UNCAC and ANTI- CORRUPTION DILLEMMAS in TRANSITION COUNTRIES LONDA ESADZE TRANSNATIONAL CRIME AND CORRUPTION CENTER GEORGIA
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1 UNCAC and ANTI- CORRUPTION DILLEMMAS in TRANSITION COUNTRIES LONDA ESADZE TRANSNATIONAL CRIME AND CORRUPTION CENTER GEORGIA
2 The Georgian government has long been fighting against corruption: The Schevarnadse s regime, a corrupt mixture of clan and mafia mismanagement, was used to declare every year as a final year to combat corruption in the country.
3 Systemic Network of Corruption Pyramids Coloured Revolutions in the Post-Soviet Space Georgia s Rose Revolution : the former Soviet Union's first anticorruption revolution? Transformation from one more pluralistic corruption system to another elite corruption system Horizontal and vertical structures of corruption Petty corruption/bribery in many citizen-government interactions have been reduced, but corruption has become more sophisticated and latent and has moved to the spheres where big money and power rest: budgeting, special funds, procurement, and privatization. Patron-client relations and informal networks created vertical, interrelated corruption pyramids.
4 Anti-Corruption or Democracy? Violations of Human Rights and principles of Democracy are performed under anti-corruption slogans. Anti-corruption serves as main justification for many institutional failures Highly-publicized fight against corruption is politically motivated and is used to strengthen control over all sectors, and monopolize power. Despite of relatively well-developed framework of laws aimed at preventing conflicts of interest among public officials promotion in civil service remains plagued with nepotism and cronyism. Anti-corruption speculations should not become as the populist, legitimising messages of new leaderships regimes worldwide it is very important to study the relationship between foreign assistance and domestic corruption and ensure that Donor Sponsored Anti-Corruption not become commercialized industry.
5 Civil Society s Post-Revolutionary Dilemmas How should CSOs build their relationship with the new government, and with the wider public, if the public perceives no difference between the principles of the government and CSOs, in terms of their values? Can civil society fulfill the function of an objective commentator on public developments, if the government is composed of their friends (often personal friends)? While the Government is getting stronger, a weakened civil society is losing its ability to provide effective public oversight and be an equal partner in the dialogue with the Government. Increased number of Pocket NGOs and the migration of personnel from CSOs to the government fortunately has not caused a serious decrease in the organisational potential of CSOs. The focus of attention returned to the issues on which the civil society used to dwell before the revolution: identifying priorities for action, developing organisational capacity, seeking sustainable resources, and expanding the social base and public participation. According to a sociological study people mostly expect from NGOs addressing the problem of corruption
6 UNCAC is both a legal and political manifestation of international consensus
7 Major Achievements The diversity of preventive measures, criminalization of corruption in both public and private sectors, broadening of the concept of liability of legal persons, extension of the statute of limitations on corruption crimes, enhancement of the role of civil society and access to information, reinforcement of anti-money laundering measures, and encouragement of mutual legal assistance among states. The biggest UNCAC innovation has to do with asset recovery, which consists of measures for direct recovery of property, international cooperation for purposes of confiscation, and return and disposal of assets.
8 Some Weaknesses and Fears Lack of concrete provisions on a monitoring mechanisms and lack of resources for implementation. A mixture of mandatory and discretionary provisions. As with many international agreements, the devil is in the details: while the Convention requires signatories to take specific steps in various areas, the language is often notably vague in many areas and the parties are often given great discretion in how (and whether) to apply particular provisions. Convention should not be used as a political tool: it is important that State Parties avoid using it principally to attack political opponents especially in less democratic countries
9 UNCAC ratification status among 15 former Soviet Union States Among the parties are: Armenia 08 March 2007 Azerbaijan 01 Nov 2005 Belarus 17 Feb 2005 Kyrgyzstan 16 Sep 2005 Latvia 04 Jan 2006 Lithuania 21 December 2006 Russian Federation 09 May 2006 Turkmenistan 28 Mar 2005 Among the signatories are: Moldova (signed 28 September 2004) Ukraine (signed 11 December 2003) A number of States are neither parties nor signatories: Estonia, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan
10 UNCAC and its Potential to the Situation in Transition Countries Technical Assistance and Information Exchange: donor s help in building capacity in the development and planning of strategic anticorruption policy, training authorities, enhancing financial and material assistance to support the anticorruption efforts The public sector measures: anticorruption bodies, meritbased systems for selection of civil servants, codes of conduct for public officials, prevention of conflicts of interest, transparent procurement systems, the transparency and accountability of public finances. Preventing corruption in the judiciary and prosecution services Public access to information, and opportunities for the public to participate in government decision-making
11 Gaps analyses and legislative harmonization process Drafting aspects of primary and secondary legislation in line with UNCAC Guidelines and tools when interpreting the UNCAC provisions Preventive legislation and penal legislation aspects Gaps analyses report on the compliance of Georgian legislation with UNCAC: methodology, article-by-article review, recommendations and follow up.
12 Implementation and Monitoring: CSOs key Role Civil society has to play a key role in the monitoring process to permit dialogue and public accountability thereby promoting the transparency and credibility of the implementation process. CSOs should demand from their governments real enforcement instead of declarations Otherwise fighting corruption will be turned into the permanent campaign under the slogan:
13 The Corruption is dead, Long Live the Corruption!(?)
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