STRATIFICATION AND MOBILITY

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1 STRATIFICATION AND MOBILITY CONCEPTS, THEORIES AND DIMENSIONS Basic Assumption People are biologically and sociologically different- difference of age, gender, race, occupation and skills, power, culture and wealth. All human societies from the simplest to the most complex have some form of social inequality. When these differences are socially evaluated, in term of superiority and inferiority, social inequality is resulted. The term social inequality simply refers to the existence of socially created inequalities. If no evaluation is done, it is termed as social differentiation. Therefore, social inequality is one type of social differentiation e.g. men are superior to women in patriarchal society. If social inequality gives rise to rank and order, it is called as social hierarchy. Social hierarchy is the hierarchy of individual, and stratification is the hierarchy of groups. Social stratification is a particular form of social inequality. It refers to the presence of social groups, which are ranked one above the other, usually in terms of the amount of power, prestige and wealth their members possess. Those who belong to a particular group or stratum will have some awareness of common interests and a common identity. The Indian caste system provides an example of a social stratification system. As exemplified by caste, social stratification involves a hierarchy of social groups. Members of a particular stratum have a common identify, like interests and a similar life style. They enjoy or suffer the unequal like interests and s similar life style. Social stratification, however, is only one from of social inequality. It is possible for social inequality to exist without social strata. This graded hierarchy is because of unequal societal rewards. These rewards are wealth, power and prestige. The way these rewards are distributed can be a basis for distinguishing different types of stratification. 1

2 According to Marx, these rewards overlap. He argued that power and prestige follow wealth. This is called as cumulative stratification. In south India cumulative stratification is visible in caste system (Andre Beteille) while in North, it is dispersed stratification. Andre Beteille classified stratification into two on basis of rewards:- 1. Cumulative 2. Dispersed Stratification is classified on the basis of system as follows: 1. Harmonic: Here the values system legitimates hierarchy and inequality. 2. Disharmonic: present day Indian social set-up can be considered as disharmonic there are so many conflicts between different caste strata s though equality is promised by the constitution. American blacks and women are treated inferior. Though there are claims of equality, there is incongruence between value system and the existing reality. From viewpoint of individuals or groups, as they are placed in hierarchy, groups are placed symmetrically along all 3 Axis: Wealth, rich vs. poor Prestige, high caste vs. low caste Power, powerful vs. weak This is a case of status consistency/ status crystallization (concept by Gerhard Lensky) because of symmetrical position in the hierarchy. Group may be placed differently along different axis. If expectations are incompatible, it generates conflict and results in status inconsistency e.g. Dalits do not protest as long as they are poor, powerless, and have low prestige. The meaning of status inconsistency can be explained as that, in any situation where there are incompatible expectations i.e. behavior incompatible with established role, status inconsistency results. 2

3 Terrorist movement in Punjab: Jats enjoyed high wealth buy low power. This conflict was sought to be resolved through Dharam Yudh by appealing to identity. Religion was the basis of enmasse vote. THEORIES OF STRATIFICATION: A theory of stratification tries to explain: 1. Basis of stratification 2. Structure of stratification 3. Consequences of stratification 4. Desirability and universality MARXIAN THEORY: It is particularly concerned with the capitalistic society although Marx did talk of pattern of inequality in feudal and ancient society. According to Marx, fundamental inequality is economic inequality that is a result of unequal access to forces of production. Its origin goes back to the origin of institution of private property. Marxian perspectives provide a radical alternative to functionalist views of the nature of social stratification. They regard stratification as a divisive rather than an integrative structure. They see it is mechanism whereby some exploit others, rather than a means of furthering collective goals. They focus on the social stratas, rather than, perceiving social stratification a means of furthering collective goals. In all stratified societies, there are two major social groups: a ruling class and a subject class. The power of the ruling class derives from its ownership and control of the forces of production. The various institutions of society such as the legal and political systems are instruments of ruling class domination and serve to further its interests. Only when the forces of production are communally owned, will classes disappear, thereby, bringing an end to the exploitation and oppression of some by others. 3

4 From a Marxian perspective, systems of stratification derive from the relationships of social groups to the forces of production. Marx used the term class to refer to the main strata in all stratification systems, though most modern sociologists would reserve the term for strata in capitalist society. From a Marxian view, a class is a social group whose members share the same relationship to the forces of production. In the capitalist era, there are two main classes, the bourgeoisie or the capitalist class, which owns the forces of production and the proletariat or the working class whose members own only their labour which they hire to the bourgeoisie in return for wages. Marx believed that western society had developed through four main epochs: 1. Primitive communism 2. Ancient society 3. Feudal society 4. Capitalist society Primitive communism is represented by the societies of pre-history and provides the only examples of a classless society. The subject class is made up of the majority of the population whereas this ruling or dominant class forms a minority. Classes emerge when the productive capacity of society expands beyond the level required for subsistence. This occurs when agriculture becomes the dominant mode of production As agriculture developed, surplus wealth, that is goods above the basic subsistence needs of the community, was produced. This led to an exchange of goods, and trading developed rapidly both within and between communities. This was accompanied by the development of a system of private property. Goods were increasingly seen as commodities or articles of trade to which the individual rather than the community had right of ownership. 4

5 From a Marxian perspective, the relationship between the major social classes is one of mutual dependence and conflict. However, the mutual dependency of the two classes is not a relationship of equal or symmetrical reciprocity. Capital may be defined as money used to finance the production of commodities for private gain. In Raymond Aron s words, The essence of capitalist exchange is to proceed from money to money by way of commodity and end up with more money than one had at the outset. Capital is privately owned by a minority, the capitalist class. In Marx view, it is gained from the exploitation of the mass of the population, the working class, Marx argued that capital, as such, produces nothing; only labour produces wealth. The difference between the value of wages and commodities is known as surplus value. The power of the ruling class therefore stems from its ownership and control of the forces of production. Since the superstructure of society- the major institutions, values and belief systems is seen to be largely shaped by the economic infrastructure, the relations of production will be reproduced in the superstructure. The existing relations of production between individuals must necessarily express themselves also as political and legal relations The dominant concept of class societies is the ruling class ideology, since it justifies and legitimizes ruling class domination and project a distorted picture of reality. Ruling class ideology produces false class consciousnesses. Class and social change: Marx believed that, The History of all societies up to the present is the history of the class struggle The class struggle of history have been between minorities. For example, capitalism developed from the struggle between the feudal aristocracy and the 5

6 emerging capitalist class, both groups in numerical terms forming a minority of the population. Major changes in history have involved the replacement of one from of private property by another and of one type of production technique by another. Marx believed that the basic contradictions contained in a capitalist economic system would lead to its eventual destruction. Marx believed that the class struggle, which would transform capitalist society, would involve none of these processes. The protagonists would be the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, a minority versus a majority. Private property would be replaced by communally owned and since all members of society would now share the same relationship to the forces of productions, a classes society would result. Since history is the history of the class struggle, history would now end. Marx distinguished between a class in itself and a class for itself Marx argues that a social group only fully becomes a class when it becomes a class for itself, i.e. develops true class consciousness. Class consciousness means that false class consciousness has been replaced by a full awareness of the true situation, by a realization of the nature of exploitation. The final stage of class consciousness and class solidarity is reached when members realize that only by collective action can they overthrow the ruling class and when they take positive steps to do so. The basic conflict of interest involves the exploitation of workers by the capitalists. Marx believed that this contradiction would be high-lighted by a second, contradiction, i.e. between the social production and individual ownership. Social production juxtaposed with individual ownership illuminates the exploitation of the proletariat. Social production also makes it easier for workers to organize themselves against the capitalists. Marx believed that certain factors in the natural development of a capitalist economy will hasten its downfall. These factors will result in the polarization of the two main classes. 6

7 Firstly, the increasing use of machinery will result in a homogeneous working class, since machinery obliterates the differences in labour members of the proletariat will become increasingly similar. Secondly, the difference in wealth between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat will increase as the accumulation of capital proceeds this process is known as pauperization. Thirdly, the competitive nature of capitalism means that only the largest and most wealthy companies will survive and prosper. The surviving companies will grow larger and capital will be concentrated into fewer hands. These three processes the obliteration of the differences in labour, the pauperization of the working class and the depression of the intermediate state into proletariat-will result in the polarization of the two major classes. Marx s work on class has been examined in detail for the following reasons:- Firstly, many sociologists claim that this theory still provides the best explanation of the nature of class in capitalist society. Secondly, much of research on class has been inspired by ideas and questions raised by Marx. Thirdly, many of the concepts of class introduced by Marx have proved useful to Marxists and non- Marxists alike. In Marxian writing, inequality is cumulative in nature. The value system legitimizes existing relations of production, since Marx was not interested in describing stratification (He was interested in explaining change and conflict); so his views are only incidental to it. He talks of 2 classes:- 7

8 Owners and Non- owners (with opposite interests) to explain conflict and change. Consequences 1. Stratification occurs because of Division of Labour and also leads to Division of Labour. 2. Because of unequal access of economic power, there is exploitation. There is use of power to promote their own interests. The conflict of interest acts as a vehicle of change and leads to redistribution of property, resulting in an egalitarian society. Therefore Marx sees no desirability of process of stratification. He does not believe stratification to be universal. In primitive communism and in future communism, there is an egalitarian society. This claim is never been substantiated by history. WEBERIAN VIEW He questions Marxian theory. Weber s model of stratification is rather dispersed than cumulative. Economic inequality is one of basis of inequality. Wealth, power and prestige need not overlap, though with extraordinary regularity, they do. According to Weber, there can be three different axis along which ranking of groups may develop. 1. Class (wealth): Wealth refers to material possession defined as valuable in particular societies. People, who share common market situation and not owner ship, belong to one class. Weber sees economic term. He defines a class as a group of individuals who share similar position in a market economy, and by virtue of that fact, receive similar economic rewards. Thus in Weber s terminology person s class situation is basically his market situation. 2. Status (life style and prestige): Prestige relates to the amount of esteem of honour associated with social positions, qualities of individuals and styles of life. 3. Power: Power refers to the degree to which individuals or groups can impose their will on others, with or without the consent of those others. 8

9 Like Marx, Weber argues that the major class division is between those who own the forces of production and those who do not. The various skills and services offered by different occupations have differing market values. Weber distinguished the following class groupings in capitalists society: Weber gave 4 classes (Octagonal diamond-shaped structure): 1. The Propertied upper class. 2. The property less white- collar workers. 3. The petty bourgeoisie. 4. The manual working class. Weber has parted company with Marx on a number of important issues like- 1. Factors other than the ownership or non-ownership of property are significant in the formation of classes. In particular, the market value of the skills of the property less varies and the resulting differences in economic return are sufficient to produce different social classes. 2. Weber sees no evidence to support the idea of the polarization of classes. He gives three points for this- a) The small property owners, due to competition from large companies, he argues that they enter white-collar or skilled manual trades rather than being depressed into the ranks of unskilled manual workers. b) Weber argues that the white collar middle class expands rather than contracts as capitalism develops. He maintains that capitalist enterprises and the modern nation state require a rational bureautic administration, which involves large number of administrators and clerical staff. c) Weber sees a diversification of classes and an expansion of the white collar middle class rather than polarization. 9

10 3. Weber rejects the view, held by some Marxists, of the inevitability of the proletarian revolution. He sees no reason that why those sharing a similar class situation should necessarily develops a common identity; recognize shared interests and take collective action to further those interests. He say the workers may grumble, work to rule, sabotage industrial machinery, take strike action or attempt to organize other members of his class in an effort to overthrow capitalism. He admits that a common market situation may provide a basis for collective class action but he sees this only as possibility. 4. Finally Weber rejects the Marxian view that political power necessarily derives from economic power. He argues that the class forms only one possible basis for power and that the distribution of power in society is not necessarily linked to the distribution of class inequalities. In particular, groups form because their members share a similar status situation. Whereas class refers to the unequal distribution of economic rewards, status refers to the unequal distribution of social honour. A status group is made up of individuals who are awarded a similar amount of social honour and therefore share the same status situation. Unlike /classes, members of status group are almost always aware of their common status situation. They share a similar life style, identify with and feel, that they belong to their status group and often place restrictions on the ways in which outsiders may interact with them. Weber argues that status groups reach their most developed form in the caste system of traditional Hindu society India. Status groups may create divisions within classes. Status groups can also cut across class divisions. The presence of different status groups within a single class and of status of groups, which cut across class divisions can weaken class solidarity and reduce the potential for class consciousness. These points are illustrated by Weber s analysis of parties. Weber analysis of classes, status groups and parties suggest that no single theory can pin-point and explain their relationships; the inter-play of class, status and parties in the formation of social groups is complex and variable. Weber argues 10

11 that the evidence provides a more complex and diversified picture of social stratification. Weber says that social stratification is exploitative. It is universal. No society is there without stratification. Bureaucratic organization in communist societies is there. RALF DAHRENDORF Ralf Dahrendorf argues that contrary to Marx s prediction, the manual working class has become increasingly heterogeneous and dissimilar. He sees this resulting from rapid changes in technology, arguing that, increasingly complex machines require increasingly qualified designers, builders, maintenance, and repair men and even minders. Dahrendorf claims that the working class is now divided into three distinct levels: Unskilled, semi- skilled and manual workers. Differences in economic and prestige rewards are linked to this hierarchy of skill. He claims that it has become doubtful whether speaking of the working class still makes much sense. He believes that during the twentieth century there has been a decomposition of labour, a disintegration of the manual working class. FUNCTIONAL THEORY OF STRATIFICATION Functionalists look to social stratification to see how far it meets functional prerequisites. They assume that the parts of society form an integrated whole and thus examine the ways in which the social stratification system is integrated with other parts of society. Functionalists maintain that a certain degree of order and stability are essential for the operation of social systems. They will therefore consider how stratification system helps to maintain order and stability in society. In summary, functionalists are primarily concerned with the function of social stratification, with its contribution to the maintenance and well being of society. TALCOTT PARSONS Talcott Parsons believe that order, stability and cooperation in society are based on value consensus, which is general agreement by members of society concerning what is good and worthwhile. In Talcott parson s words, stratification, 11

12 in its valuational aspect then, is the ranking of units in a social system in accordance with the common value system. If a society places a high value on bravery and generosity, as in the case of Sloux Indians, those who excel in terms of Sloux values rewarded by power and prestige. Since different societies have different value system, the ways of attaining a high position will vary from society to society. Parsons argues that American society values individual achievement, efficiency and puts primary emphasis on productive activity within the economy. Parson s argument suggests that stratification is an evitable part of all human societies. If value consensus in an essential component of all societies, then it follows that some form of stratification will result from the ranking of individuals in terms of common values. Functionalists tend to sees the relationship between social groups in society as one of the cooperation and interdependence. It must, therefore, exchange goods and services with other groups, so the relationship between social groups is one of reciprocity. This relationship extends to the strata in a stratification system. In societies with a highly specialized organization and planning, others will follow their directives. Talcott Parsons argues that this inevitably leads to inequality in terms of power and prestige. Organization on an ever-increasing scale is a fundamental feature of such a system. Such organization, naturally involves centralization and differentiation of leadership and authority; so that those who take responsibility for coordination the action of many others must have different status in important aspects from those who are essentially in the role of carrying out specifications laid down by others. Parsons sees social stratification as both inevitable and functional for society. It is inevitable because it derives from shared values which are necessary part of all social systems. It is functional because it serves to integrate various groups in society. Power and prestige differentials are essential for the coordination and integration of a specialized division of labour. Finally, inequalities of power and 12

13 prestige benefit all members of society since they serve to further collective goals, which are based on shared values. KINGSLEY DAVIS AND WILBERT E. MOORE American sociologists Davis and Moore entitled, Some principles of Stratification. They attempt to explain, in functional terms, the universal necessity which calls forth stratification in any social system. They argue that all social systems share certain functional prerequisites, which must be met if the system has to survive and operate efficiently. One such functional prerequisite is effective role allocation and performance. This means firstly, all roles must be filled, Secondly that they be filled by those best able to perform them, thirdly that the necessary training for them be under taken and fourthly that the roles be performed conscientiously. Mechanism is social stratification, which they see as a system, which attaches unequal rewards and privileges to the different positions in society. People differ in terms of their innate ability and talent; positions differ in terms of their importance for their survival and maintenance of society. Certain positions are more functionally important than others, are higher rewards are attached to those positions. The promise of high rewards is necessary to provide an incentive to encourage people to undergo this training and to compensate them for the sacrifice involved. The high rewards built into these positions provide the necessary inducement and generate the required motivation for such performance. Thus, Davis and Moore conclude that social stratification is a device by which societies insure that the most important positions are conscientiously filled by the most qualified persons. Davis and Moore realize that one difficulty with their theory is to show clearly which positions are functionally most important- Firstly, by the degree to which a position is functionally unique, there being no other position that can perform the same function satisfactorily. 13

14 The second measure of importance is the degree to which other positions are dependent on the one in question. Davis and Moore regard social stratification as a functionality necessity for all societies. They see it as a solution to a problem faced by all social systems, that of placing and motivation individuals in the social structure. They conclude that differential rewards are functionally for society that they contribute to the maintenance and well-being of social systems. MELVIN M.TUMIN 1) He begins by questioning the adequacy of DAVIS & MOORE S measurement of the functional importance of positions. Tumin argues that some labour force of unskilled workmen is an important and as dispensable to the factory as some labour force of engineers. 2) Tumin argues that Davis and Moore have ignored the influence of power on the unequal distribution of rewards. The difference between the wages of farm labourers and coal miners can be interpreted as a result of the bargaining power of two groups. 3) Davis and Moore assume that only a limited number of individuals have the talent to acquire the skills necessary for the functionally most important positions. An effective method of measuring talent and ability has yet to be devised. Secondly, there is no proof that exceptional talents are required for those positions which Davis and Moore consider important. Thirdly, the pool of talent in society may be considerably larger than Davis and Moore assume. 4) Tumin also questions the view that the training required for important positions should be regarded as a sacrifice and therefore in need of compensation. He points to the rewards of being student- leisure, freedom and the opportunity for 14

15 self- development. However, Tumin sees no reason for continuing this compensation for the rest an individual s working life. 5) According to Davis and Moore, the major function of unequal rewards is to motivate talented individuals and allocate them to the functionally most important positions. Tumins rejects this view. He argues that social stratification can, and often does, act as a barrier to the motivation and recruitment of talent. The ascribed status of untouchables prevented even the most talented form becoming Brahmins. Until recently, the ascribed status of blacks in the USA blocked all but a handful from political office and highly rewarded occupations. The lower an individual s class position, the more likely he is to leave school at the minimum leaving age and the less likely he is to aspire and strive for highly rewarded position. 6) Tumin argues that Davis and Moore have failed to consider the possibility that those who occupy highly rewarded positions will erect barriers to recruitment. He claims that the American Medical Association has been guilty of this practice. He argues that those born into the lower strata can have the same opportunities for realizing their talents as those born into the higher strata. Tumin maintains that, It is only when there is genuinely equal access to recruitment and training for all potentially talented persons that differential rewards can be justified as functional. And stratification systems are apparently inherently antagonistic to the development of such full equality of opportunity. 7) Finally, Tumin question the view that social stratification functions to integrate the social system. He argues that differential rewards can encourage hostility, suspicion and distrust among the various segments of a society. Stratification is a divisive rather than an integrating force. Stratification can also weaken social integration by 15

16 giving members of the lower strata a feeling of being excluded from participation in the larger society, stratification severs to distribute loyalty unequally in the population and therefore reduces the potential for social solidarity. MICHAEL YOUNG In a brilliant satire entitled, The Rise Of The Meritocracy, Michael Young imagines a future British society in which talent and social roles would be perfectly matched, in which the most able individuals would fill the functionally most important positions. Firstly, members of the lower strata may become totally demoralized. Men who have lost their self respect are liable to lose their inner vitality. Young argues that, When ambition is crossed with stupidity it may do nothing besides foster frustration. They could recognize intelligence, wit and wisdom in members of the lower strata, they appreciated that their social inferiors were least their in equal in certain respects. Social inferiors really are inferior those who occupy the top position are undoubtedly superior. It members may rule society with arrogance and haughty self assurance. They may despite their lower strata whose members may well find such behaviour offensive. This may result in conflict between the ruling minority and the rest of society. Young s picture of a meritocracy is fictional; it indicates many of the possible dysfunctional elements of such a system. It suggests that a society based on meritocratic principles may not be well integrated. It indicates that a stratification system which operates in this way may, on balance, be dysfunctional. EVA ROSENFELD: Criticism of functionalist theories has been concerned with the view that stratification is functional. This section turns to the functionalists claim that stratification is inevitable. An example of one attempt to translate this idea into 16

17 reality is provided by the Israeli Kibbutzin system. These communities have an average population of between 200 and 700 and an economic base of agriculture plus some light Industry. Many kibbutzim are founded on the Marxist principle of from everyone according to ability- to everyone according to need, the guiding ideal being the creation of an egalitarian society. Stratification in terms of wealth is thus absent. All major decisions are taken by a general assembly in which each adult member of a kibbutz has the right to vote. It would therefore appear that power to the people has become a reality. Eva Rosenfeld had identified two distinct social strata which are clearly recognized by members. The upper stratum is made up of leader managers, who are elected by members of the kibbutz and are responsible for the day-to-day running of the community. The lower stratum consists of the rank and file the agriculture labourers and machine operatives. Authority and prestige are not equally distributed. The right to organize and direct the activities of others is built into the role of lead- manager. Rosenfeld notes that leader manager are respected for their contribution to the communal enterprise as leader s organizers, managers of farms and shops. Eva Rosenfeld also identifies an unequal distribution of seemingly crucial emotional gratifications. Managers obtain more satisfaction from their work than the rank and file. Rosenfeld s study lends some support to the functionalist claim that social stratification, at least in terms of power and prestige, is inevitable in human society. She also maintains that in order in order to operate effectively, positions of authority must carry higher prestige than positions subject to that authority. PETER SAUNDERS He questions the Marxist idea of equality. Unequal reward is the only way that people can be motivated to perform efficiently. Three kind of equality: before law, of opportunity and of outcome: Equality before law: Under same circumstances, same laws to govern. 17

18 Equality of opportunity: Equal opportunities to provide level playing field. Equality of outcome: is unjust, that irrespective of outcome, you reward everyone equally. DIFFERENT CONCEPTIONS OF CLASS Karl Marx: refer above Weber: refer above Dahrendorf: refer to thinker notes In advanced industrial society, Marxian concept of class now outdated. It cannot be fully employed because of: 1. Fragmentation of classes 2. EO Wright contradictory class locations, of middle class. On ownership criterion, middle class is the working class. On the basis functioning, it acts as capitalist class. So ownership vs nonownership are not a legitimate criterion. Marxists are divided into Maximalists and Minimalist Minimalists are Populantzas & Althusser who believe that Proletariats are only those who are directly involved in generating surplus; so, highly shrunken working class. Supervisory class and Jr. Management cadres; Petty bourgeoisie. Senior managerial classes, are senior bureaucrats whereas, politicians are new bourgeoisie. Maximalists are Paul Sweezy and Paul Barren. They believe that bourgeois restricted for those who derive income without participating in production process. Rest everyone is proletariat e.g. managers. So working class is highly fragmented. ALTERNATIVE MODELS 18

19 E.O WRIGHT He was a Marxist who tried to modify Marxian criterion in direction similar to Weber or Ralf Dahredorf. According to them, Ownership is relevant but owner ship is not relevant. Even today, economic resources are unequally distributed. Supplemented with other criteria like:- 1. Skills: special skills exist as an important factor within skills i.e. gradation. There is like Credential Vs Uncredential skills 2. Organizational assets: it refers to the authority, power and privilege that follow from your position in organization. All three factors prevail simultaneously. Model: OWNERS NON-OWNERS Bourgeois (Only labour) hired Credentialed expert Manager e.g. CEO Infosys Semi- Credentialed Manager Un- Manager Credentialed Themselves also take part in enterprises & also take help with hired labour Credentialed Expert supervisor Semi Credentialed supervisor Un- Supervisor Credentialed Petty bourgeois. Primarily depend on self. Credentialed Expert Manager Non- Semi Credentialed worker Un- Credentialed worker 19

20 How much dependence is there on hired labour is the criterion for classifying ownership class. GOLDTHORPE: Simpler classification, but it has becomes very popular. He was a non- Marxist Inspired by Weber, took two criteria: 1. Market situation 2. Work situation Excludes ownership vs. non 0wnership is not in hands of individual because of increasing corporatization. He classified society in 3 classes: 1) Service class: upper service class includes highly qualified managers like credential manager, high ranking bureaucrats and highly successful professionals. Lowers service class includes not so successful professional s e.g. middle and low rung administrators and managers especially those who supervise non- manual workers. 2) Intermediate class includes: (1) Routine Non- manual workers/white collar workers. (2) Petty bourgeoisie and self employed artisans (3) supervise manual workers and technicians. 3) Working class includes (1) Skilled manual worker and Semi skilled manual worker. RUNCIMEN In 1990s, gave his model similar to E.O. Wright s model. New definition of class: Class is a set of roles, whose common location in the social space is, a function of nature and degree of eco power. Those who 20

21 share equal economic power belong to one Class. Economic power located in 3 factors: 1. Ownership 2. Control 3. Marketability. Britain can be seen as divided into 7 classes:- 1. Upper class: % of population. 2. Upper middle class: High ranking professionals, High ranking business executives Bureaucrats; less than 10%. 3. Middle- Middle class: professionals, managerial class, bureaucrats; 15% of work force. 4. Lower middle class: 20% of work force. Routine white collar workers e.g. accountant clerks. 5. Skilled workers: 20% 6. Semi- skilled workers: 30% 7. Under class: 5% (in 1990s). Thus, Class conception is past i.e. an outdated concept JAN PAKULSKI AND MALCOM WATTERS They show direction in which advanced industrial societies are moving. Class based politics- disappeared. Till 1975, class was major issues on which politics is centered. Now issues like ecology, ethnicity and gender based inequality are centre of politics. According to them, capitalism has moved through three stages: th century: Eco Class society: clear cut division between owners and non owners. Owners also had political power and their culture was dominant 21

22 culture. Inequality was cumulative. Class divisions mattered the most. By 20 th century, the society started changing with arrival of welfare state into: 2. Organized class society: Deprived sections became more organized as trade unions influenced state. State became major force for regulating economy, politicians and bureaucrats held power. 3. Towards end of 20 th century: because of great advances in tech., situation started charging. Eco inequality has become for less significant in determining the social status of individual though, it has not disappeared. Autonomisation: Individuals and groups are freed from their class background in choosing occupation status. Class is no longer restrictive today. Role of state has been reduced because of marketisation. New emerging society is market meritocratic society. Property ownership has becomes less important because: 1. Ownership is highly dispersed. Property controlled by company but ownership by large number of people. 1. Consumptions level has risen and there is for greater choice. Values, symbols, identities, taste, consumption patterns decide hierarchy; so culture is becoming the basis for hierarchy. There exists a lot of possibility of change, so a lot of fragmentation and thus, clustering i.e. no class. So, class as a conceptual tool is outdated. WESTERGUARD Marxist criticized Papulski and Watters. In lasts 50 years, all world has shifted in market economy and interventionist state with drawn itself, at least partly. For, Top 10% of people Britain, income has risen by 40%. For bottom 10%, their exists the same share of National income. So inequality is growing and class is hardening. 22

23 By 1990, the richest 20% were controlling 45% total wealth. Wealth is in hands of small section; so inequality is not withering away. Resolution of Debate: with shifts towards market economy, inequality increased; but gradual trend towards decline is significant of economic inequality. GERHARD LENSKI Inequality of power inequality of economic resource created privileged class economic and political class added to prestige crystallization of social stratification. Power, privilege and prestige all follow bell shaped curve same as inequality. Power defended their privilege and once both acquired, prestige increases leading to status crystallization. As long as, power inequality remains, eco inequality will resurface. SOCIAL MOBILITY 23

24 There are certain primary factors that affect mobility in all societies, and secondary factors that are specific to particular societies at particular times. These factors include: The mobility of parents and children The faulty distribution of individual in social position The change of the environment. Birth rate of higher group is lower than that of lower groups. Loss of lives in the war, necessitating a high, degree of mobility. Rapid industrialization Migration Social mobility is movement across the social structure. Concept of social mobility is classically defined by Pitrim A. Sorokin. According to Sorokin, the shift of position may be undertaken by an individual or social object or value. That is to say, anything that has been created or modified by human activity can experience social mobility. Social mobility is the recognition of gradation in a society. The gradation is normally done in terms of power, prestige and privileges. That is to say, a hierarchical structure then operates in such societies. Taking direction as the basis, it is of 2 types: Vertical Mobility Horizontal Mobility Vertical Mobility: When individual or a group changes its position in rank-order or hierarchy. It is further of two types: Upward ( Improvement) 24

25 Downward Absolute rates of social mobility are generally high, and moreover upward mobility i.e. from less to more advantaged positions predominates over downward mobility. Horizontal Mobility: Individual or a group changes its position without affecting its position in hierarchy. But social position is changed. E.g. landless worker moves to city and becomes Head lead worker, but remains a worker. This is called Horizontal Mobility. Individuals or groups move from one position to another in the society which does not involve a shift into a higher or lower stratum. According to Sorokin. Horizontal social Mobility means the transition of an individual or social object from one social group to another situated on the same level. Based on time dimension, it could be:- Inter - generational Intra - generational Inter- generational change is witnessed over generations, and it is slow. Most cases of mobility happen to be of this type. Intra- generational change in position in hierarchy occurs within single life time. E.g. Dhirubhai Ambani. In all systems of stratification, some but also various hindrances to mobility exists. Degree of mobility varies in open and closed system (on the basis of norms). In a closed system the norms prohibit/ proscribe mobility e.g. caste system. 25

26 Mobility in India- through time:- - During Rig Vedic Period: there was no restriction on mobility. Ranking was on the basis of merit. E.g. those good at poetry (Brahma) were called as Brahmins. Military: called as Rajanya. Those who did not excel in either of 2: were called as Vis. Son of Vis could be Brahmin, Rajanja, Vis. - By Manu s time, position had become ascriptive i.e. position by birth. - During Harsha s time, even, Untouchability crept in. System changed from Open to Close. - During Mughal rule, it was not fully closed; e.g. rise of Rajputsactually Sakas and Huns tribes from central Asia came to acquire political power and acquired title of Raj puts. Kayasthas: Took to service of Mughal emperors, became court scribes. Marathas: political mobilization of Kunbis; later on acquired Kshatriya life style. Artisans moved to urban areas and acquired wealth and became Vaishyas. Normatively caste system has following characteristics: - Proscribes mobility; - Membership of caste: Ascriptive, based on birth; - Legitimized by karma theory (because of bad karma in previous birth low birth); - Strict endogamy. In class based societies: - Membership depends on achievement 26

27 - Norms envisage mobility - Equality of opportunity - Open model of mobility Some barriers and restrictions to mobility are still there e.g. in America, no Negro has become the president of America, though egalitarianism is emphasized. Most of the high ranking positions in corporate sector are heid by men. The rate of social mobility may have an important effect on class formation. For example, Anthony Giddens suggests that if the rate of social mobility is low, class solidarity and cohesion will be high. Most individuals will remain in their class of origin and this will provide for the reproduction of common life experiences over generations. Lipset and Zenerberg emphasize that rate of social mobility displas basic similarity across industrial societies. According of them, among industrial societies, no association is apparent between mobility rates and rate of economic growth. Social mobility becomes relatively high once their industrialization reaches a certain level. SOCIAL MOBILITY AND SOCIAL CHANGE How is social mobility linked with social change? 27

28 Social mobility is a product of social change and also it engenders social change. Social mobility in different societies Till Horticulture, there existed ranked societies, and not stratified. In agriculture, due to surplus production- inequality started crystallizing. Irrigated agriculture: disparity increase; centralization of power increases and allocation of position is on ascriptive basis. Industrial society: skills start becoming specialized. Formal education develops; economy becomes delinked to domestic unit. The amount of movement from industrial societies. Industrial societies are therefore described as open, as having a relatively low degree of closure. In particular, it is argued that status in pre- industrial societies is largely ascribed whereas in industrial societies, it is increasingly achieved. Advanced industrial society: certain barriers to mobility exist. So, the curve plateaus. So mobility is a product of social change. 28

29 FACTORS RESPONSIBLE FOR MOBILITY Personal talent: Gifted individuals acquire mobility in their respective society. Simple societies- military skills are valued. So, those high in this, gain mobility. Trend continues in Industrial society. By sheer individual talent, mobility at individual level achieved. But such cases are exceptions rather than the rule. For mobility to take place on a sizable scale, structural change should be there in society. Industrialization and Urbanization: one of the dominants of social mobility. There is expansion and diversification of occupation in Pre- industrial society. Diversity of occupational opportunities leads to economic growth. Economic growth is significant factor in increasing mobility. Sustained eco growth results in expansion of tertiary sector. It is not eco growth per se which makes significant impact; it should be accompanied with rapid expansion of education. India Jobless growth 1990s. Growth was in areas with specialized skills. So capital intensive growth did not make significant improvement in quality of life in population. Politicization / Democratization: Gives access to political power opportunity to gain power. It can be used for further eco power and prestige. Social changes in these directions contribute to mobility. Mobility can be seen as an index of modernization eco develop and politicization. CRITICISM 29

30 As long as there s social and economic inequality in society, education by itself cannot create truly meritocratic society. It depends on familial background. Education indeed brings mobility and the inequality is only meritocratic. Benefits are to those with high achievement motivation. Pierre Bouordieu: Education has functioned more like a filtering out system rather than encouraging mobility. Education curriculum is based on culture of dominant classes. Children in upper class have cultural capital i.e. both ability and motivation. Lower class has Low mobility, culture differs from reality. All learning is abstract as we move higher. Ability to understand abstract ideas is dependent on linguistic ability. Working class has low linguistic ability; so lack of ability also. It is called cultural capital because it s kind of investment which assures profits. Education performance is linked with class background. Children of uneducated parents have high dropout rate. Middle class children stay longer in education system. They end up in high rewarding careers. So over generations, existing class structure gets replicated. So education only has limited ability for increasing mobility as long as social and eco inequality exists. CASE STUDIES: 30

31 1. Fox and Miller studied 12 industrial nations. He found that moving from Blue collars job to white collar jobs, is the basis of assessing mobility. Those counties which registered a sustained high growth in economy, accompanied with increase in school enrolment, increase in urbanization and also political stability, experienced highest rate of mobility. But it was only confined to those sections which had high achievement motivation. 2. The first major study of intergenerational mobility in England and Wales was conducted by David Glass and his associates in The study indicates a fairly high level of intergenerational mobility. Nearly two- thirds of the men interviewed in 1949 were in different status category from that their fathers. Roughly one third moved upwards and one third downwards. However, for the most part, the change in status is not very great. Most mobility is short range, sons generally moving to a category either adjacent or close to that of their fathers. There is little long range mobility either from top to bottom or vice versa. In the higher status categories, there is a considerable degree of selfrecruitment a process by which members of a stratum are recruited from the sons of those who already belong to that stratum. 3. After 1949, the next major study of social mobility in England and Wales was conducted in Glass used a classification based on occupational prestige, the oxford study categorized occupations largely in terms of their market rewards. One of the most striking differences between the 1972 and 1949 survey is the amount of long-range mobility, particular mobility out of the manual working class. The combination of fairly high degree of inheritance of privileged positions and relatively high rate of long range 31

32 upward mobility is probably due to the fact that there is literally more room at the top. The occupations, which make up class 1, expanded rapidly in the twenty or so years before Clearly inequality of opportunity exists, but the way to the top is by no means closed. The process, by which members of wealthy and powerful groups are drawn from the sons of those who already belong to such groups, is known as elite self- recruitment. 4. A study by Willmott and Yong conducted in 1970, in the London areas, included a sample of 174 managing directors. It revealed that 83% were the sons of professionals and managers. A survey by Stanworth and Giddens designed to investigate the social origins of company chairman revealed a high degree of the elite self-recruitment. 5. A study by Halsy and Crewe shows that in 1967, only by 17% of the higher administrative grades in the civil service were filled with individuals from manual working- class backgrounds. The Oxford study, while showing a relatively high rate of mobility into class 1, does not indicate the degree of elite self recruitment. Firstly, there is considerable change in the occupational structure. For each succeeding generation, there are more white-collar and fewer blue-collar jobs available. This helps to account for, the finding of the oxford study, that upward mobility considerably exceeds downward mobility. Secondly, manual and non-manual fertility rates differ. In particular workingclass fathers have generally had more children than middle-class fathers. Recruitment from lower strata was essential to fill those positions. Thirdly, many sociologists have argued that occupational status in industrial society is increasingly achieved on the basis of merit. Jobs are allocated in terms 32

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