opposition from counter movement groups or the state, and 3 Handgun Control Inc. and the Million Mom March merged together in 2001 to form the Brady Campaign to Prevent Handgun Violence. The Million Mom March represents a grass roots element to the Brady Campaign to this day. For the articles that mention either group in the time period before the merge, the author treated a mention of either group as a mention for the Brady Campaign. The search terms used were: (national rifle association OR brady campaign OR brady center OR "handgun control inc" OR "million mom march"). 28