u Ottawa L'UniversiW canadienne Canada's university

Transcription

1 u Ottawa L'UnversW canadenne Canada's unversty

2 FACULTE DES ETUDES SUPERIEURES ET POSTOCTORALES mn u Ottawa L*Unverst<* canadenne Canada's unversty FACULTY OF GRADUATE AND POSDOCTORAL STUDIES Scott Blurton _ _ ^ _ ^. _ _ _ M.A (Poltcal Scence) School of Poltcal Studes Terrtoral Identty: The "Thrd Category" of Identty n Normatve Pluralsm TITRE DE LA THESE / TITLE OF THESIS Professor Dmtros Karms. _ ^ ^ EXAMINATEURS (EXAMINATRICES) DE LA THESE / THESIS EXAMINERS Professor Lnda Cardnal Professor Claude Dens Gary W. Slater Le Doyen de la Faculte des eldes supereures et postdoctoraes / Dean of the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studes

3 Terrtoral Identty: The "Thrd Category" of Identty n Normatve Pluralsm By Scott Blurton Thess submtted to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studes In partal fulfllment of the requrement's For the Master's Degree of Socal Scences n Poltcal Studes Drector: Professor Dmtros Karms, Ph.D. Unversty of Ottawa May 5th, 008 Scott Blurton, Ottawa, Canada, 008

4 * Lbrary and Archves Canada Publshed Hertage Branch 95 Wellngton Street Ottawa ON KA0N4 Canada Bblotheque et Archves Canada Drecton du Patrmone de I'edton 95, rue Wellngton Ottawa ON KA0N4 Canada Your fle Votre reference ISBN: Our fle Notre reference ISBN: NOTICE: The author has granted a nonexclusve lcense allowng Lbrary and Archves Canada to reproduce, publsh, archve, preserve, conserve, communcate to the publc by telecommuncaton or on the Internet, loan, dstrbute and sell theses worldwde, for commercal or noncommercal purposes, n mcroform, paper, electronc and/or any other formats. The author retans copyrght ownershp and moral rghts n ths thess. Nether the thess nor substantal extracts from t may be prnted or otherwse reproduced wthout the author's permsson. AVIS: L'auteur a accorde une lcence non exclusve permettant a la Bblotheque et Archves Canada de reprodure, publer, archver, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au publc par telecommuncaton ou par Plntemet, prefer, dstrbuer et vendre des theses partout dans le monde, a des fns commercales ou autres, sur support mcroforme, paper, electronque et/ou autres formats. L'auteur conserve la proprete du drot d'auteur et des drots moraux qu protege cette these. N la these n des extrats substantels de celle-c ne dovent etre mprmes ou autrement reproduts sans son autorsaton. In complance wth the Canadan Prvacy Act some supportng forms may have been removed from ths thess. Whle these forms may be ncluded n the document page count, ther removal does not represent any loss of content from the thess. Conformement a la lo canadenne sur la protecton de la ve prvee, quelques formulares secondares ont ete enleves de cette these. Ben que ces formulares aent nclus dans la pagnaton, l n'y aura aucun contenu manquant. Canada

5 Terrtoral Identty: The "Thrd Category" of Identty n Normatve Pluralsm

6 To my parents and grandparents For the sacrfces that have allowed me to be here today

7 Abstract Normatve Pluralsm s a feld of academc lterature that attempts to reconcle the growng dversty wthn modern states by defnng rules and norms to manage the relatonshps between dfferng dentty groups. For the most part, normatve pluralsm has been focused on reconclng the relatons between groups who exhbt one of two categores of dentty: natonal denttes and cultural denttes. Much of the debate wthn the feld of normatve pluralsm s n defnng wthn whch category an dentty should be ncluded and whch rghts and responsbltes should be assgned to t. However, there s another form of dentty that whle ncreasng n frequency and strength has been almost completely gnored by frameworks of normatve pluralsm - terrtoral dentty. Ths presented thess contends that terrtoral forms of dentty comprse a "thrd category" of dentty that frameworks of normatve pluralsm must address. More precsely, ths thess analyses the academc lterature of normatve pluralsm and fnds that, despte the strong connecton between terrtory and dentty, terrtoral denttes are nvsble n the academc debate wthn normatve pluralsm. Ths thess explans the power and stablty of terrtoral denttes wthn the publc sphere by outlnng a theory of how terrtoral denttes are formed, mantaned, and transmtted through the relatonshp of three dstnct phenomena: terrtoralty, narratve, and banal flaggng. In a case study, the thess reveals practcal evdence of terrtoral dentty, and the three phenomena that construct t, by analyzng the text of the edtorals by three Albertan newspapers over the span of a sngle year. n

8 Acknowledgements Frst of all, I would lke to express my deep grattude to Professor Dmtros Karms. I had decded to ask M. Karms to be my thess drector after I had taken hs semnar course Insttutons et Consttutons back n the fall of 005. I found hm to be demandng, as he was always challengng students to re-examne ther pre-held belefs and approach them from a dfferent drecton. Hs ablty to consder multple perspectves extended to federalsm, where he was able to help us understand the multple forces that were competng for relevance whle smultaneously challengng us to queston the valdty of those same forces. The skll that he taught us was not only the ablty to understand academc theory at the hghest level, but the ndependence and courage needed to challenge ts most well-establshed tenets. Ths trat was most apparent n hs work wth Jocelyn Maclure (00) n challengng the precept of monstc authentcty, a paper that formed the geness of my thess. In workng wth M. Karms these last two years, I have found hm to honest, supportve, and extremely generous wth hs tme and opnons. He also served as a soundng board for my deas, allowng us to debate the nature of dentty and ts role n socety. It s one of the thngs that I wll mss most as our collaboraton ends wth the submsson of ths thess. However, he has gven me a tremendous gft: an mmeasurable nfluence on my academc thought and the way I see the world. Merc beaucoup Dmtr. I would also lke to thank my famly, n partcular my father, Bob, and my mother, Betty, for ther never-endng emotonal and fnancal support. I can remember wth trepdaton tellng them v

9 that I had decded to return to school to pursue my Master's degree n a provnce far from home and n a language that I could not speak. Ther confdence n me has never wavered durng ths long odyssey. From my mother, I have receved no end of encouragement, and a steady supply of care packages. From my father, I have receved hs quet confdence that n the end, everythng wll work out. To them, I am forever ndebted. I would lke to thank the Unversty of Ottawa for ts generous fnancal support of my studes through ts Teachng Assstant postons. To that end, I would lke to thank Davd Leech, Mchael Orsn, and Gord DGacomo for hrng me as ther TA and gvng me the opportunty to work wth them and some of the fnest students that I have ever known. I never had to worry about starvng durng my studes and the Unversty of Ottawa's fnancal support of TA's was a bg reason why. I would also lke to thank my colleagues at the Natonal Offce of the Lberal Party of Canada for ther support and for gvng me a job that has allowed me to fnsh my thess n fnancal securty. My experence at the party has also gven me a vastly dfferent perspectve on the feld of poltcs - an experence that has complemented my academc background on the subject and made me a more well-rounded thnker n the feld of poltcal scence. Thank you to all my frends for ther knd words of encouragement and support durng the wrtng of ths thess. And fnally, a large thanks to someone who has, along wth Dmtr, been the most nfluental person on my academc belefs - Stephane Don. Stephane has gven me perhaps the most precous gft of all n one's lfe - a goal. For the next several years, I wll be dedcatng myself to work wth hm n rebuldng the Canadan economy so that t s envronmentally sustanable. The sklls and lessons that I have learned n the preparaton of ths thess wll be nvaluable towards that goal.

10 Contents Abstract Acknowledgements Table of Fgures v v Introducton Methodology 4 Scope 6 Perod 8 Contrbuton Chapter One - Terrtoral Identty and the Canadan School of Normatve Pluralsm 5 Terrtory and Natonalsm 8. The Psychologcal Impact of Terrtoralty on Natonalst Movements 9. The Challenge of Prmal Ownershp 4. Terrtory as Instrument of Power 5 Normatve Pluralsm n Canada 8. Charles Taylor and the Poltcs of Recognton 8. James Tully and the Strange Multplcty of Identty. Wll Kymlcka and the Dvson between Multnatonalsm and Multculturalsm 4.4 Omtros Karms, Jocelyn Maclure and the attack on the Monstc Authentcty of Identty 6 Re-Brandng Quebec: Buldng a Plural Quebec Naton 9. Gerard Bouchard and The North Amercan Francophone 9. Mchel Seymour and the Socopoltcal Naton 40. Jocelyn Maclure and The Centralty of Dscourse 4 4. Concluson 44 Chapter Two - The Tralectc of Terrtoral Identty: Terrtoralty, Narratve, and Banal Flaggng 46 Terrtoralty 48. The Three Interdependent Relatonshps of Terrtoralty 49. Ten Tendences of Terrtoralty 50. Vertcalty 5.4 Language and Terrtoralty 54 Narratve 55. Paul Rcoeur and Emplotment 55. The "Second-Order Stores" of Publc Narratves 59. The Lnk Between Narratve and Terrtoralty 60 Banal Flaggng 6. Banal Flaggng and Terrtoralty 6. Banal Flaggng and Narratve 6. Examples of Terrtoral-Based "Banal Flaggng" Concluson 67 Chapter Three - Albertan Terrtoral Identty: Trackng the development of a new form of dentty wthn Canada 70 VI

11 Methodology 7. Terrtoral Flags 74. Pronouns 78. Narratve 80.4 Archetypes 8 Results 85. Terrtoral Flags 85. Frst Person Plural 0. Narratves 07.4 Archetypes 0.0 Concluson 6 Concluson 8 Appendces Appendx One: Raw Data - Edmonton Journal 4 Appendx Two: Raw Data - Calgary Sun 9 Appendx Three: Raw Data - Lethbrdge Herald 54 Bblography 69 VII

12 Table of Fgures Table : Alberta Terrtoral Flags 86 Table : Albertan Terrtoral Flags 88 Table : Ottawa Terrtoral Flags 90 Table 4: Central Canada Terrtoral Flags 9 Table 5: Alberta Assumed and People of Alberta Terrtoral Flags 9 Table 6: Character Trats of Terrtoral Archetypes 4 Chart : Rate of Alberta Terrtoral Flags per Edtoral 87 Chart : Rate of Albertan Terrtoral Flags per Edtoral 89 Chart : Rate of Ottawa Terrtoral Flags per Edtoral 9 Chart 4: Rate of Alberta Assumed Terrtoral Flags per Edtoral 94 Chart 5: Three-Day Rollng Average for Alberta Terrtoral Flags 96 Chart 6: Three-Day Rollng Average for Albertan Terrtoral Flags 98 Chart 7: Three-Day Rollng Average for Ottawa Terrtoral Flags 99 Chart 8: Three-Day Rollng Average for Alberta Assumed Terrtoral Flags 00 Chart 9: Frst Person Plural - Edmonton Journal 0 Chart 0: Frst Person Plural - Calgary Sun 04 Chart : Frst Person Plural - Lethbrdge Herald 05 Chart : Frst Person Plural - Cumulatve 06 Chart : Alberta Terrtoral Narratves 08 Chart 4: Terrtoral Archetypes vm

13 Introducton "The Mlch Cow", as seen on the cover of ths thess, was orgnally prnted n 95. In the cartoon, a large cow representng Canada s beng fed by hard-workng farmers representng the provnces of Alberta, Saskatchewan, and Mantoba and s beng mlked by rch, pudgy bankers representng Eastern Canada. The meanng of the cartoon s clear. In Canada, the provnces of Alberta, Saskatchewan, and Mantoba are exploted by the money nterests n Ottawa, Toronto, and Montreal. What s extraordnary about ths cartoon s that t shows at a very early tme n Canada's hstory a growng sense of terrtoral conflct between the provnces of the west and the provnces of the east. Secondly, an deal mage or archetype s created to represent the provnces and regons exstng n the cartoon. The prare provnces are represented by good, hard-workng farmers whle the Eastern ctes are represented by greedy bankers. The contrast between the two could not be more clear. At ts core, the cartoon represents an early example of a terrtoral dentty. Wthn ths smple dagram, the terrtoral characters of Alberta, Saskatchewan, and Mantoba are created and defned n opposton to another terrtoral constructon, Eastern Canada, by the use of a narratve. However, Canadan scholars have tended to treat such nstances as the result of economc or poltcal grevances rather than as evdence of a growng sense of terrtoral dentty wthn the The cartoon "The Mlch Cow" was drawn by Arch. Dale (88-96) for the December 5,95 edton of the Gran Growers Gude. For a more recently publshed copy of the cartoon, see Dyck (00:60).

14 Canadan state. Rather, scholars that have focused on the ssue of dentty wthn the Canadan state have tended to focus on mnorty natonalst or multculturalst forms of dentty n ther theoretcal frameworks. Ths s by no means a crtcsm of the work accomplshed by these theorsts. By grapplng wth the demands presented by mnorty natonalst and multculturalst movements to the domnant natonal majorty, these theorsts have crafted a body of lterature that has been nstrumental n gudng states through the growng dversty wthn ther borders and ther transton from naton-states to plural states. We call ths body of lterature the Canadan school of normatve pluralsm. The development of the Canadan school of normatve pluralsm, explored n depth n Chapter One, has been a welcome development on the understandng of a growng plural dentty, but there s a certan gap wthn the lterature. Whereas poltcal scentsts have been very dlgent n addressng cultural and natonal dversty n ther normatve frameworks, they have underemphaszed the central mportance of terrtoralty n the formulaton of dentty. Ths omsson s understandable, as the lterature has focused on accommodatng growng multculturalst and mnorty natonalst groups to the exstng state system. In the Canadan context, the focus on the Quebec natonalst project has dstracted attenton from growng artculatons of terrtoral dentty n other parts of the country; a process that Resnck (000) For example, Gbbns and Berdahl (00: 6) explan that Western alenaton "s not at odds wth a strong sense of Canadan natonalsm, but s better seen as natonalsm frustrated by the poltcal system." Regonal dvsons, they argue, "wll reman n the future only f natonal polces retan ther relevance by facltatng rather than constranng regonal prosperty". Rather than seeng the persstence of Western alenaton as evdence of a possble terrtoral dentty, Gbbns and Berdahl see t as evdence of poltcal and economc grevances, despte ts persstence durng tmes of regonal prosperty and nfluence n the federal government. Ths tendency s seen most clearly n the work of Wll Kymlcka (998), who n hs artculaton of normatve pluralsm splts ethnocultural denttes nto two groups: mmgrant groups and natonal groups. Kymlcka argues that ethnocultural denttes should have dfferent rghts and responsbltes based on whch of two groups they fall under. As a result, Kymlcka's theory fals to consder terrtoral forms of dentty and the rghts and responsbltes that may be approprate for terrtoral groups. Kymlcka's work and ts omsson of terrtoral dentty are explored n more detal n Chapter One, Secton. of ths thess.

15 beleves has led to a "poltcs of resentment" n some parts of the country. Ths neglect s surprsng n a federaton where soveregnty s dvded on a terrtoral bass. Thus, a comprehensve framework of normatve pluralsm must take nto consderaton the mportance that terrtoralty has n the constructon and artculaton of dentty wthn plural countres such as Canada. However, there s a body of lterature n Canadan poltcal scence artculated by scholars such as Janne Brody (994), Phlp Resnck (995), and Roger Gbbns and Loleen Berdahl (00) that does consder the growng strength of terrtoral denttes n the Canadan poltc - regonalsm. Regonalsm breaks the country up nto dstnct geographcal regons to better understand the dfferng regonal nterests that have led to greater regonal conflct than n comparable federal states. However, there were a number of reasons why ths thess chose to focus on the body of lterature on terrtoralty rather than the body of lterature on regonalsm. Frst of all, regonalsm s but an oversmplfcaton of the larger phenomenon of terrtoral dentty. Regonal dscourse tends to overemphasze the dfferences between regons and underemphasze the dfferences wthn a regon. In contrast to regons, the lterature on terrtoralty can understand multple levels of terrtoralty. So rather than placng too much emphass on only one terrtoral level such as regon, terrtoralty can examne all levels equally to get a better understandng of geographcally-based denttes. Secondly, Regonal lterature does not explan the co-exstence of multple overlappng and nested terrtoral denttes. Regons are also seen as mutual exclusve or as contguous peces of a whole. In realty, terrtoral allegances are ll-defned and overlappng. Terrtoralty has an easer tme understandng plural terrtoral denttes because t vews the boundares between dfferng terrtores as ndstnct. Therefore, rather than smplfyng terrtoral loyaltes nto jgsaw peces that are part of large whole, terrtoralty makes complexty of terrtoralty loyaltes that are pullng at an ndvdual at any gven moment. Thrdly, regon has a specfc meanng n the Canadan context, typcally defned as collectons of provnces. Terrtory s far more flexble and

16 applcable to constant shftng geographcal allegances. Regonalsm, whle useful, cannot explan how an ndvdual can "flp" between vastly dfferent terrtoral allegances dependng on the context. Terrtoralty, because t understands how ndvduals can have multple terrtoral loyaltes smultaneously, does explan how ndvduals can constantly swtch back and forth between these contextual-based terrtoral denttes. However, the lterature on regonalsm, most notably by Smley (987: ), has shown that provncal terrtoraltes have a more concrete exstence than regonal terrtoraltes due to the presence of provncal nsttutons. Ths nsttutonal advantage supports the clams of ths thess as terrtoral denttes that are supported by nsttutons may have an advantage over other terrtoral denttes n flaggng the terrtory n queston and communcatng ts constructed narratves. That sad, a secton dedcated to summarzng the Canadan lterature on Regonal Identty or Regonalsm mght have been a wse addton, possbly as a replacement for the secton on Quebec plural dentty. Gven the lnk between terrtory and dentty dentfed n Chapter One, and ts gnorance n the Canadan school of normatve pluralsm, the followng queston must be asked: Do manly terrtoral denttes exst and are they strong enough to warrant accommodaton wthn theoretcal frameworks of normatve pluralsm? Ths thess argues that the answer s yes; manly terrtoral denttes do exst and have a strong enough place n the publc magnaton to form a "thrd category" of dentty, alongsde natonal and cultural forms of dentty, whch must be consdered n frameworks of normatve pluralsm. Methodology To support ths thess, however, a clear methodology must be followed. Not only must the theoretcal underpnnngs of terrtoral dentty be explored, t must be supported by evdence from a practcal case study. To satsfy these two requrements, ths thess wll use the followng methodology throughout the remander of the thess. Frst of all, the thess wll establsh n Chapter Two a theory of terrtoral dentty. Ths second chapter wll be approached from a dscursve approach, lookng at how terrtoral denttes are constructed, whether purposely or 4

17 ncdentally, through the use of publc language. Ths theory of terrtoral dentty and the manner n whch t s constructed, communcated, and mantaned wll pull together lterature from three dstnct felds of study: terrtoralty, narratve, and banal flaggng. The lterature on terrtoralty wll be used to understand how terrtores are constructed and used as a system to control the spatal organzaton of ndvduals. Ths s connected to the lterature on narratve, whch turns the terrtoral unt from an arbtrary unt on a map nto a fully realzed character wth whch people can dentfy collectvely through the use of narratves - stores that soldfy and renforce the artculaton and legtmacy of terrtores and ther boundares n mnds of the target populaton. Fnally, Mchael Bllg's artculaton of banal flaggng wll be used to understand the multplcty of nnocuous ways n whch terrtoralty and the dentfcaton wth ths terrtoralty by a populaton s renforced through the use of language. Whle the theory of terrtoral dentty constructed n Chapter Two wll be nterestng n tself, t wll serve lttle purpose f t does not brng new nsghts nto the real world. Thus, Chapter Three wll conduct a case study to ascertan to what extent the phenomena explaned theoretcally n Chapter Two can be dentfed emprcally. In ths chapter, the edtoral sectons of three Alberta newspapers wll be analyzed to fnd the degree to whch a sense of terrtoral dentty s constructed around the terrtoral concept of the provnce of Alberta. Usng the theoretcal lterature on terrtoral dentty constructon developed n Chapter Two, I wll revew the constructon of a terrtoral dentty centred around the provnce of Alberta by examnng the use of terrtoral flags, narratves, and archetypes used n three Albertan daly newspapers over the span of a sngle year. The three selected Albertan newspapers were the Edmonton Journal, the Calgary Sun, and the Lethbrdge Herald. These three newspapers were selected for two man reasons - they represented the three largest populatons n Alberta and none of the three were owned by the same corporate entty. Ths allowed the study to examne the edtoral lnes stemmng from three dfferent geographcal regons of Alberta (two urban and one rural) whle elmnatng the possblty that a sngle owner could mpose an edtoral lne across more than one 5

18 paper n ths study. The geographcal dstrbuton of the newspapers and ther ndependence of ownershp were essental elements of ths study to ensure that the fndngs would be the result of the strength of the terrtoral constructon of Alberta n the dscourse of Albertan socety rather than an mposed edtoral lne from a sngle source or geographcal regon. The results of ths case study are used to support the general theoretcal prncples of terrtoral dentty that are presented n Chapter Two. Whle the purpose of ths thess s to argue for the ncluson of terrtoral dentty as a "thrd category" of dentty n frameworks of normatve pluralsm, t also seeks to hghlght the nterconnectedness between cultural, terrtoral, and natonal artculatons of dentty. Whle ths thess seeks to structure forms of dentty nto three dstnct categores, t does so wth the knowledge that such a categorzaton s a smplfed abstracton of a far more complcated realty. Thus, the problem of ndetermnacy, the possblty that an dentty cannot be placed n only one of the defned categores, could become an ssue. However, the lterature on the Canadan school of normatve pluralsm, whle recognzng that these categores are merely a theoretcal abstracton, nonetheless makes the abstracton the bass of dfferentated rghts and responsbltes. Therefore, whle ths thess recognzes the nterconnectedness between the three categores of dentty and the related problem of ndetermnacy nherent wthn such a categorcal dfferentaton, t s a necessary smplfcaton to ensure that forms of terrtoral dentty are not gnored by frameworks of normatve pluralsm - most specfcally n the Canadan case. Scope My prmary theoretcal target n ths thess wll be the plural naton of Canada. The prmary reason for ths choce s that Canada represents a remarkable example of dversty wthn a lberal country and contans wthn ts hstory, multple attempts at accommodatng ths dversty under the rubrc of a state. As Kymlcka (998: ) explans: Canada s a world leader n three of the most mportant areas of ethnocultural relatons: mmgraton, ndgenous peoples, and the accommodaton of mnorty natonalsms. 6

19 Many other countres have one or more of these forms of dversty but very few have all three, and none has the same wealth of hstorcal experence n dealng wth them. As well, Canada s the second largest country n the world and has ts ctzens spread out over fve tme zones. As such, the accommodaton of dfferng regonal concerns must be managed and negotated wth a great deal of care. As Laczko (994: 8) states n hs comparatve study of pluralsm, "Canada s the extreme outler even among the small set of hghly-developed, hghlyplural socetes precsely because t contans more types of pluralsm than these others do. It s ths combnaton of types of pluralsm that makes Canada dstnctve". Furthermore, due to the extent of ths dversty and the conflcts that t has engendered, much of the academc dscourse on pluralsm has taken place wthn the country of Canada. Charles Taylor, Wll Kymlcka, James Tully, Dmtros Karms, Jocelyn Maclure, and others have taken part n the worldwde debate over the reconclaton of dentty wthn the growng number of plural countres. As well, Canada contans wthn ts borders the provnce of Quebec whch tself contans an alternate but nterconnected example of natonal dentty constructon n competton wth the efforts of the pan-canadan central state. But much lke the evoluton of Canadan dentty due to the challenge of pluralsm, Quebec too has had to make adjustments to create a more plural concepton of Quebec dentty n order to accommodate pre-exstng Aborgnal peoples and an nflux of mmgraton nto Montreal whle protectng, constructng, and promotng a unfed natonal dentty. Wthn academa nsde the provnce of Quebec, there s a mountan of research that has been developed on the defnton and evoluton of Quebec dentty and ts relatonshp to the domnance of Canadan and Amercan denttes n North Amerca. Authors such as Gerard Bouchard, Mchel Seymour, and Jocelyn Maclure have contrbuted to the growng theoretcal acceptance of a plural Quebec dentty. Fnally, Canada has seen the growth of denttes whch can be descrbed as nether manly cultural nor natonal but are prncpally terrtoral such as the case of regonal denttes lke Western Canadans, provncal denttes lke Brtsh Columbans, and local denttes lke 7

20 Torontonans. For ths reason, the scope for the case study wll be narrowed even further to focus solely on the provnce of Alberta. Alberta was chosen because t contans wthn ts provncal boundares a hghly developed sense of collectve dentty that does not clam to pre-exst ts ncluson wthn the Canadan state, n contrast to natonal and cultural denttes. Unlke Brtsh Columba and Newfoundland, whch also have hghly constructed terrtoral denttes, Alberta dd not exst n any pre-exstng sense untl t was created by the federal government. Thus any sense of terrtoral dentty must have developed wthn the Canadan state alongsde a strong dentfcaton wth a Canadan natonal dentty. Secondly, the strong sense of Albertan dentty, whle havng deeply hstorc roots as seen n 'The Mlch Cow" cartoon, s a relatvely recent phenomenon, comng nto ts own durng the ol-battles between the federal and provncal government n the 970s and contnung ts development over the next 0 years. Thrdly, Albertan terrtoral dentty remans a relatvely underexplored phenomenon, especally n contrast to sub-state natonal denttes such as Quebec and Canada's Aborgnal peoples. Thus for these reasons, Alberta remans the best case wthn the country of Canada to analyze a manly terrtoral form of dentty. Whle authors such as Gbbns, Berdahl, and Resnck have explored these forms of terrtoral dentty n solaton, there have been no theores of normatve pluralsm and few practcal studes to support them, to understand these forms of dentty wth the same normatve force as cultural and natonal forms of dentty. Thus Canada remans an deal locaton to nvestgate the presence of a "thrd category" of dentty wthn normatve pluralsm as t contans numerous and emergng forms of terrtoral dentty such as the emergng sense of terrtoral dentty rsng from the provnce of Alberta. Perod The study wll examne a perod of mmense change n academc dscourse on matters of dentty. As ths thess s dvded nto three chapters, each dealng wth a dfferent subject, the perod wll vary dependng on the chapter. 8

21 For the Frst Chapter, a lterature revew of normatve pluralsm n Canada, the perod begns wth the demse of the Meech Lake Accord durng the years of 989 and 990, and the apocalyptc predctons of Canada's dsntegraton that followed. Durng ths tme, the paradgm of dualty n the Canadan poltcal sphere came under serous assault: frst by the representatves of Aborgnal Frst Natons who challenged the domnance of Englsh and French natonal denttes, and later by other groups who challenged the preferred mportance gven to natonal denttes at the expense of cultural and terrtoral denttes. Academcs n ths perod had an enormous challenge n developng new models and frameworks to make sense of and accommodate the demands of the growng multplcty of the Canadan polty, leadng to a body of work that we now often refer to as Canadan school of normatve pluralsm. That s not to say that such academc dscusson dd not occur before the falure of the Meech Lake Accord, as such an asserton would most certanly be false. But the complexty of the dversty that seeks to be recognzed and accommodated has grown sgnfcantly from earler perods such as the era of the B&B Commsson and thus ths post-meech perod of normatve pluralsm wll be the most relevant realm of study. Furthermore, t was n ths perod that terrtoral forms of dentty became stronger and more cogent n the aftermath of the Meech Lake Accord. The Reform party rose as a self-descrbed artculaton of Western regonal nterests. Albertan terrtoral dfferentaton became more pronounced wth the "Alberta Advantage" government of Ralph Klen, the boomng ol-and-gas sector, and the rse of the "Calgary School" of Canadan poltcal and economc thought. Furthermore, we have seen the rse of what Resnck (000) descrbes as "BC Regonalsm", and the return of "terrtoral natonalsm" n the Newfoundland and Labrador government of Danny Wllams from 00 on 4. Thus, ths perod n Canadan poltcs s an obvous choce for reconsderng the mportance of terrtoral dentty wthn the Canadan state. 4 Durng a dspute over offshore ol royaltes, Newfoundland and Labrador Premer Danny Wllams ordered the removal of all Canadan flags from provncal buldngs to protest the federal government's 9

22 For the Second Chapter on Terrtoral Identty, the perod wll stretch from the publshng of Davd Knght's paper on "Identty and Terrtoralty" n 98 to the present. In ths perod, the major work on terrtoralty was conducted by authors such as Davd Knght, Robert Sack, Davd Delaney, Robert Cox, Davd Storey, Davd Kaplan, and Margaret Moore. Durng ths same perod, the power of narratve n constructng collectve denttes was explored by authors such as Paul Rcoeur, Ayla Khan, Davd Newsman and Paas Anss, Davd Rasmussen, Margaret Somers, and Y-Fu Tuan. As well, the power of banal flaggng to renforce terrtoral boundares and the dentfcaton wth these boundares was also explored by Mchael Bllg durng ths perod. For the case study n the Thrd Chapter, the perod was kept extremely lmted to the year 989. The year 989 was chosen for several reasons. Frst of all, the newspapers for 989 were readly avalable from Lbrary and Archves Canada. Secondly, there was a provncal electon n that year. Ths electon would allow us to dentfy any changes n the use of terrtoral flags that corresponded to the electon perod. Thrdly, there were some crtcal terrtoral ssues that came to the foreground n that year, such as the Alberta Senate Electon, the collapsng Meech Lake Accord, and the mposton of the GST. These concdng factors resulted n 989 beng an deal year to track the use of terrtoral flags n regards to the terrtoralty of Alberta. Furthermore, the edtorals used for the case study n Chapter Three were lmted to three Albertan newspapers. For ths study, the three selected Albertan newspapers were the Edmonton Journal, the Calgary Sun, and the Lethbrdge Herald. These three newspapers were selected for two reasons. Frstly, the three papers represented three of the four largest populatons n Alberta - Calgary, Edmonton, and Lethbrdge. Furthermore, the Lethbrdge Herald target audence covers a large secton of Southern Alberta, gvng t a far more rural perspectve than ether the Edmonton Journal or the Calgary Sun. Secondly, the three newspapers chosen were all poston (CBC 004). There have also been some dscussons of returnng to the Newfoundland trcolour desgn as the provnce's offcal flag. 0

23 ndependently owned from one another. Each of the three newspapers was owned by three dfferent corporate conglomeratons. The Calgary Sun s part of the Sun Meda chan. The Edmonton Journal s part of the CanWest News Servce. The Lethbrdge Herald was owned at the tme by the Thomsen Newspapers Company Lmted. Thus, there was not one sngle owner that could set an edtoral lne across more than one paper n ths study. Ths was the reason why newspapers from other smaller, more rural areas of the provnce where excluded as many of these papers were owned by the Sun Meda chan. The co-ndependence of ownershp was an essental element of ths study to ensure that the fndngs would be the result of the strength of the terrtoral constructon of Alberta n the dscourse of Albertan socety rather than an mposed edtoral lne from a sngle source. Contrbuton Ths study ams to contrbute to the study of normatve pluralsm wthn plural countres such as Canada by hghlghtng the mportance of terrtory n the development and expresson of dentty, most notably n forms of terrtoral dentty that are equal, rather than subordnate to forms of cultural and natonal dentty that have been the prmary focus of normatve pluralsm n Canada. In other words, ths thess contends that forms of terrtoral dentty represent a "thrd category" of dentty, alongsde natonal and cultural forms of dentty, whch must be consdered n frameworks of normatve pluralsm. Ths contrbuton addresses a glarng omsson n the lterature from the Canadan school of normatve pluralsm whch has been so focused on accommodatng natonal and cultural denttes and ther relevant demands that t has underestmated the mportance of terrtory n the development of dentty and thus the legtmacy of solely terrtoral denttes. Presently, theores from the Canadan school of normatve pluralsm treat dentty as bpolar - constructng a dchotomy between forms of cultural and natonal dentfcaton wth a dfferng seres of rghts and responsbltes based on that dchotomy. By ntroducng ths noton of terrtoral dentty, and ts nterconnectedness wth other forms of dentty; ths study hopes to fll n the gap n the lterature and by extenson make

24 theoretcal frameworks of normatve pluralsm far more flud and flexble to the evolvng nature of dentty wthn Canada. In Chapter One, the terrtoral gap n the lterature from the Canadan school of normatve pluralsm s clearly establshed. Frst, the lnk between terrtory and natonalsm s clearly drawn by examnng the mportance of the psychologcal mpact of terrtoralty on natonalst movements, the attempts by natonalst movements to establsh prmal ownershp over a target terrtory, and the use of terrtory by natonalst groups as means to establsh power over other competng groups. Secondly, the body of normatve pluralsm s examned to reveal how the current lterature on normatve pluralsm gnores the central mportance of terrtory n natonal and cultural forms of dentty and never addresses the possblty of manly terrtoral forms of dentty. Ths was frst accomplshed by revewng the lterature on normatve pluralsm n the Canadan context, and then by revewng the academc debate on normatve pluralsm wthn the provnce of Quebec. Both bodes of lterature were consumed by reconclng natonal and cultural forms of dentty rather than consderng terrtoral forms of dentty. Needless to say, Chapter One establshes that there s a clear gap wthn the lterature from the Canadan school of normatve pluralsm that needs to be flled. In an effort to fll ths gap, Chapter Two proposes a theory of terrtoral dentty based on three pllars - terrtoralty, narratve, and banal flaggng. Frst, the theoretcal lterature of terrtoralty s revewed, showcasng how artculatons of terrtory are not neutral but attempts to exercse power from one group over another. Secondly, ths lterature s lnked together wth the academc lterature on narratve to show how narratves can buld and mantan the valdty of terrtores n the mnds of the target populaton. Thrdly, Chapter Three explores how the concept of "banal flaggng" s used to constantly remnd the target populaton of the magnary terrtory and the narratves that gve t lfe. Taken together, these three concepts form a "tralectc of terrtoral dentty", a theory that attempts to explan how terrtoral denttes are constructed, mantaned, and transmtted wthn a target populaton.

25 In order for a new theory to gan academc credence, t must be supported by emprcal evdence. Thus, Chapter Three engages n a quanttatve case study, the provnce of Alberta, to evaluate to what degree publc dscourse s nfluenced by the theoretcal phenomena dentfed n Chapter Two. The results of the case study conducted n Chapter Three strongly support the theory proposed n ths thess. Frstly, terrtoral flaggng n Alberta publc dscourse s exceedngly common and consstent, moderated only by poltcal events, debates, or crses. Secondly, partcpants n the Alberta publc dscourse self-dentfed themselves to a sgnfcant degree wth the terrtoral concept of Alberta, although not to the degree to whch they selfdentfed wth natonal concept of Canada. Ths result suggests that whle the sense of Alberta terrtoral dentty s strong, the sense of Canadan natonal dentty s stronger. Thrdly, the study found that terrtoral narratves could fnd resonance wthn the publc dscourse of Alberta. The "Domnance of Central Canada" narratve was found to be exceedng common and had a sgnfcant mpact on the dscussons regardng the terrtoral concept of Alberta. Fnally, terrtoral archetypes, the transformaton of terrtoral bodes nto characters, were found to follow a dstnct pattern. Whle "Insde" archetypes such as Alberta and Albertans were assgned unversally postve characterstcs, "Outsde" archetypes such as Ottawa were assgned unversally negatve character trats, formng a Good/Bad relatonshp based on terrtoral boundares. Thus, a clear normatve dentty for each of these terrtoral concepts s created wth a drect relatonshp wth ther status nsde or outsde the terrtoralty of Alberta. The case study n Chapter Three clearly supports the theory of terrtoral dentty establshed n Chapter Two, fndng evdence of the use of terrtoralty, narratve, and banal flaggng n the constructon of a terrtoral dentty wthn the publc language of the provnce of Alberta.

26 4

27 Chapter One - Terrtoral Identty and the Canadan School of Normatve Pluralsm "It took me so long to really understand," called the voce. "Who are you?" asked Blue. "But of course, I should have known. Multple avatars per user s a tradton that stretches back to the very begnnng of onlne worlds. Snce the dawn of Evermore, ndvduals have sought not only to rebuld themselves to ther deals of perfecton but to buld multple deals of the self. To buld not just a self that fts ther dreams and desres, but to buld a communty of the self, a communty whch has ts own characters, ts own plots, ts own themes. The communty of the self s an essence a creaton of our own mnd, a narratve of the lves that we wsh to be a part of. Its superorty to real lfe s essental. Rather than beng held hostage n a communty of one's peers, of whom we have no control over, we have ablty to create new frends, new foes, new lovers, all of whom are crafted to sut a partcular purpose n the narraton of our mnds. Gven a choce between the unpredctable real, whch rarely fts our cvlzed notons of narratve and dramatzaton, we prefer to mpose a story on our own lves. Even n realty, we see ourselves not as ndvduals, but as protagonsts, wth our own antagonsts and supportng characters. We mpose the structure of a narratve on our own lves to make sense of t, to make the meanngless meanngful." "Why are you here?" demanded Blue. "Why?" the voce came agan as t stepped nto the lght. It was Arthur. "For wthout narratve, we see our lves for what they truly are - a blnk n tme wthout rhyme. Wthout reason, wthout purpose, wthout an ntroducton, struggle, and clmax we shoulder on. We spend our entre lves strugglng, but for what? We won't be remembered, the stores of our pathetc lttle lves wll fll no pages n the hstory books. We are nothngness." Blue felt herself snkng nto the floor. Arthur was no longer the soft bumblng fool she had dsmssed. There was somethng else to hm. "We are compelled to create narratve, we are forced to create stores, to mythologze ourselves so that we can get up from our poor dlapdated beds each and every day and lve our dlapdated lttle lves. But our means are lmted, t s dffcult to create a myth of herosm and valour about oneself when you work a mnmum wage job and are treated lke meat for the grnder of captalsm. It s dffcult to see oneself as a prncess when you can't get a date to save your soul. That's what makes Evermore so precous and popular. I had orgnally thought that ts allure lay n the fact that one could create a deal self - a perfect concepton of ourselves unlmted by the arbtrary justce of genetcs and socal staton. I thought that the ablty to create a perfect avatar was what drew people n, was what compelled people to spend every mnute of the lves n ths vrtual prson. But I was wrong. The unconscous purpose was not the ndvdual, but the communty. People do not want to be perfect ndvduals, they want to be part of a perfect communty where they feel welcome and... not alone. Because the truth, that we are always alone s always too much to bear. So we create not just one avatar, but many, all of whom are subconscously desgned to fll a psychologcal need. Some gve us the 5

28 frends we so desperately wanted. Others gve us the fols aganst whch we can defne ourselves - as dentty cannot be formed n a vacuum. We need enemes, we need foes, and we need conflct to make our narratves nterestng. Ask any screenwrter, a screenplay wthout conflct s a borng tale to tell. So we construct these characters, we construct these conflcts, and we construct these stores to buld a narratve of the self whch takes place n a communty of the self, no a unverse of the self that revolves around our needs, dreams, and even fears." - From the fnal draft of Evermore: Call of the Nocturne (unpublshed) by Scott Blurton I fnd that the character n queston, Arthur, expresses many of the challenges n dealng wth contemporary dentty. A socal scentst by tranng tasked to research a vrtual world called Evermore, he becomes despondent upon learnng that hs entre concepton of realty and by extenson hs nternal concepton of the self were false. Seeng hmself as a rogush protagonst, he s mortfed to dscover that he exsts merely to serve as a supportng character n the tale of another. In other words, hs very dentty, the dea of who he s and hs place n the world, has been rrevocably altered to great personal harm. Arthur's revelaton and hs despondent monologue n some ways mrrors the attempts of many ndvduals to defne ther denttes and create what Arthur descrbes as a communty of the self - an "magned communty" (Anderson 99) n whch the ndvdual can feel some sense of attachment to the larger world. Ths need for communal attachment was at one tme domnated by the paradgm of natonal dentfcaton, defned phlosophcally by what Tully descrbes as the authortatve modern school of consttutonalsm and poltcally by what Karms descrbes n the case of France as Jacobnsm 5 : a sngle authortatve source of authorty and dentty to ensure the unty and stablty of the modern naton-state. However, ths monstc concepton of a sole legtmate natonal dentty came under ntense assault n the latter half of the 0 th Century; frst by mnorty natonalst groups, who struggled for recognton of ther own sub-state natonal boundares, and secondly by cultural groups who sought recognton of ther partculartes from both majorty and 5 As Karms (004: 75) explans, "Jacobnsm has openly advocated assmlaton to a culture and language that pretend to unversalty and cannot be separated from French republcansm. Ths assmlatng monsm does not only target mmgraton. Jacobnsm has also bult the French republc upon the persecuton and represson of regonal cultures and languages". 6

29 mnorty natonalst groups. These alternatve forms of dentty have challenged the sngular natonal dentty for a place n each ndvdual's personal artculaton of the self, the dea of who they are and wth whom they belong. These competng forms of dentty have mxed together to form an ncredbly complex seres of overlappng, porous, and plural denttes wthn the borders of the modern naton state. To address ths growng complexty and the demands t makes on the poltcal sphere, poltcal scentsts and phlosophers have had to abandon authortatve models of authentc dentty and propose new theores of dentty and new deas about representatve democracy, consttutonalsm, and federalsm. Together, we refer to these attempts to accommodate dversty wthn the modern poltcal state as normatve pluralsm. From an examnaton of the lterature from the Canadan school of normatve pluralsm, t becomes clear that there s a sgnfcant gap n ths vast body of lterature. Whle the cultural and natonal aspects of dentty are well-documented and theorzed n the Canadan school of normatve pluralsm, the centralty of terrtoralty to formulatons of dentty s largely neglected. Ths gap s surprsng gven the central mportance that natonalsts gve to the concept of a homeland and the rse of non-natonal, non-cultural forms of dentty wthn the Canadan sphere such as Albertan and Western regonal denttes. Thus, the followng queston arses: n modern, plural states such as Canada, what role does terrtoralty take n conceptual formulatons of dentty? Is t an rrelevant factor, a contrbutng factor, or must t be consdered as a dstnct category of dentty altogether? In response to ths queston, I wll argue n favour of the followng hypothess: In leu of the central mportance that terrtoralty plays n the formulaton of dentty, terrtoral dentty must be consdered as a "thrd category" of dentty, along wth cultural and natonal denttes, wthn the feld of normatve pluralsm 6. In other words, I submt 6 Ths s not to argue that these three categores of dentty (natonal, cultural, and terrtoral) are the only types of dentty that requre reconclaton wthn frameworks of normatve pluralsm. An excellent argument can be made that socal denttes (gender, sexualty, class) should be consdered a fourth category of dentty, dstnct from the three dscussed n ths thess. Kymlcka (995: -) consders ths possblty brefly when consderng the use of "specal representaton rghts" to accommodate non-ethnc 7

30 that the mportance of the terrtoralty of dentty must be reconsdered n the debate on normatve pluralsm wthn plural states. In revewng the lterature on the topc of dentty n the Canadan context, t s mportant to note that the academc dscourse s usually dvded along two separate axes: Canada/Quebec, and theoretcal/practcal. In short, academc research usually takes at ts scope ether the country of Canada, or the provnce of Quebec. Canadan scholars (of whch many can be found n Quebec) prmarly focus on the challenge on accommodatng multple natonal denttes wthn a unted terrtoral state. Quebec scholars typcally focus on the challenge of mantanng a unfed natonal dentty n an ncreasngly plural Quebec socety. On the second axs, Canadan and Queb6cos scholars wll approach the topc of dentty ether through developng theoretcal frameworks or by analyzng laws, regulatons, and polces that are already n practce. However, both axes share a key lmtaton n ther scope, namely that the central mportance of terrtoralty n the artculaton of natonal denttes s left unconsdered. To ensure that each of these two axes s covered suffcently n ths secton, I wll organze my analyss n the followng manner. In Secton, the lterature on the theoretcal connecton between natonalsm and terrtoralty wll be revewed. In Secton, the theoretcal evoluton of normatve pluralsm n Canada wll be examned through a revew of the work of several central academc fgures that have formed the Canadan canon on the subject. In Secton, I wll repeat the approach to summarze the reconstructon of a plural Quebec dentty over the perod through an analyss of three key academc fgures. Terrtory and Natonalsm The memory or hstory or myths of a naton are ways of apprehendng and artculatng what s held to be the past development of a naton's unque cvlzaton, ts works and practces, ts customs, conventons and habts. What s clamed to be the naton's own or desgnated socal groups n Western democraces. Whle a comprehensve framework of normatve pluralsm may demand the ncluson of a "fourth category" for socal denttes, ths s well beyond the scope of ths thess whch s focused on addressng the "terrtoral gap" wthn theores of normatve pluralsm. 8

31 terrtory s the physcal space wthn whch such expressve actvty s sad to take place (Spencer and Wollman 00: 7-74). Whle the central mportance of terrtory n the formaton of dentty has been largely gnored wthn the Canadan school of normatve pluralsm, t has most certanly not been gnored n the study of natonalsm. Scholars of natonalst movements and ther naton-buldng projects such as Phlp Spencer, Howard Wollman, Walker Connor, Benedct Anderson, and Margaret Moore have dentfed terrtory as a key component of natonalsm n three dstnct ways. Frst, a natonal terrtory or 'homeland' serves mmense psychologcal value n the development and moblzaton of natonalst movements. Second, natonalst movements try to establsh a herarchy of ownershp over a defned terrtory n whch the target naton s seen to occupy prmal ownershp over the land n queston. Thrd and fnally, the artculaton of terrtoral boundares serves as an nstrument of power n whch one ethnc or cultural group, usually defned as the 'naton', can gan domnance over competng ethnc or cultural groups. Wthn ths secton, each of these components wll be explored and analyzed to draw lessons that can be utlzed n the applcaton of terrtoralty to the feld of normatve pluralsm that wll be the focus of the thess.. The Psychologcal Impact of Terrtoralty on Natonalst Movements A key concept n the strength and vtalty of natonalst movements s the psychologcal value of a defned terrtory to the formulaton and mantenance of a natonal dentty. As Connor (00: 5) states qute clearly: To the people who have lent ther name to the area, the homeland s much more than terrtory. The emotonal attachment s reflected n such wdely used descrptons as the natve land, the fatherland, ths sacred sol, the ancestral land, ths hallowed place, the motherland, land of our fathers, and, not least, the home - the homeland. In the case of a homeland, terrtory becomes ntermeshed wth notons of ancestry and famly. Ths emotonal attachment to the homeland derves from perceptons of t as the cultural hearth and, very often, as the geographc cradle of the ethno-natonal group. In Bsmarkan termnology, 'Blut und Boden!', blood and sol have become mxed. The emotonally pregnant concept of 'my roots' mples sol. The psychologcal assocatons thus made between homeland and one's people are the more - not the less - ntense for beng emotonal and resstng exposton n ratonal terms. 9

32 Thus, Connor dentfes natonalst movements not by ther artculaton or defence of a common culture, but by ther attempts to establsh or strengthen ther hold over a defned terrtory to call ther own. Ths feature of natonalsm leads Connor to conclude that t s not the multnatonal aspects of most states that could lead to poltcal nstablty and fragmentaton, but the fact that these states are also mult-homeland. Accordng to Connor (00: 56), "ths s of greatest sgnfcance when assessng the probable poltcal nstablty of tomorrow's world, for the demands of efhno-natonal movements tend to be cotermnous wth ther homeland. In terms of geography, t s for the homeland that ethno-natonal groups demand greater autonomy or full ndependence" 7. Whle Connor dentfes the prmary mportance that natonalst movements put on a terrtory homeland, t s Spencer and Wollman who artculate the manner n whch ths connecton between dentty and terrtory s made - by what they call the sacralzaton of terrtory. As Spencer and Wollman (00: 86) argue, "landscapes are often nvoked to symbolze the naton, ts values, ts culture, even ts 'natonal character'" and that "we do not have, smply, sacred terrtores, but terrtores that have been sacralzed, made sacred". Anderson (99), nvestgatng Thongcha's work on Tha naton-buldng, argues how 'Sam' came nto beng n the late 9 th and early 0 th century due to the power of the colonal map. As Anderson (99: 7) explans: Boundary-stones and smlar markers dd exst, and ndeed multpled along the western frnges of the realm as the Brtsh pressed n from Lower Burma. But these stones were set up dscontnuously at strategc mountan passes and fords, and were often substantal dstances from correspondng stones set up by the adversary. They were understood horzontally, at eye level, as extenson ponts of royal power; not 'from the ar.' Only n the 870s dd Tha leaders begn thnkng of boundares as segments of a contnuous map-lne correspondng to nothng vsble on the ground, but demarcatng an exclusve soveregnty wedged between other soveregntes. 7 Ths feature of natonalsm leads Connor (00: 60) to recast the realst perspectve on Internatonal Relatons, argung that whle the realst school of Internatonal Relatons have cast nternatonal conflcts as a result of conflcts between state nterests, "they are fought and backed by humans who perceve them n ethno-natonal terms and to that very sgnfcant degree they are ethno-natonal". Connor, concludes that t s homeland psychology, not just state nterests, that are a major motvatonal factor. 0

33 The mportance of the map to the development of notons of homeland cannot be underestmated. For whle ctzens cannot buld an attachment to a landscape that they have never experenced or people that they have never met, the constructons of borders on a map creates a psychologcal attachment to the area represented. As Anderson (99: 7-74) quotes Thongcha's explanaton: In terms of most communcaton theores and common sense, a map s a scentfc abstracton of realty. A map merely represents somethng whch already exsts objectvely 'there.' In the hstory I have descrbed, ths relatonshp s reversed. A map antcpated spatal realty, not vce versa. In other words, a map was a model for, rather than a model of, what t purported to represent.... It had become a real nstrument to concretze projectons on the earth's surface. A map was now necessary for the new admnstratve mechansms and for the troops to back up ther clams.... The dscourse of mappng was the paradgm whch both admnstratve and mltary operatons worked wthn and served. Thus as Baudrllard would argue, the hyperrealty of the map s more real to the ctzens wthn the defned boundares than the physcal landscape 8. But alas, accordng to Spencer and Wollman (00: 87), ths sacralzaton of terrtory s not uncontested: Baudrllard uses an allegory to explan hs dea of a hyperreal and how t connects to our concepts of terrtoralty. In the followng passage, he argues that: If we were able to take as the fnest allegory of smulaton the Borges tale where the cartographers of the Empre draw up a map so detaled that t ends up exactly coverng the terrtory (but where, wth the declne of the Empre ths map becomes frayed and fnally runed, a few shreds stll dscernble n the deserts - the metaphyscal beauty of ths runed abstracton, bearng wtness to an mperal prde and rottng lke a carcass, returnng to the substance of the sol, rather as an agng double ends up beng confused wth the real thng), ths fable would then have come full crcle for us, and now has nothng but the dscrete charm of second-order smulacra. Abstracton today s no longer that of the map, the double, the mrror or the concept. Smulaton s no longer that of a terrtory, a referental beng or a substance. It s the generaton by models of a real wthout orgn or realty: a hyperreal. The terrtory no longer precedes the map, nor survves t. Henceforth, t s the map that precedes the terrtory - precesson of smulacra - t s the map that engenders the terrtory and f we were to revve the fable today, t would be the terrtory whose shreds are slowly rottng across the map. It s the real, and not the map, whose vestges subsst here and there, n the deserts whch are no longer those of the Empre, but our own. The desert of the real tself (Poster 988:66).

34 Sacralzaton has been accompaned f not preceded by qute extensve coercon as borders have been allocated and demarcated by and between states. As O'Dowd and Wlson have remnded us, 'natonal boundares are rooted n coercon, n practces of forcble excluson and ncluson'. Ths coercve actvty has both caused and taken place n a wder context of extensve and contnuous moblty and mgraton. Whle Spencer and Wollman (00: 87) argue qute rghtly that "sacralzaton obscures the realty that borders are flud and changng", these sacred borders are also overlappng. Key n the natonalst dscourse on terrtory that Connor, as well as Spencer and Wollman dentfy s that the psychologcal and sacred homeland s vewed as mutually exclusve. In other words, a multhomeland vew of the world would nvolve a seres of mutually exclusve homelands that ft together lke jgsaw peces 9. For example, let us take the domestc example of the country of Canada and the strong natonalst movement that exsts n the provnce of Quebec. Whle multnatonalst scholars such as Phl Resnck (995) and Wll Kymlcka (998: Chapter ) express frustraton at the complete refusal of Englsh Canadans to recognze themselves as a naton to serve as a complement to French and Aborgnal natons, a psychologcal homeland approach to the stuaton mght explan such reluctance. For whle Quebec natonalsts, and to some degree French-Canadan natonalsts, can certanly vew the provnce of Quebec as a French homeland, the only psychologcal homeland that exsts for Englsh-Canadans s Canada as a whole. Furthermore, consderng that much of the hstory of Canada arbtrary begns wth the French colonzaton of North Amerca l0, the psychologcal mportance of the Laurentan waterway to the concepton of Canadan natonal expresson cannot be underestmated. From a psychologcal homeland approach to the magned Englsh Canadan naton, one must respond to the frustrated queres of Resnck and Kymlcka wth the fact that there s no psychologcal homeland to whch the Englsh Canadan naton can attach tself. Therefore, followng from 9 Smlar to the way that Anderson (99: 75) vews the Imperal Map as Logo n hs nsghtful nvestgaton of Thongcha's brllant thess that wll be covered later on n ths secton. 0 Convenently forgettng or gnorng the thousands of years of oral hstory from Canada's aborgnal peoples.

35 Connor's naton-homeland thess, the Englsh Canadan naton would not exst. However, a Canadan naton s expressed and ts psychologcal homeland overlaps that of expressed French Canadan or Quebec natonal denttes. A further complcatng factor s the power of what Anderson dubs the "map-as-logo". As Anderson explans, the symbolc power of the maps as a logo or a symbol of a defned communty s prevalent n the psychologcal constructon of a natonal communty. Accordng to Anderson (99: 75), the map-as-logo constructs a terrtoral determnacy over natonal communtes: Its orgns were reasonably nnocent - the practce of the mperal states of colorng ther colones on maps wth an mperal dye. In London's mperal maps, Brtsh colones were usually pnk-red, French purple-blue, Dutch yellow-brown, and so on. Dyed ths way, each colony appeared lke a detachable pece of a jgsaw puzzle. As ths 'jgsaw' effect became normal, each 'pece' could be wholly detached from ts geographc context. In ts fnal form all explanatory glosses could summarly removed; lnes of longtude and lattude, place names, sgns for rvers, seas, and mountans, neghbours. Pure sgn, no longer compass to the world. In ths shape, the map entered an nfntely reproducble seres, avalable for transfer to posters, offcal seals, letterheads, magazne and textbook covers, tablecloths, and hotel walls. Instantly recognzable, everywhere vsble, the logo-map penetrated deep nto the popular magnaton, formng a powerful emblem for the antcolonal natonalsms beng born. The power of ths map-as-logo as a symbol of the naton can be seen when the borders nvolved n the sgn are contested or ndetermnate, such as those resultng from secessonst movements. A secessonst movement, rather than an ssue for only those lvng on the terrtory n dspute, becomes a concern for the larger communty due to the psychologcal mpact of secesson on the map-logo of the orgnal state. Whle n real economc and socal terms, the secesson of Quebec from the Canadan state would probably have lttle mpact on people lvng on Brtsh Columba, the resultng gap n the Canadan map-logo would nalenably alter the Brtsh Columbans' concepton of ther own natonal communty. Ths process s repeated wth Quebecers when the possblty of partton of pro-federalst communtes s rased n the event of

36 a successful Quebec secesson. The map s not only a representaton of terrtory, but a symbol of the natonal dentty tself, makng problems of terrtoral ndetermnacy very dffcult to resolve.. The Challenge of Prmal Ownershp The challenge of terrtoral ndetermnacy to homeland psychology contans wthn t another challenge - the power of prmal ownershp. Inherent n the dea of a 'homeland' to whch all natonalst movements refer s the noton that "only the members of my people have a 'true rght' to be here" and s "characterzed by a mnd-set that perceves prvleged status for the homeland people as a self-evdent rght" (Connor 00: 64), even f the group s a mnorty on the terrtory n queston (Connor 00: 65). As Connor (00: 64) warns: As a consequence of the sense of prmal ownershp that an ethno-natonal group harbours toward ts homeland, non-members of the ethnc group wthn the homeland are vewed as alens ('outsders'), even f they are compatrots. They may be endured, even treated equtably. Ther stay may be multgeneratonal. But they reman outsders or settlers n the eyes of the homeland people, who reserve what they deem ther nalenable rght to execute ther prmary and exclusve clam to the homeland whenever they desre. Margaret Moore dentfes four normatve justfcatons used to clam prmal ownershp over a defned terrtory: clams based on ndgenousness, clams based on hstorcal enttlement, clams based on dvne rght, and clams based on effcency. Moore (998: 4) fnds four problems wth clams of superor enttlement based on ndgenousness: () human mgraton s common and t s dffcult to establsh dfferental rghts based on descent; () the hstory of mgraton s contested; () the clam of ndgenousness s dependent on the geographcal context taken as relevant; and (4) even f the clam from ndgenousness s accepted, t s not necessary enough to overcome other clams based on equty or equal treatment. Lkewse, Moore (998: 45) rejects clams based on hstorcal enttlement because the hstory s contested, susceptble to mythmakng, and s dependent on "where n hstory one starts, and whose hstory one accepts", makng t mpossble to establsh prncples to adjudcate rval clams to terrtory. Moore (998: 47) rejects clams based on dvne rght because the 'rght' "of a partcular (chosen) people to 4

37 partcular peces of land only n the eyes of those who accept (a) the authortatveness of the text; and (b) the partcular nterpretaton of de text beng advanced". Fnally, Moore (998: 49) rejects clams based on effcency or utlty due to ts lack of generalzablty, for t s dependent on the values of the people and ther defnton of 'effcency'; and f adopted, t would not provde a secure bass for control over a terrtory as borders would constantly need to be redrawn to reflect ever-changng patterns of technologcal and socologcal achevement. Thus, Moore normatvely rejects all four types of clams based on prmal ownershp, causng a problem for Canadan scholars n normatve pluralsm who have dvded up dfferentated rghts on the assumpton of prmal ownershp, such as Kymlcka (998).. Terrtory as Instrument of Power Fnally, the artculaton of terrtoral boundares serves as an nstrument of power from one group over another. Whle Connor's analyss of the mportance of a psychologcal homeland s relevant, t can also become an nstrument for one group to gan domnance over competng groups. As Moore (998: 8) argues n regards to dscussons over self-determnaton: In cases where states can be conceved of as the poltcal expresson of a partcular naton, the prncple that self-determnaton should occur only wthn the confnes of prevous admnstratve boundares s problematc. In these stuatons, there s a majorty natonal communty whch can be sad to be able to control the state, usng standard democratc (majortaran) prncples. Appealng to the borders of prevous admnstratve unts may be a way for the domnant natonalty to ncrease ts terrtory, and yet stll be a majorty n the state. Thus, natonalst movements seek to ether defne as large a terrtory as possble whle ensurng the demographc domnance of the natonal ethnc group or to secede whle mantanng the prevous admnstratve boundares from the predecessor state. But Moore fnds a key Kymlcka establshes a two-level herarchy of dentty between natonal and mmgrant groups. In ths vson of Canadan dentty, Kymlcka (998: 6-7) argues that natonal groups have a prmal ownershp of the terrtory due ther prevous exstence before to ther ncluson wthn the multnatonal state. Ths abstracton s contrasted wth mmgrant groups, who have chosen to mmgrate of ther own free wll and thus cannot clam any sense of prmal ownershp. 5

38 contradcton wthn secessonst movements n regards to ths strategy. Frst of all, a clam to the terrtory based solely on the terrtory tself s not a compellng enough reason by tself to justfy secesson, for many other groups could make the same clam on the terrtory as well. For example, f two poltes both use undfferentated ctzenshp as the foundaton for a clam over a specfc terrtory, there would be lttle reason to choose one over the other. Thus natonalst movements attempt to establsh a superor cultural clam to the terrtory through the presence of an ethnc or cultural group that s n the majorty on the terrtory n dspute. Ths natonalst strategy, accordng to Moore, of defnng a superor clam to terrtory due to ethncty or culture whle smultaneously nsstng on the mantenance of prevous admnstratve boundares, results n a crtcal tenson n natonalst demands for secesson. For as Moore (998: 40) argues: The terrtoral concepton of ctzenshp s a means by whch the domnant natonalty can extend ts control and encompass more terrtory. Furthermore, appealng to ths prncple n the case of determnng boundares s frequently n tenson wth the natonalst sentment whch underles the orgnal secesson: secessonst movements are fuelled by natonalsm, and are accompaned by rejecton of the dea of equal ctzenshp n a state n whch they are not a majorty. It s therefore hypocrtcal that ther own selfdetermnaton (combned wth ths dea of admnstratve boundares) nvolves mposng ths status on ther own mnortes. Moore (998: 9) apples ths contradcton n natonal secessonst movements to the case study of Canada where: The tenson between the ethnc bass of the natonal movement and the terrtoral concepton of ctzenshp s also evdent n Quebec. The natonalst movement bases ts clam to recognton on ts dstnct (ethnc) character and yet, clams that borders must be determned on the bass of the admnstratve unt (the provnce) n the Canadan federaton. However, ths contradcton n basng a secessonst movement upon the demands of a partcular ethnc group whle nsstng upon the nvolablty of present terrtoral boundares does open up a vulnerablty that the opponents of secesson can explot. Such was the case n the It s also, accordng to Moore, normatvely nconsstent. As Moore (998:9-40) argues: 6

39 aftermath of the close 995 referendum result n Quebec, when Intergovernmental Affars Mnster Stephane Don and Prme Mnster Jean Chreten rased the possblty of parttonng Quebec n the result of a successful YES result (Don 999: 08-). Therefore, when artculatng the mportance of terrtoralty n conceptons of normatve pluralsm, scholars must be careful to ensure that the dvson of terrtoral soveregnty s based on far prncples of justce rather than smply the power relatons between competng ethnc and cultural groups. Needless to say, the lnk between terrtory and natonalsm has been well establshed by the academc dscourse. Scholars such as Moore, Anderson, Connor, and Spencer and Wollman understand well the crucal emphass natonalst movements have put on terrtory and the dependence of these natonalsms on a psychologcal sense of homeland. However, the relatonshp between natonalsm and terrtory, meant to be mutually exclusve, s thwarted by the ndetermnate nature of terrtory and the plural nature of modern socety that has arsen due to constant mgraton. The ndetermnacy of terrtory creates some major challenges for the Quebecos natonalsm, whch fuels the secessonst movement, and receves support only from the large communty of francophone Quebecos, nevertheless appeals to the dea that selfdetermnaton should only occur wthn admnstratve boundares: ths was the crtera for determnng the jursdctonal unt n whch a referendum on soveregnty was held, n October 995, and the bass for drawng boundares n the event of the secesson of Quebec. What ths meant, of course, was that the natonalst aspratons of natves n northern Quebec, among others, would be dened. Because natves had been dened poltcal recognton of ther dentty wthn the Canadan federaton, they would now be dened the rght to determne ther own poltcal future. Ths ponts to the frst problem wth ths concepton: t fals to address the most egregous cases of group njustces, where people have been dened any knd of recognton of ther dstnct dentty. As Moore ponts out, even a successful secesson wth the nternal admnstratve terrtoral boundares ntact may be not enough to stop further conflct. As Moore (998:9) recounts: Ths vew [terrtoral ntegrty] was also expressed by the Badnter Arbtraton Commttee, whch argued that federatons could dsntegrate along the lnes of ther consttuent unts, but that there could be no reconsderaton of borders, 'no secessons from secessons'. Ths was so, even though t was evdent that many people lvng wth the republcan borders of the former Yugoslava dd not share ths vew, and even though the domnant motvatng force behnd the secessons was natonalsm, whch nevtably created dsaffected or alenated mnortes whch dd not share the natonalsm whch moblzed the domnant ethnc communty n the republc. 7

40 Canadan school of normatve pluralsm as t s currently conducted. For n a socety n whch socal, cultural, and terrtoral denttes are constantly shftng and overlappng, how can these loyaltes be ordered n a far or just manner? In the next secton on normatve pluralsm, the advances of scholars wll be revewed, but the falure of these scholars to understand the central mportance of terrtory wll be hghlghted. Furthermore, Moore dentfes another tenson n natonalst secessonst movements between the ethnc justfcaton of natonal communty and undfferentated ctzenshp that legtmzes control over prevous admnstratve terrtoral boundares. The struggle to reconcle these two contrastng vsons of ctzenshp wll be the focus of the thrd secton of ths lterature revew, n whch Quebec scholars attempt to redefne Quebec dentty for the plural age. Therefore, the central mportance of terrtoralty must be reconsdered n dscussons of normatve pluralsm n mult-ethnc, multcultural, multlngual, and mult-homeland states such as Canada. Normatve Pluralsm n Canada. Charles Taylor and the Poltcs of Recognton Charles Taylor, n hs semnal 99 work "The Poltcs of Recognton", approaches the problem of dentty by examnng a par of key hstorcal phlosophcal developments that had led to the mportance of recognton: the development of nternal authentcty n place of authentcty of God, and the development of a poltcs of unversalsm. Taylor begns hs examnaton of the growng mportance of cultural recognton and ts consequences for dentty by dentfyng two changes that have made the modern preoccupaton wth dentty and recognton nevtable. The frst s the collapse of socal herarches, the bass for honor (whch by ts defnton only some can have), n the pre-modern perod (Tully 99: 6-7). As Tully (99: 4) states, general recognton "was bult nto the socally derved dentty by vrtue of the very fact that t was based on socal categores that everyone took for granted". In the pre-modern perod, ndvduals would defne themselves by ther socal-economc poston 8

41 wthn the socety usng the rules of honor that were unversally accepted. For example, a serf would dentfy hmself not by a natonal, cultural, or lngustc dentty but by hs poston as a serf, acceptng the herarchy of honor that places hs superors such as kngs and barons legtmately above hm. Followng the collapse of socal herarches and the system of honor that supported t, Taylor argues that ths system was replaced by a system of equal dgnty, whch s unversally held by each and every person. These changes led to an evoluton of the terms of full beng or lvng a proper and full lfe. In the pre-modern era of honor, one's connecton or touch wth God was seen as the prerequste of full and proper beng. In the modern era of equal dgnty, ths noton was replaced by an dea that full beng was dependent on beng n touch wth ourselves, such as defned by Sant Augustne as "the road to God as passng through our own self-awareness" (Taylor 99: 9). Taylor (99: 0) refers to ths new phlosophcal concepton of the self as "the deal of authentcty", n whch he credts Herder for descrbng each of us havng "an orgnal way of beng human: each person has hs or her own 'measure'". Thus, accordng to Herder as explaned by Taylor (99: ), one's dentty can no longer be defned by an external set of soco-economc rules, but can only be found through self-dscovery, ether as an ndvdual or as a group. Ths noton of nternal authentcty has become the semnal dea of modern natonalsm as "Germans shouldn't try to be dervatve and (nevtably) second rate Frenchmen [...]. The Slavc peoples had to fnd ther own path. And European colonalsm ought to be rolled back to gve the peoples of what we now call the Thrd World ther chance to be themselves unmpeded. Towards ths phlosophcal deal of authentcty Taylor notes a seres of crtques. Frst of all, Taylor argues aganst the concepton that authentcty can be found through nternal reflecton, whether the focus s the ndvdual or the culture, argung that dentty s not created nternally, but formed through nteracton and dalogue wth others. Secondly, the development of an deal of nwardly generated dentty gves new mportance to recognton. Whereas I can generate an nternal authentcty of self, t s meanngless to the outsde socety f t s not recognzed dalogcally by others and such an 9

42 attempt to wn ths recognton can fal (Taylor 99: 4-5). Ths new understandng of dentty as dalogcal exchange has serously rased the stakes of recognton, whch has led to the dea that msrecognton can be a form of oppresson. "Equal recognton," argues Taylor (99: 6), "s not just the approprate mode for a healthy democratc socety. Its refusal can nflct damage on those who are dened t". The second debate that Taylor examnes s the development of a poltcs of unversalsm n the phlosophcal tradton. Due to the growng mportance of recognton n the prvate and publc spheres, Taylor dentfes two dfferng conceptons of poltcal dentty based on the poltcs of equal recognton. Wth a move from honor to dgnty has come a poltcs of unversalsm, emphaszng the equal dgnty of all ctzens. However, n opposton, the move to dgnty from honor has also gven rse to a poltcs of dfference, n whch ctzens use the prncple of unversal equalty to support how dfferent groups of people should be treated dfferently (Taylor 99: 7-8). Thus, the prncple of equal dgnty was used to support two seemngly opposng conceptons of equalty, a domnant concepton based on unversalsm, and a subordnate one based on dfferences. Taylor (99: 9) defnes the dfference between the two concepts by statng that where "the poltcs of unversal dgnty fought for forms of nondscrmnaton that were qute 'blnd' to the ways n whch ctzens dffer, the poltcs of dfference often redefnes non-dscrmnaton as requrng that we make dstnctons the bass of dfferental treatment". The poltcs of dfference justfes a form of reverse dscrmnaton that s defended not as temporary but as permanent to mantan dstnctveness (Taylor 99: 40). Thus Taylor (99: 4-4) concludes that the demand for equal recognton extends beyond an acknowledgement of the equal value of all humans potentally and comes to nclude the equal value of what they have made of ths potental. Ths concluson returns to the noton of nternal authentcty for f you have an authentc self, then you must be supported n realzng ths authentc self, often through dfferentated means. 0

43 One surprse n Taylor's essay s that even though Taylor bulds an understandng of dentty formaton that s very compatble wth the terrtoral element of dentty; he hmself does not make ths connecton. When Taylor refers to the recognton of one's dentty resultng from dalogue, he does not make the obvous pont that such a dscourse would occur over a specfc area, at least before the nventon of mass communcaton. The dscourse of dentty that Taylor descrbes dd not happen on a global scale but wthn tghtly concentrated populatons nsde a specfed terrtory. When Taylor (99: ) states that "Germans shouldn't try to be dervatve and (nevtably) second rate Frenchmen [...]. The Slavc peoples had to fnd ther own path", he s already speakng of authentc denttes n terrtoral terms. Of course, the manner n whch Taylor takes terrtoralty for granted s not unsurprsng. For t would be reasonable to assume n hs argumentaton of dentty that denttes formed through dscourse would frst occur wthn terrtorally concentrated populatons. These new denttes would then seek recognton from external sources or the domnant majorty dentty group (usually natonal) wthn the terrtory n queston. As a result, whle Taylor does not adequately address the central mportance of terrtoralty n hs essay, the logc that he ntroduces s easly expandable to comprehend the terrtoral element n dentty formaton. However, t s mportant to note that Taylor does not dstngush the types of recognton that are approprate to each cultural group or whether or not they form a naton. Rather, he s establshng a general phlosophcal explanaton for the growng mportance of dentty, not a normatve framework n whch dfferent types of dentty are to be sorted. However, academcs such as James Tully have bult normatve frameworks on top of the phlosophcal foundaton that Taylor crafted.. James Tully and the Strange Multplcty of Identty In hs 995 work, Strange Multplcty: Consttutonalsm n an age of dversty, James Tully contnues the examnaton of the challenge of dversty n the post-modern era. But n contrast to Taylor, who focuses on the phlosophcal dscourse on dentty and dentty formaton, Tully

44 prefers to approach the ssue of dversty from a consttutonal perspectve and the need for consttutonal recognton. Now, t s mportant to understand what Tully means when he uses the term consttutonalsm. Tully's concept of consttutonalsm s based not on the procedural lberal defnton as a consttuton beng formed by a seres of wrtten laws, norms or values, but as a language upon tself. Tully (995: 6) defnes a consttutonal language as a "vast network of conventons, of ways of employng these terms over three hundred years. [...] The actual use of the vocabulary n ordnary crcumstances s extremely famlar to us. Yet the varous ways any one term s employed, and thus ts part n the lfe of contemporary consttutonal socetes, are extremely dffcult to descrbe on reflecton, even on rough outlne". Thus the power of a consttuton s not the strength of any documentaton, but the creaton of a language that whle not easly defnable, frames all poltcal dscussons and more mportantly to Tully, all attempts to accommodate dversty wthn the poltcal sphere. Investgatng ths dea, Tully dentfes two major languages of contemporary consttutonalsm: the authortatve language of modern consttutonalsm based on unversal values, and the ancent consttutonalsm based upon custom, tradton, and rregularty. Tully (995: 7) argues that the language of modern consttutonalsm has "elbowed asde entre areas of the broader language of consttutonalsm - such as common law, earler verson of whggsm and cvc humansm - whch provde the means of recognzng and accommodatng cultural dversty". In a sense, Tully s argung that the language of modern consttutonalsm tres to create unversal prncples based on a seres of shared values or rghts that are unversally the same for each and every person. Ancent consttutonal language, n contrast, dd not try to reflect an deal but nstead reflected the already exstng norms, practces, and customs of the dfferng groups wthn socety (Tully 995: 4-4). The power of these schools s shown more clearly when Tully consders the challenge from post-modernsm, cultural femnsm, and nterculturalsm. For demands for recognton from these alternatve schools of thought to be deemed legtmate, they must be re-descrbed and adjudcated

45 wthn the prevalng norms of authortatve consttutonal recognton. Furthermore, accordng to Tully (995: 4-44): Lberal, communtaran and natonalst theorsts of a conservatve bent have argued that the demands for the recognton of cultural dversty are ncompatble wth, and a drect threat to, the respectve norms of ther understandng of modern consttutonalsm. They fly n the face of cultural neutralty for lberals, the ntegrty of the naton for natonalsts and the shared concepton of a communty for communtarans. In each case, the demands are seen to be a threat to the unty of a consttutonal assocaton and the soluton s to assmlate, ntegrate or transcend, rather than recognze and affrm, cultural dversty. However, Tully does allow that demands for cultural recognton can be comprehended to some extent wthn the prevalng norms because the recognton and protecton of cultures s a necessary condton of some of the prmary goods that lberals, natonalsts, and communtarans seek to realze. However, the extenson of ths accommodaton s constraned by the authortatve language of modern consttutonalsm and ts deal of unversalsm. Thus, Tully argues that the proponents of recognton have reached a dead-end wthn the paradgm of modern consttutonalsm. If they accept the authortatve consttutonal tradton and ts language, ther clams wll be rejected or moderated under a set of authortatve languages and nsttutons whose soveregnty and mpartalty the proponents of recognton queston (Tully 995: 56). If they refuse to play by these stacked rules, the proponents of recognton are left only wth the optons of margnalzaton or volence, wth nether beng an appealng opton (Tully 995: 56). Tully concludes hs work by argung for a return to 'ancent consttutonalsm' usng hs concept of 'dverse federalsm'. In dverse federalsm, Tully (995: 40) argues that t "enables peoples mutually to recognze and reach agreement on how to assemble or federate legal and poltcal dfferences they wsh to contnue nto the assocaton". Towards hs concept of dverse federalsm, Tully ntroduces three prncples to gude the ntercultural consttutonal dalogue that must contnually take place: mutual recognton, consent, and contnuty. Wth these prncples, Tully means that groups must mutually recognze one another as legtmate authortes of the

46 people, gan ther consent for consttutonal change, and allow the customs and manners of the group n queston to be contnued wth nterference or subordnaton. The manner n whch these prncples are to be appled wll depend on the group nvolved, for there s lttle use for a unversal model or framework. Whle Tully does not specfcally address terrtoral forms of dentty, hs concept of dverse federalsm and ts three prncples of mutual recognton, consent, and contnuty does appear to be broad and flexble enough n order to accommodate terrtoral denttes. However, as a result of ths flexblty, Tully s reluctant to dvde dfferng groups nto categores upon whch rghts and responsbltes can be assgned. Whle Tully's evason of typologcal dfferences between dfferng dentty groups s understandable due to hs crtcsms of modern consttutonalsm's herarchcal structure of dentty, he leaves unresolved a seres of questons on the normatve force of each group's clams. If groups are to be treated dfferently, then n what manner are they to be treated dfferently? Whle Tully's three prncples seem deal n theory, they are too vague to explan the complex relatonshps that form between dentty groups and the dfferng rghts and responsbltes that they demand and requre for survval. Into ths vod steps Wll Kymlcka and hs theory on mnorty rghts.. Wll Kymlcka and the Dvson between Multnatonalsm and Multculturalsm Kymlcka, n hs work Multcultural Ctzenshp, attempts to adapt mnorty demands for specfc treatment nsde a lberal theory of mnorty rghts. In ms text, Kymlcka challenges the recent norm of cultural neutralty of contemporary lberalsm, or "bengn neglect", through hs analyss of lberal thought n the 9 th Century. In ths era, Kymlcka (995: 5-5) argues, natonal dentfcaton was seen as beng ntmately ted to ndvdual lberty due to the role of language and culture n enablng ndvdual choce. Thus, group specfc rghts were seen as an effectve way n promotng equalty between majorty and mnorty natonal groups (Kymlcka 995: 5) and by extenson the equalty of all ctzens. The lberal norm of cultural neutralty of whch we are so famlar wth today, accordng to Kymlcka (995: 56), developed due to the fall 4

47 of the Brtsh Empre and ts experence wth multnatonal colones, the emergence of the deologcally polarzng Cold War, and the rsng domnance of Amercan lberal theorsts. These Amercan lberal theorsts, reactng to the xenophobc natonalsm of the Axs powers n the Second World War, the threat of rredentsm to nternatonal securty, the experence of racal desegregaton n the Unted States, and the growth of Amercan polyethncty took a smlar vew to culture and natonal dentty as they dd wth relgon, that to ensure lberal rghts, culture should be relegated to the prvate sphere (Kymlcka 995: 68). Ths post-war Amercan nterpretaton of lberal rghts s for Kymlcka (995: 69), a result of "confusons and overgeneralzatons" of the challenges that multcultural ctzenshp presents and does not address hs central concluson, that "ndvdual freedom s ted to membershp n one's natonal group" and that "group-specfc rghts can promote equalty between the mnorty and majorty". Thereby statng a normatve need to devse a theory of mnorty rghts, Kymlcka then addresses how these rghts should be dvded based on a typologcally dvson of hs own desgn. Kymlcka beleves that mnorty groups should be dvded nto two bass categores: natonal mnortes and mmgrant groups due to ther dfferng strateges n regards to the domnant majorty. Natonal mnortes, havng exsted as a socetal culture before ther ncorporaton nto the multnatonal state and holdng a prmary dentfcaton wth ths socetal culture, typcally resst assmlaton or ntegraton n the majorty culture and seek to protect ther nsttutons, language, culture, and self-government, gnorng the benefts of assmlaton (Kymlcka 998: 0- ). In contrast, mmgrant groups, who have a made a conscous choce to leave ther country of orgn, seek to avod margnalzaton by ntegratng nto the host socety. To ths end, mmgrant groups wll adopt the domnant language, cultural and poltcal nsttutons, and wll seek to push ther nterests through partcpaton n, rather than autonomy from, the domnant poltcal culture (Kymlcka 998: 5). In addton, Kymlcka (995: -) does consder brefly a thrd mnorty category, non-ethnc socal groups, and argues the specal representaton rghts can be used to 5

48 accommodate ther demands. However, the bulk of hs work s concentrated on constructng a two-level herarchy of mnorty rghts based on natonal and cultural denttes. Whle Kymlcka makes sgnfcant progress n reducng the ambguty of the term, "collectve rghts", there are several lmtatons to hs theory. Whle the lnkage between demands for cultural recognton and the defnton of a natonal mnorty s promsng, the crteron that for a culture to be deemed a natonal mnorty, t must have been a self-governng polty predatng ts entry nto the present larger state s somewhat rgd, excludng the natonal dentfcaton of any other group or ndvdual that develops followng the foundaton of the current state. Secondly, hs concepton of multnatonalsm has room for overlappng cultural denttes but not overlappng natonal denttes because ndvduals, accordng to Kymlcka, have a prmary loyalty for the nternal naton, whch stems from ther natonal dentty, and a condtonal loyalty to the larger multnatonal federaton (Kymlcka 998: 7), whch he prefers to call patrotsm (Kymlcka 995: ). Thrdly, t s surprsng that Kymlcka, who concentrates on the mportance of recognzng self-governng socetes as natons, does not consder the mportance of terrtoralty, the psychologcal 'homeland', to the formaton of natonal dentfcaton or as a vald category of dentty n ts own rght. Thus, whle heurstcally useful, Kymlcka's typologcal dvson between natonal and cultural dentty needs to be further expanded..4 Dmtros Karms, Jocelyn Maclure and the attack on the Monstc Authentcty of Identty In ther artcle, 'Two escape routes from the paradgm of monstc authentcty: postmperalst and federal perspectves on plural and complex denttes", Karms and Maclure expand on the crtques of Taylor and Tully on the domnant, unversal, and monstc dscourse on dentty n the modern tradton. Karms and Maclure's crtcsm of the domnant tradton of monstc authentcty, of whch expands on Taylor's hstorcal analyss of the concept of nternal authentcty, stems from ther understandng of dentty and ts source of reproducton, artculaton, and transmsson. Lke Taylor, Karms and Maclure see dentty as beng bult by 6

49 dscourse and communcaton. What s created by ths dscourse s not a unversal sense of dentty, but a sea of dfferent and overlappng authentctes (Karms and Maclure 00: 69). Ths dscursve or dalogcal vewpont on dentty s extended to cultures or collectve denttes, whch are far too plural for the communty to speak n unson (Karms and Maclure 00: 69). On the ssue of dstngushng between natonal and cultural denttes as does Kymlcka, Karms and Maclure do so wth the greatest of reluctance. Whle they argue that natonal dentfcaton remans a key part of an ndvdual's dentty, they do not draw any heurstc boundares between natonal and non-natonal denttes. Rather, they crtque the predomnance of natonal dentty as the most popular example of forcng a monstc authentcty nto a multplcty of denttes. Thus, whle they argue that poltcal socetes should seek to accommodate the needs of natonal denttes, Karms and Maclure do not artculate ths concern nto dvson of denttes upon whch dfferentated needs, rghts, and prvleges are based, seeng such an approach as unrealstc gven the hybrd and heterogeneous nature of modern dentty. Federal ctzens, accordng to Karms and Maclure (00: 75), make sense, "often conscously, of the dualty or pluralty of conversatonal communtes" that consttutes ther dentty. These plural denttes, rather than beng a sgn of abnormalty, ncoherence, or ambguty from the perceved monstc norm of the authortatve natonal dentty, as many melancholc natonalsts from Quebec have wrtten, are a essental condton for the vablty of multnaton federatons (Karms and Maclure 00: 74-75). Instead of the monstc language of dentty that they crtcze, Karms and Maclure lnk the debate on dentty wth the framework of federalsm to recommend a 'federal dentty' for multnatonal federatons. They defne a federal dentty as "a dual or plural poltcal dentty" that s permanent, not transtonal and "s necessary for the stablty of multnaton federatons" n contrast to a monstc vson of dentty that forces group denttes to compete for ndvduals' 4 For a full explanaton on Maclure's examnaton of the Quebecos tradton of melancholy natonalsm, see Chapter One of Maclure (00). 7

50 prmary allegances and enter nto relatonshps of domnaton/submsson wth competng denttes (Karms and Maclure 00: 74). Karms and Maclure make a connecton between plural dentty and ts representaton wthn federalsm, argung that for a federal dentty and ts multplcty of allegances to stablze, t must be contaned wthn a seres of federal arrangements and nsttutons where the dual or plural denttes are able to floursh wthout one domnatng the other. Whle Karms and Maclure do not refer to terrtoral dentty specfcally, ther openness to consderng alternate forms of dentty other than natonal dentty as equal and legtmate does seem to leave an open door for artculatons of terrtoral dentty. Ther resstance to establshng a herarchy of dentty between natonal, cultural, and concevably terrtoral denttes does seem to be compatble wth understandng terrtoral dentty as a "thrd category" of normatve pluralsm. However, whle Karms and Maclure are open to the multplcty of varous overlappng forms of dentty, they avod proposng a framework n whch these dfferng forms of dentty can be understood. Furthermore, whle they are open to alternatve forms of dentty other than cultural or natonal, Karms and Maclure do not specfy how these dfferng forms of dentty are nterconnected, leavng asde the terrtoral aspect of natonal and even cultural denttes. Nonetheless, ther theory does allow for an artculaton of the mportance of terrtoralty to conceptons of dentty, as long as t sn't establshed as the domnant and monstc dentty wthn a terrtoral state. The contrbutons of the above authors have been nstrumental n changng the academc dscourse on dentty wthn the Canadan context. However, there s another dmenson to ths debate wthn the borders of Canada - the provnce of Quebec. Wthn the provnce of Quebec, home to the only French-majorty populaton n North Amerca, there exsts a parallel, but overlappng, debate on the challenge of accommodatng dversty wthn a plural Quebec naton. 8

51 Re-Brandng Quebec: Buldng a Plural Quebec Naton At the same tme that Canadan academcs have been grapplng wth the challenge of pluralsm n the formulaton of Canadan dentty, scholars from both nsde and outsde the provnce of Quebec have been attemptng to solve the ambguty and ambvalence of a plural Quebec socety by, to use a term coned by Gerard Bouchard, "redrawng the crcle" of Quebec dentty to redefne the naton as comprsng of all Queb6cos, regardless of ethncty or orgn. In ths secton, I wll examne the transton of academc thought on the defnton of the Quebec naton through three prncpal authors over the past ten years: Gerard Bouchard, Mchel Seymour, and Jocelyn Maclure. What has become clear n my analyss s that the academc dscusson n Quebec has made an mpressve amount of progress n reconceptualzng the Quebec natonal dentty to be more nclusve of dversty wthn a unfed socety. The debate over the last ten years has borne some sgnfcant theoretcal frut that has gven us some mportant tools n rethnkng our tradtonal defntons of natonalty.. Gerard Bouchard and The North Amercan Francophone Gerard Bouchard (998: 6-6), wshes to brng together the naton and the poltcal communty of Quebec nto a sngle and unfed concepton of communty that he calls the "North Amercan Francophone", n whch Quebec dentty s redefned upon a shared cvc concepton and centered on the French language and culture. Bouchard beleves that there s a suffcently common culture to form an nclusve cvc naton around as long as t s dependent on the French language to form a common dscourse. Thus the only coeffcent of ethncty n ths naton would be the language (Bouchard 999: 64). As well, Bouchard sees two other advantages to ths concepton of Quebec dentty. One, t reduces all of the fragmented ethnc denttes nto a unfed French language. Those who choose delberately not to adapt to the French fact would be consdered as auto-excludng themselves rather than beng excluded by the state. Secondly, the concepton of a francophone defned by the language permts the ntegraton of new cultural 9

52 fgures that have been created by the generaton of Law 0, allowng the culture to regenerate tself (Bouchard 999: 7-7). However, Bouchard contnues to struggle wth the tenson between ethnc and terrtoral conceptons of ctzenshp that Moore dentfes n Secton. To satsfy the demands of undfferentated ctzenshp that a natonalty based on shared terrtory would endure, Bouchard jettsons everythng about the past of the Francophone majorty wth the excepton of the language. However, n Bouchard's work, only one terrtory s vsble - Quebec. Bouchard makes the same assumpton that Anderson (99) and Thongcha dentfy - that the terrtory of Quebec s a monolth that s ndvsble. A more accurate renderng of Quebec socety would reveal a multplcty of overlappng terrtoral loyaltes: to Quebec, to Canada, to regon, to cty, to aborgnal communty, even to specfc neghbourhoods wthn Montreal. Rather than weld natonal and terrtoral dentfcaton together, Bouchard would be better served examnng these two forms of denttes as corollares of one another - nterconnected but also dstnct.. Mchel Seymour and the Socopoltcal Naton Mchel Seymour, n contrast to Bouchard, argues for a common poltcal communty wthn the cvc naton of Canada - n other words, a naton wthn a naton. Seymour (000: ) defnes the Quebec naton as a socopoltcal naton whch nvolves "a poltcal communty contanng a natonal majorty and, very often, natonal mnortes and varous other ethnc communtes". Here Seymour makes a dstncton between natons, whch form complete selfgovernng socetes, and natonal mnortes, whch are merely extensons of a neghbourng naton. Seymour (000: 40) does not feel the need to merge the concept of state wth naton as Bouchard attempts to do, argung that "the Quebec naton can be understood as a poltcal communty, contanng a natonal majorty of French Quebeckers, a natonal mnorty of Anglo- Quebeckers and ndvduals havng, for nstance, Italan, Jewsh, Greek, Portuguese, Hatan, Lbanese or Latno-Amercan natonal orgns". Thus where Bouchard sees ambguty, Seymour sees clarty. Thus, he consders the eleven Aborgnal natons of Quebec as formng dstnct 40

53 natons outsde the naton of Quebec whle remanng ctzens of Quebec n the jursdctonal sense. In ths sense, he consders Quebec as a multnatonal state comprsed of the Quebec naton and the eleven Aborgnal natons. He uses a smlar logc n applcaton to the Quebec naton wthn Canada, argung that "t s part of a larger poltcal communty, but t consttutes a dstnct naton. It can be treated as part of the Canadan naton only f we use the word n a cvc sense, but t stll consttutes a dstnct naton n the socopoltcal sense (Seymour 000: 40)". However, ths same logc does not apply to Anglo-Quebeckers, who are consdered to be a "natonal mnorty" wthn the naton of Quebec because they are a "mnorty extenson on the terrtory of Quebec of a natonal majorty of Englsh Canadans" (Seymour 000: 4). What s partcularly nterestng about Seymour's theory s the manner n whch he mxes the terrtoral and cultural aspects of natonal dentty. Frst and foremost, he dvdes the Canadan communty nto terrtoral spaces that match the borders of the provnce of Quebec. Secondly, he uses those borders as the bass to assgn the desred "naton" status to only those groups that are a majorty wthn each delneated terrtory. Whle he descrbes hs artculaton of Quebec as based on a soco-poltcal dentfcaton, he delneates that dentty through the use of terrtoral boundares. These terrtoral boundares serve as dvdng lnes between natons and natonal mnortes and serve as the bass of dfferentated ctzenshp n whch the naton regns supreme and natonal mnortes are subordnated. In other words, f an Anglophone s on one sde of the Quebec border, he s part of the Canadan naton; but f he s on the other sde then he s only part of a natonal mnorty. More paradoxcally, Seymour s able to consder Aborgnal groups lvng wthn the terrtory of Quebec as natons n ther own rght, but ths acceptance s not extended to Anglophones, who are relegated. Whle Seymour does not explctly artculate boundares that would separate Aborgnal and Quebec terrtores as he dd to separate the natons of Quebec and Canada, t does appear that hs logc remans consstent. Whle he consders Quebec as a separate naton from Canada, he states that Quebec s jursdctonally a part of Canada. Lkewse, whle Aborgnal Peoples would form separate natons from Quebec, they reman jursdctonal wthn 4

54 the provnce of Quebec. Whle Seymour s able to consder the mportance of terrtoralty to dentty, hs artculaton of terrtoral dvson s far too monstc and exclusve. Seymour's theory of normatve pluralsm seems to "beg the queston"; constructng a model n such a way to favour Franco-Quebecos demands at the expense of Anglo-Quebecers and Francophone groups lyng outsde the provnce of Quebec. Furthermore, Seymour does not understand the overlappng nature of terrtoral dentty. Rather he dvdes Canada n jgsaw-lke terrtoral peces lke Anderson (99) and Thongcha descrbe n regards to Sam. In realty, terrtoral denttes are multple and overlappng: from neghbourhood, cty, ntraprovncal, provncal, regonal, and state-wde. Thus whle Seymour s able to comprehend the mportance of terrtoralty n a lmted sense, he s unable to expand ths understandng nto a comprehensve framework of dentty.. Jocelyn Maclure and The Centralty of Dscourse In contrast to most of the other authors that we have examned n ths thess, Maclure does not consder the naton as formng a prmary collectve dentty for people who lve n Quebec. Instead, Maclure sees dentty as somethng that s far more flud than most people would admt. For Maclure (00: ), ndvduals are nfluenced by a "strange multplcty" of dynamc and evolvng cultural processes n whch ther denttes are "made, unmade, and remade". Rather than vewng communtes as monolthc homogeneous blocs n whch ctzens partake n a common culture, Maclure (00: 0) fnds t more promsng to vew de communty "as a ste of delberaton and artculaton, not one of fuson". Whereas for Bouchard, the central concept of dentty s hstory; and for Seymour, t's the poltcal communty; for Maclure, t's the dscourse. "Identty, as an nterpretve narratve", argues Maclure (00: ), "can only emerge from the sharng of a vocabulary and the confrontaton of vews on ths shared world". Thus freedom, wthn the conceptual framework that Maclure (00: ) develops, "resdes n the possblty for self-dsclosure, delberaton, and dssent wthn a pluralty of ntersubjectve spheres, the naton obvously beng one of them". 4

55 Whereas Bouchard and Seymour attempt to establsh the Quebec naton as the central organzng collectve prncple on the terrtory of Quebec, Maclure, whle understandng ts mportance, sees the naton as only one component of an ndvdual's possble dentty that s becomng ncreasngly nfluenced by other sources. Accordng to Maclure (00: ), "t s becomng ncreasngly obvous that f the naton remans for many a vtal structure for dsclosure and recognton, a plethora of other dentty stes are challengng ts monopoly". Maclure s not suggestng that scholars should not try and craft a more nclusve Quebec dentty, for whch he s supportve. Rather, he s suggestng that such an dentty can no longer be assumed to be predomnant or homogenous. Tryng to buld a more defntve concepton of dentty, as Bouchard and Seymour attempt, s counterproductve as t wll nevtably exclude those who don't ft nto the paradgm. Whle Maclure does not consder terrtoral dentty specfcally, hs consderaton of a "plethora of other dentty stes" that are challengng the prevously predomnant poston of natonal dentty certanly leaves Maclure open to consderatons of terrtoral forms of dentty. Secondly, Maclure's concentraton on a common dscourse as the key to formulatons of dentty translates well nto terrtoral denttes. Groups that are terrtorally concentrated wll have, accordng to Maclure's theory, a far easer tme creatng a sense of collectvty due to ther proxmty wth one another. Thrdly, Maclure's dscourse thess can also understand multple and overlappng terrtoral denttes. As a resdent n Brtsh Columba, I can become nvolved n socal, cultural, and poltcal dscourses regardng the neghbourhood, the cty, the provnce, the regon, or the country - all at the same tme. Thus, an dentty formed by dscourse would allow the constant constructon and mantenance of these multple forms of terrtoral allegance at a level smlar to the constructon and expresson of multple, plural cultural and natonal denttes. Thus whle Quebec scholars have made a lot of progress n reconceptualsng Quebec dentty to be more open and nclusve, they stll fall prey to the ncompatblty between ethnc and cvc ctzenshp that Moore dentfes. Only Maclure s able to present a theory of dentty 4

56 constructon that can reconcle natonal belongng wth other forms of dentty n an equtable manner, ncludng conceptons of terrtoral dentty. Rather than attemptng to defne how all Quebecos are the same, Maclure bulds a concepton that celebrates ther dfferences whle unfyng the socety around a common dscourse, or seres of dscourses, that breeds shared comprehenson and understandng of the deep dversty wthn Quebec socety at both the macro and mcro level. However, the other two scholars make some valuable contrbutons to the feld. But Bouchard and Seymour are held back by ther reluctance to vew terrtoral dentty as dstnct from, but connected to, other forms of dentty such as cultural and natonal, wth whch they are most concerned. An examnaton of normatve pluralsm from a terrtoral perspectve may open up new nsghts that wll allow these scholars to buld more comprehensve normatve frameworks. 4. Concluson The development of normatve pluralsm by Taylor, Kymlcka, Tully, Karms, Maclure, and others has been a welcome development on the understandng of a growng plural dentty, but there s a stunnng gap wthn the lterature. Whereas Canadan scholars of normatve pluralsm have been very dlgent n addressng cultural and natonal dversty n ther normatve frameworks, they have underemphaszed the central mportance of terrtoralty n the formulaton of ndvdual dentty. Ths omsson s understandable, as the lterature has focused on accommodatng growng multculturalst and mnorty natonalst groups to the exstng state system. In the Canadan context, the focus on the Quebec natonalst project has dstracted attenton from growng artculatons of terrtoral dentty n other parts of the country; a process that Resnck beleves has led to a "poltcs of resentment" (Resnck 000). Ths neglect s surprsng consderng the psychologcal mportance that terrtoralty plays for natonalst movements as they seek to establsh absolute authorty over a defned terrtory. Ths neglect n the role that terrtory plays n constructng denttes may also explan the reluctance of theorsts to consder forms of terrtoral dentty wth the same normatve force as cultural and natonal 44

57 denttes. But f terrtoral denttes do exst, as ths thess contends, then what makes them unque from cultural and natonal forms of dentty? Theorsts have created a great body of lterature on the development, mantenance, and promoton of natonal and cultural denttes throughout the target socety, but they have spent less tme developng theores on how terrtoral denttes are born, grow, and evolve. In an attempt to fll ths gap n the lterature, ths thess wll attempt, n the next chapter, to develop a theory of terrtoral dentty based upon a tralectc of terrtoralty, narratve, and banal flaggng. 45

58 Chapter Two - The Tralectc of Terrtoral Identty: Terrtoralty, Narratve, and Banal Flaggng As outlned n the frst chapter, we make the argument n ths thess that terrtoral dentty remans a powerful part of each ndvdual's self-concepton, and should be consdered alongsde natonal and cultural forms of dentty. As Storey (00: 7) beleves, even "f terrtoral behavor s seen largely as a phenomenon condtoned by our crcumstances, t s certanly apparent that people dsplay a tendency to dentfy wth partcular places. People do form bonds wth place and, n ths sense, terrtory s vtally mportant to people and may serve as an ntegral component of self-dentty". Whle we have descrbed terrtoral denttes as a "thrd category" of dentty, alongsde natonal and cultural denttes, ths categorzaton does not suggest that these categores of dentty are unrelated. Natonal denttes themselves are ted to a defned terrtory or "homeland" over whch the natonal group seeks control. Cultural denttes formed through mmgraton may stll mantan a psychologcal connecton to an "ancestral terrtory" many mles away, even f the ndvdual has never seen t. Kaplan (999: ) hghlghts the smlartes between natonal and terrtoral denttes when he states that: Natonal denttes are stuated among a cascade of geographcally based denttes. Although n many cases natonal denttes are conceved as "ethnc," ethnc afflatons range from the clan to the cvlzaton. In ths day and age, natonal denttes embody the poltcal goal of comprsng a state. But both substate and superstate unts prolferate and can spawn ther own denttes. 46

59 But f natonal and terrtoral denttes are but two vertcal levels of geographcal based denttes then why should we splt them nto separate categores? Could we not just smply group them together under a sngle category of geographcal dentty? Whle terrtoral and natonal denttes are certanly nterrelated, there s a key dstncton between the two n the manner n whch they develop wthn the current terrtoral state. Followng Kymlcka's (998) defnton of natonal mnortes, a natonal dentty s magned to pre-date the exstence of the state, whereas a terrtoral dentty can be thought of as developng wthn the structure of a state. The manner n whch ths terrtoral dentty s developed s not monolthc n tself. Rather, terrtoral dentty formaton s the result of three dstnct yet nterconnected socal phenomena: terrtoralty, narratve, and banal flaggng. Only through examnng the tralectc nterplay between these three separate phenomena can a general understandng of terrtoral dentty be found. Ths chapter wll begn wth a detaled look at the abstract theory of terrtoralty of Robert D. Sack and the manner n whch terrtory, the locus of terrtoral dentty, s formed at a multtude of vertcal levels. By examnng the crucal lnk between terrtoralty and language, for wthout whch terrtoralty could not exst, a connecton wll be forged wth the larger lngustc theory of narratve. In ths secton, the power of narratve to vsualze the borders that terrtoralty constructs and to assgn 'real' meanng to the magned terrtory n the 'hearts and mnds' of the target populaton wll be explored. Fnally, Bllg's concept of "banal flaggng" wll help us to understand how the powerful machnatons of terrtoralty and narratve can become to be seen as "natural" and unquestoned through a stream of "banal flags" that remnd the ndvdual every day of the terrtory n whch he or she lves and the narratve that sustans t. The tralectc formed by these separate phenomena may reveal the complexty of modern expressons of terrtoral dentty, as well as our dffcultes n understandng t. 47

60 Terrtoralty Crtcal to our understandng of terrtoral dentty s the concept of terrtoralty, whch s the process n whch terrtores are defned and delneated from one another. Whle n a physcal sense, terrtores do not exst, ther magnary constructon has a deep effect on how we perceve the world and, by extenson, ourselves. As Delaney (005: ) explans, terrtoralty s understood as "mplcatng and beng mplcated n ways of thnkng, actng, and beng n the world - ways of world-makng nformed by belefs, desres, and culturally and hstorcally contngent ways of knowng". For terrtoral denttes to exst, whch s the central thess of ths chapter, there must be an magnary terrtory to whch ndvduals and collectvtes dentfy. As Delaney notes, terrtoralty not only s "mplcated n the creaton, crculaton, and nterpretaton of meanng (Delaney 005: 7)," but "nforms key aspects of collectve and ndvdual denttes", shapng and beng shaped by "collectve socal and self-conscousness" (Delaney 005: ). Thus terrtoralty and terrtoral dentty form a symbotc relatonshp, recreatng one another n the publc magnaton. However, for the purposes of ths chapter and for the followng case study, a more n-depth analyss of the theory of terrtoralty and ts central role n formng and shapng terrtoral denttes s needed. Thus frst, the nfluental theory of terrtoralty ntroduced by Robert Davd Sack n hs book Human Terrtoralty wll be ntroduced and ts central tenets revewed. Ths secton wll be followed by a bref dscusson of how the current academc lterature on terrtoralty tends to lmt ts analyss to forms of natonal denttes formed by ether naton-states or by mnorty natonalst movements at the expense of understandng how strctly terrtoral forms of dentty develop. Ths wll be followed by a dscusson of the contrbuton of the element of vertcalty n terrtoralty that Delaney ntroduces and ts relevance to the multple and overlappng nature of terrtoral denttes. Fnally, the central mportance of language wll be examned and a lnk drawn between the power of language to construct terrtoralty and the necessty of narratve n constructng an dentty centred around a defned terrtory, whch wll form the second major secton of ths chapter. 48

61 In Human Terrtoralty: Its theory and hstory, Sack ntroduces a general theory of terrtoralty that whle not admttedly comprehensve, nonetheless opens up numerous avenues of analyss n an effort to understand the sgnfcant power of terrtoral dentty. Sack (986: 9) summarzes the defnton of terrtoralty as "the attempt by an ndvdual or group to affect, nfluence, or control people, phenomena, and relatonshps, by delmtng and assertng control over a geographc area. Ths area wll be called the terrtory". Sack's (986: 0) concepton of terrtoralty and the power nherent wthn s qute broad, argung that terrtoralty can "nclude job descrptons (how long you must be seated, where you are and not allowed to go, etc.), legal rghts n land, brute force or power, cultural norms and prohbtons about the use of areas, and subtler forms of communcaton such as body posture. However, n ths chapter, we wll be more focused on the more macroscopc nstances of terrtoralty such as ctes, provnces, and regons.. The Three Interdependent Relatonshps of Terrtoralty From hs defnton of terrtoralty, Sack then proceeds to dentfy three nterdependent relatonshps of terrtoralty: classfcaton by area, a form of communcaton, and an attempt to enforce control over an area.. Terrtoralty s dependent upon a form of classfcaton by area. Sack (986: ) argues that when "someone says that anythng, or even some thngs, n ths room are hs, or are off lmts to you, or that you may not touch anythng outsde ths room, he s usng area to classfy or assgn thngs to a category such as hs, or not yours. He need not defne or enumerate the knds of thngs that are hs or are not yours".. Terrtoralty s dependent upon a form of communcaton. Accordng to Sack, ths may "nvolve a marker or sgn such as s commonly found n a boundary. Or a person may create a boundary through a gesture such as pontng. A terrtoral boundary may be the only symbolc form that combnes a statement about 49

62 drecton n space and a statement about possesson or excluson" (Sack 986: ).. Fnally, terrtoralty nvolves an attempt to enforce control over "access to the area and to thngs wthn t, or to thngs outsde of t by restranng those wthn. More generally, each nstance must nvolve an attempt at nfluencng nteractons: transgressons of terrtoralty wll be punshed and ths can nvolve other non-terrtoral and terrtoral acton" (Sack 986: ).. Ten Tendences of Terrtoralty From these three nterdependent relatonshps, Sack then proceeds to descrbe ten major tendences of terrtoralty. Please note that Sack does not argue that these ten tendences are a complete and comprehensve lst, but are the most sgnfcant tendences that he can dentfy:. Terrtoralty nvolves "a form of classfcaton that s extremely effcent" by classfyng "by area rather than by type" (Sack 986: ).. Terrtoralty can be "easy to communcate because t requres only one knd of marker or sgn - the boundary" that makes t easy to make statements about "possesson or excluson" of the people and the resources wthn (Sack 986: ).. Terrtoralty can be "the most effcent strategy for enforcng control" over resources or thngs to be controlled f they "fall well between ubquty and unpredctablty" (Sack 986: ). 4. Terrtoralty provdes "a means of refyng power". In essence, terrtoralty takes forms of power that are abstract and materal and makes them "explct and real by makng them 'vsble'" (Sack 986: ). 5. Terrtoralty can be used "to dsplace attenton from the relatonshp between controller and controlled to the terrtory, as when we say 't s the law of the land' or 'you may not do ths here.'" In other words, terrtoralty hdes the real and 50

63 complex forms of socal power behnd an apparently natural terrtory that "appears as the agent dong the controllng (Sack 986: )." In ths sense, Delaney (005: ) argues that part of the power of terrtoralty s that t becomes "regarded n a rather taken-for-granted way as an almost natural phenomenon". When the terrtory becomes seen to be "self-evdent, necessary, or unquestonable, t may obscure the play of power and poltcs n ts formaton and mantenance" (Delaney 005: ). 6. Terrtoralty also bulds relatonshps and connectons between people who wll never meet. Accordng to Sack (986: ), by "classfyng at least n part by area rather than by knd or type, terrtoralty helps make relatonshps mpersonal". 7. Terrtoralty hdes or obscures forms of power because the "nterrelatonshps among the terrtoral unts and the actvtes they enclose may be so complcated that t s vrtually mpossble to uncover all of the reason for controllng the actvtes terrtorally," leavng a terrtoralty that "appears as a general, neutral, essental means by whch a place s made, or a space cleared and mantaned, for thngs to exst" (Sack 986: ). As Delaney (005: 8) explans, "terrtory commonly works precsely through the tendency to take power and meanng and ther relatonshp to be smply self-evdent and rather non-problematc. In ths way, terrtory s refed and rendered as relatvely smple and unambguous. In ths way terrtory does much of our thnkng for us and closes off or obscures questons of power and meanng, deology and legtmacy, authorty and oblgaton, and how worlds of experence are contnually made and remade". 8. Terrtoralty acts as a clear and unambguous "contaner or mold for the spatal propertes of events", n whch nfluence and authorty "s 'legally' assgned to ts poltcal boundares" (Sack 986: ). For example, a cty, even though ts nfluence may spread far and wde (such as Toronto due to ts massve fnancal 5

64 and meda market), s "legally" assgned to ts poltcal boundares (Sack 986: ). 9. Terrtoralty can create a conceptual mage of a "socally emptable place" (Sack 986: ). In ths sense, terrtoralty can elmnate pre-exstng communtes and create the mpresson that a place s 'empty', and thus can be flled at the dscreton of the terrtoral authorty. Ths tendency s most clearly vewed n the use of terrtoralty to margnalze the terrtoral exstence of aborgnal peoples n North Amerca (Sack 986: Ch.5). 0. Fnally, terrtoralty can be never-endng n ts tendency to create new terrtores. In other words, the creaton of one terrtory "can help engender more terrtoralty and more relatonshps to mold" as terrtoralty tends to be "space-fllng" (Sack 986: 4). Accordng to Sack (986: 4), when "there are more events than terrtores or when the events extend over greater areas than do the terrtores, new terrtores are generated for these events. Conversely, new events may need to be produced for new and empty terrtores". For example, for an event such as a basketball game between two hgh-schools, a new set of terrtores s created and assgned to each of the hgh school teams n queston and the neghbourhood wthn whch they resde. Thus an ndvdual may fnd themselves cheerng for one hgh school team over another based not on any connecton to the hghschool tself but to the terrtory that has been generated due to the event.. Vertcalty But terrtoralty doesn't smply exst as a sngular and mutually exclusve concept. By understandng the concept of terrtoralty, we can comprehend a multplcty of terrtoraltes that are nterconnected and overlappng, from our ktchen to our house, from our neghbourhood to our cty, from our provnce to our regon, and even from our state to the planet earth. The terrtoralty that we nvoke at any gven moment wll depend heavly on the context n whch t s 5

65 beng nvoked. As Knght (98: 55) notes, "whatever our reference levels, we have the astonshng ablty to 'flck a swtch' n our mnds and change levels of abstracton. Our personal sense of 'place,' as defned at any of the above levels of abstracton, has a terrtoral component." Thus a theory of terrtoralty must take the multplcty of levels of abstracton n regards to terrtoralty nto account when examnng the complcated menagere of nested terrtoral denttes. Delaney addresses ths gap n the theory wth hs conceptual addton of "vertcalty" to Sack's theory of terrtoralty. "Vertcalty", defnes Delaney (005: ), "concerns the terrtoralzed dstrbuton of power among conceptually dstnct enttes wth respect to some dscrete segment of socal space". Ignorng the vertcal aspect of terrtoralty when examnng terrtoral denttes may gve a smplstc and monstc account of a complex and nested realty. Delaney (005: ) underscores the rsk of neglectng the mportance of vertcalty by statng: Any general dscusson of terrtory that neglects vertcalty already closes off what may be among terrtory's most sgnfcant dmensons, nsofar as any modern terrtory s embedded wthn complex constellatons of dstnct but mutually consttutve spaces through whch power s dstrbuted and redstrbuted. Further complcatng matters s that these overlappng and nterconnected levels of terrtoralty are never statc, rather they are constantly movng and evolvng n relaton to tme and space. Accordng to Paas (996: 7), "regonal [terrtoral] transformaton takes place smultaneously on all spatal scales, e.g. at the local, regonal, natonal and global levels". Furthermore, ndvduals and groups are socalzed nto varyng terrtoral membershps through nsttutonal practces that create a multplcty of socal conscousness that exst smultaneously at multple vertcal levels (Paas 996: 5). Accordng to Paas (996: 5), these "membershps connect the nhabtants wth the symbols of the regon n varous practces - and smultaneously demarcate the Other". But at each vertcal level, the 'Other' n queston wll change dependng on the context gven. Thus, an ndvdual mght defend hs state from the antpathy of an outsde 'Other', but then that ndvdual may turn around and cast the same state as the 'Other' n relaton to hs smaller sub-state terrtoral group. Thus the same terrtory can be both the 'One' and 5

66 'Other' smultaneously dependng on the gven context. But these constructons of the 'One', the 'Other', and the context whch governs the vertcal level of terrtoralty that s beng addressed are dependent on yet another factor - language..4 Language and Terrtoralty Whle we recognze terrtoralty as a remarkably powerful concept n the structure of human spatal organzaton, t exsts n no real sense. Borders and boundares are not drawn out n yellow lnes to dvde up the globe, rather these terrtoral dvsons are drawn out and organzed n our collectve magnatons, dependent on language to not only defne ths terrtoral dvsons, but to communcate these terrtoral constructons to others for acceptance. As Tuan (99: 684) explans, "words alone, used n an approprate stuaton, can have the power to render objects, formerly nvsble because unattended, vsble, and mpart to them a certan character: thus a mere rse on a flat surface becomes somethng far more - a place that promses to open up to other places - when t s named 'Mount Prospect'". Or n other words, "language creates place" (Tuan 99: 695). Tuan (99: 694) lnks together the process of language and place-constructon when he states that: Takng language serously has a number of ntellectual consequences or rewards. It enables us to understand the process of place-makng better by recognzng a force prevously neglected, f not wholly gnored. It enables us to understand the qualty (the personalty or character) of place better, for that qualty s mparted by, along wth vsual appearance and other factors, the metaphorcal and symbolc powers of language. Takng language serously shows, moreover, that the "qualty" of place s more than just aesthetc or affectonal, that t also has a moral dmenson, whch s to be expected f language s a component n the constructon and mantenance, for language - ordnary language - s never morally neutral. Whle Tuan s referrng to the use of language n the symbolc constructon of a physcal place, a smlar process occurs on larger-scale terrtores n whch a metaphorcal and symbolc dentty s created through language. But language s not enough. Language may be able to tell us somethng about the terrtory n queston but what does t tell us? Mt. Prospect tells us nothng about the place t nvokes and Thongcha's map-as-logo mage of Sam reveals nothng other than a shape on a pece of paper. Thus terrtoral meanng, whle constructed by language, s not 54

67 beholden to language tself but to a specfc element of language. As Rcoeur (995: 6) remnds us: [T]o speak of memory s not only to evoke a psycho-physologcal faculty whch has somethng to do wth the preservaton and recollecton of traces of the past; t s to put forward the 'narratve' functon through whch ths prmary capacty of preservaton and recollecton s exercsed at the publc level of language. As Bllg (995: 6) argues, "[m]ore s at stake n drawng the boundary of a language than lngustcs. Rather, "[t]he battle for hegemony", Bllg (995: ) beleves, "s reflected n the power to defne language, or n what Thompson has called the power 'to make meanng stck'". "[T]errtory s not; t becomes, for terrtory tself s passve, and t s human belefs and actons that gve terrtory meanng" (Knght 98: 57). And the manner n whch meanng s made to stck, the manner n whch terrtory s gven meanng, s through narratve. Narratve In the prevous secton, the power of terrtoralty n structurng our spatal lves and relatonshps was explored. However, terrtoralty cannot depend on tself to mantan ts own exstence. Wthout a clear loyalty to the terrtoral borders constructed through terrtoralty, the structural boundares wll fray and weaken as socal power shfts wthn the terrtory n queston. Terrtoralty alone does not explan how long-standng attachments to specfc, f arbtrary, terrtoral dvsons can wthstand great socal and economc change. Only through the utlzaton of narratve can terrtoral constructons fnd some semblance of stablty as t tes the terrtory wth the socal denttes of the ndvduals wthn. As Somers (994: 606) notes, "t s through narratvty that we come to know, understand, and make sense of the socal world, and t s through narratves and narratvty that we consttute our socal denttes".. Paul Rcoeur and Emplotment But how are these narratves developed and attached to exstng forms of terrtoralty and why do these terrtoral narratves hold such sway over the populatons wthn? To ths queston, we turn to the nfluental work of French phlosopher Paul Rcoeur and hs concept of "narratve 55

68 dentty". As Venn (005: 88) explans, "Rcoeur's noton of narratve dentty ponts to the dea of a self as a stored self, as an entty made up of stores told, ndeed, entangled n the stores that a person tells or that are told about her". Rcoeur (99: 4) beleves that "the dentty of the character s comprehensble through the transfer to the character of the operaton of emplotment, frst appled to the acton recounted; characters, we wll say, are themselves plots". Ths noton of emplotment s a key element of Rcoeur's theory of narratve dentty, servng to create a narratve by lnkng events together to gve an "account of the ntentons of the actors so that the character appears to have a certan chronology" (Rasmussen 995: 65). Accordng to Somers (994: 64), "people construct denttes (however multple and changng) by locatng themselves or beng located wthn a repertore of emplotted stores"; ther 'experence' s "consttuted through narratves" that seek to "make sense of what has happened and s happenng to them by attemptng to assemble or n some way to ntegrate these happenngs wthn one or more narratves". Thus narratvty translates 'events' nto 'epsodes' through the process of emplotment (Somers 994: 66). Now the process of emplotment, as artculated by Rceour, tself contans sub-processes that translate seemngly random 'events' nto compellng narratves: acton and character... Acton To defne explctly what Rcoeur means by "acton" s dffcult, as there s a whole phlosophcal lterature on the concept on whch Rcoeur s buldng. However, perhaps the most succnct, f not comprehensve, defnton comes from Donald Davdson. Davdson (980: 6) proposed that "[]f an event s an acton, then under some descrpton(s) t s prmtve, and under some descrptons(s) t s ntentonal". Davdson argues that an event s an acton f t satsfes one of two crtera: () t s the result of a prmtve acton on the part of the agent, or () that the acton can be descrbed as ntentonal n some way. What Davdson means by "prmtve" actons are those that are physcally carred out by an agent's body, such as pontng a fnger or usng that fnger to pull a trgger. Both are actons because they occur as a result of a physcal act by the 56

69 agent n queston. Wth the second crtera, Davdson s drawng a causal lnk between acton and ntenton, n that events are actons f they are ntentonally n some way shape or form. In regards to the dscusson of narratve, the agents are not physcal bengs but characters created by the narratve and made to appear real n the magnaton of the audence. Thus, the frst crteron of acton s rrelevant to our dscusson. Thus, when we refer to 'acton' n ths thess, we wll do so wth the understandng that we are referrng to the Davdson's second crtera of acton, n that events are only actons when they are ntentonal n some form... Character Character s the second half of the dalectc between acton and character n the emplotment of narratve. "Character," argues Rcoeur (99: ), "desgnates the set of lastng dspostons by whch a person s recognzed. [ ] It s therefore mportant to ask ourselves about the temporal dmenson of the dsposton, whch wll later set character back upon the path of the narratvzaton of personal dentty". In other words, narratves do not construct characters as statc, never-changng objects. Rather, characters, lke n a good novel, wll change and evolve over the tmelne organzed by the narratve. In the context of narratve, Rcoeur argues that these characters wll fulfll specfc roles n the plot constructed by narratve. More specfcally, he focuses on a par of connected roles that take great promnence n denttes formed by narratve: agents and sufferers. The role of the Agent can be defned as the "One who acts" whereas the role of Sufferer can be defned as the "One who s acted upon". Ths agent/sufferer role set s a crucal aspect n the formaton of terrtoral denttes, n that they are often developed due to a perceved mbalance of poltcal, economc, or socal power. Furthermore, they allow for compellng means for people wthn the terrtory to accept the set of terrtoral characters constructed by narratve as real and tangble. Thus n narratve terms, "dentty can be called, by lngustc conventon, the dentty of the character" (Rcoeur 99: 4). 57

70 Through the process of emplotment, n whch the actons and characters of the plot are created, narratve creates a comprehensble and compellng explanaton of the complex set of seemngly random events to a target that s easy to accept. As Khan (006: ) explans: Plots gve narratves a structure, (a coherence), recountng past events n story form, but never actually verfyng past realty. Instead, the creatve producton of the magnaton results n the nterpretaton of human experence. Human experence 'n ts profound temporal dmenson, never ceases to be shaped' by narratve. So narratve n a sense arses from lved experence, and affects what s taken to be lved experence. But, of course, the gap between the (emboded) experence of beng and nterpreted lfe remans. Furthermore for Somers (994: 67), to "make somethng understandable n the context of a narratve s to gve t hstorcty and relatonalty. Ths works for us because when events are located n a temporal (however fleetng) and sequental plot we can then explan ther relatonshp to other events". But the real power of emplotment s that t transforms events from "what happened" to "what was supposed to happen", from a mere occurrence to an essental part of the storylne. In other words, emplotment alters contngency nto destny' 5. As Rcoeur (99: 4) explans: The paradox of emplotment s that t nverts the effect of contngency, n the sense of that whch could have happened dfferently or whch mght not have happened at all, by ncorporatng t n some way nto the effect of necessty or probablty exerted by the confgurng act. The nverson of the effect of contngency nto an effect of necessty s produced at the very core of the event: as a mere occurrence, the latter s confned to thwartng the expectatons created by the pror course of events; t s qute smply the unexpected, the surprsng. It only becomes an ntegral part of the story when understood after the fact, once t s transfgured by the so-to-speak retrograde necessty whch proceeds from the temporal totalty carred to ts term. Ths necessty s a narratve necessty whose meanng effect comes from the confguratng act as such; ths narratve necessty transforms physcal contngency, 5 Of course, there are lmtatons to the communcatve power of plots. As Somers (994: 67) explans, "n the face of a potentally lmtless array of socal experences dervng from socal contact wth events, nsttutons, and people, the evaluatve capacty of emplotment demands and enables selectve appropraton n constructng narratves. A plot must be thematc. The prmacy of ths narratve theme or competng themes determnes how events are processed and what crtera wll be used to prortze events and render meanng to them". 58

71 the other sde of physcal necessty, nto narratve contngency, mpled n narratve necessty. Thus, "chance s transmuted nto fate. And the dentty of the character emploted, so to speak, can be understood only n terms of ths dalectc" (Rcoeur 99: 47) or, n the words of Rasmussen (995: 65), "[fjreedom succumbs to necessty".. The "Second-Order Stores" of Publc Narratves Up to ms pont, however, Rcoeur has focused on denttes formed by narratves at the level of the ndvdual. In ths sense, he s examnng how narratves nfluence and affect our own personal sense of dentty. However, Rcoeur (995: 6) argues that the narratve dentty of each ndvdual wll mngle and overlap wth oders to form what he descrbes as "second order stores whch are themselves ntersectons between numerous stores". In other words, through the transmsson and recepton of ndvdual narratves over a gven populaton, an extra-personal narratve can emerge. Somers (994: 69) descrbes ths phenomenon as a "publc narratve" whch she defnes as "those narratves attached to cultural and nsttutonal formatons larger than the sngle ndvdual, to ntersubjectve networks or nsttutons, however local or grand, mcro- or macro-stores about socal moblty, the 'freeborn Englshman,' the workng-class hero, and so on". Somers (994: 64) puts great emphass on ths phenomenon, even argung that narratvebased explanatons of socal acton, n whch "people are guded to act by the structural and cultural relatonshps n whch they are embedded and by the stores through whch they consttute ther denttes", may be more relevant than nterest-based explanatons, for whereas "an nterest approach assumes people act on the bass of ratonal means-ends preferences or by nternalzng a set of values, a narratve dentty approach assumes people act n partcular ways because not to do so would fundamentally volate ther sense of beng at that partcular tme and place". If narratves form a superor clam to socal acton than nterests, as Somers suggests, then we can expect that the "constructon, enactment, and appropraton (Somers 994: 69)" of these 59

72 narratves wll be hghly contentous. Somers (994: 69) agrees, argung that the "knds of narratves" that "wll socally predomnate s contested poltcally and wll depend n large part on the dstrbuton of power". But certan narratves wll have an advantage over others; they wll have the advantage of terrtoralty.. The Lnk Between Narratve and Terrtoralty The advantage that terrtoral-based narratves have over competng narratve plots s that they have an authorty that bulds the legtmacy of the terrtory n queston. In a sense, the clam of authorty over a specfed terrtory must be accepted by the populaton wthn for the terrtory to become 'real' and for the authorty of the terrtoral regme to be unquestoned. Whtebrook (00: 4) beleves that '"[rjatonal authorty' may then be understood as a matter of coherent narratve, and poltcal order may be sad to depend on the regme's ablty to tell an approprate story (narratvely speakng, approprate to the expectatons of the readers, or to the genre, for nstance)". In ths sense, terrtoralty and narratve can form a recprocal relatonshp. Terrtoral authortes can, dependng on ther jursdctonal reach, create and propagate terrtoral narratves through educaton and meda, whle these same terrtoral narratves can strengthen the salence of terrtory n the mnds of ts denzens and thus also the legtmacy of terrtoral-based authortes whose "legtmacy n a narratve mode rests on the ablty 'to tell a true tale'" that s easy to understand and credble (Whtebrook 00: 4-5). As Whtebrook (00: 4) explans: The poltcal body needs to tell a compellng story, to gan the assent of ts lsteners, n order to establsh ts dentty. The language of narratve can be brought n poltcal use; conversely, poltcal language could be rethought n narratve terms. For example, famlar poltcal terms n the cluster state, authorty and legtmacy, can be assocated wth narratve where that s concerned wth recognton or ntellgblty. However, narratve not only serves terrtoralty n legtmzng ts exstence and the authorty that the terrtory clams, t s also a necessary component n constructng the boundares of the terrtory and ts neghbours. As forms of terrtoralty are heavly contested by socal groups, narratve serves as a strategy not only to defne a terrtory controlled by a specfc authorty, but 60

73 also to defne the terrtores (or lack thereof) of ts compettors. Thus a natonal state threatened by a mnorty natonalst movement may create narratves that hghlght a unted pan-state concepton of terrtoralty whle smultaneously constructng narratves that hghlght the dsunty of the competng terrtoral of the competng mnorty natonalst group 6. Lkewse, mnorty natonalst movements or terrtoral jursdctons seekng greater autonomy may construct narratves that hghlght the fragmented or condtonal spatal organzaton of the naton-state whle craftng narratves that extol the ndvsblty and unty of ther own terrtores' 7. Ths contnung battle occurs at all vertcal levels of terrtoralty, leavng Newman and Paas (998: 95) to conclude that the "constructon of boundares at all scales and dmensons takes place through narratvty". Newman and Paas (998: 96) summarze the nterconnected relatonshp between terrtoralty, narratvty, and artculatons of socal power by statng that: As far as natonal socalzaton s concerned, boundares are thus one part of the dscursve landscape of socal power, control and governance, whch extends tself nto the whole socety and whch s produced and reproduced n varous socal and cultural practces. Ths landscape concretzes and attempts to legtmze relatons between terrtoral structures. In ths dscursve landscape, a boundary has a dual role, reflectng both collectve and ndvdual conscousness. The boundary does not lmt tself merely to the border area or landscape tself, but more generally manfests tself n socal and cultural practces and legslaton, as well as n flms, novels, memorals, ceremones and publc events. These boundary-related narratves also consttute contested fronters, nasmuch as they exst by vrtue of the boundary. Wthn these fronters, the contest for dentty socalzaton takes place, as nsttutons and agences attempt to create exclusve 'us' denttes and, by defnton, outsder mages of the 'Other'. Geographc and hstorcal educaton n the school system also produces and reproduces the conscousness of ths system of sgns ± an "conography of boundares'. Ths tends to make space ncontestable and exclusve (the purfcaton of space), nasmuch as t provdes a specfc "readng' and system of norms and values. Whle Newman and Paas (998: 97) conclude that narratves construct terrtoral boundares by shapng the mndscapes and perceptual mages of the targeted populaton through 'lterary landscapes', ths narratve explanaton by tself s not adequate. For whle narratve constructon See Kernerman's (005) debate on the unty/dsunty dalectc n Multcultural Natonalsm: Cvlzng Dfference, Consttuton Communty. 7 See the compact theory of Canadan federalsm. 6

74 s a powerful strategy to legtmze and soldfy artculatons of terrtoralty and ther boundares, t does not follow that such narratves are created by poltcal or socal eltes through metculous ntenton. Rather, terrtoral narratves are an expected response to thousands of barely notceable remnders that renforce both the terrtoralty n queston and the narratve that supports t - a process known as "banal flaggng". Banal Flaggng In the prevous two sectons of ths chapter, we have examned the mpact that terrtoralty and narratve have played n the constructon and transmsson of terrtoral denttes. However, there s a thrd element that must be consdered due ts mportance n constantly remndng the target populaton of the boundares nherent n the constructed terrtoralty and the narratve that sustans t. Ths element we may refer to as "banal flaggng". In ths chapter, our concept of banal flaggng s based on the work of Mchael Bllg n hs book Banal Natonalsm.. Banal Flaggng and Terrtoralty In Banal Natonalsm, Bllg (995: 6) argues that expressons of majorty natonalsm may be hdden from sght due ts dependence on "deologcal habts" that serve by ther exstence to constantly remnd or "flag" the target populaton of the naton, ts values, and ts boundares wthout drawng attenton to tself; thereby constantly "reproduce establshed natons as natons". As Bllg (995: 6) explans, "the term banal natonalsm s ntroduced to cover the deologcal habts whch enable the establshed natons of the West to be reproduced. It s argued that these habts are not removed from everyday lfe, as some observers have supposed. Daly, the naton s ndcated, or 'flagged', n the lves of ts ctzenry". Thus n establshed majorty natons, "there s a contnual 'flaggng', or remndng, of natonhood" such that the mage of banal natonalsm s "not a flag whch s beng conscously waved wth fervent passon; t s the flag hangng unnotced on the publc buldng" (Bllg 995: 8). Furthermore, the category on banal flags that Bllg creates s much broader than just physcal flags or markers. Banal flaggng also extends nto our language and the notons that we take for granted. Banal notons, accordng to Bllg 6

75 (995: 9), "turn out to be deologcal constructons of natonalsm. They are 'nvented permanences', whch have been created hstorcally n the age of modernty, but whch feel as f they have always exsted". In ths sense, these 'nvented permanences' strke a canny resemblance to the ffth tendency of terrtoralty as dentfed by Sack - that terrtoralty hdes the real and complex forms of socal power behnd an apparently natural terrtory. Whle Bllg uses hs concept of "banal flaggng" to understand majorty natons, the lessons mparted by hs work are hghly relevant to the study of non-natonal forms of terrtoral dentfcaton. Lke banal natons, terrtores requre, accordng to Sack (986: 9), "constant effort to establsh and mantan. They are the results of strateges to affect, nfluence, and control people, phenomena, and relatonshps". Delaney (005: 8-9) fnds smlar connectons between terrtoralty and "flaggng", argung that modern culture "s very much a culture of 'sgnage.' As common experence wll readly verfy many of the non-commercal sgns one encounters are markers of terrtory". Paas's (996: 4) dscusson of terrtoral symbols strkes a smlar chord: Terrtoral symbols are often abstract expressons of supposed group soldarty, embodyng the actons of poltcal, economc, admnstratve and cultural nsttutons n the contnual reproducton and legtmaton of the system of practces that consttute and demarcate the terrtoral unt concerned. Thus symbols are nstrumental n the sense that they serve to evoke powerful emotons of dentfcaton wth terrtoral groupngs and can generate acton.. Banal Flaggng and Narratve However, Bllg's concept of "banal flaggng" does not smply deal wth physcal flags, sgns, or "magnary landscapes". There s also an element n hs work that deals wth the ncredbly subtle ways we flag the naton everyday n the very language we speak. However, subtlety s the key word here, much more so than n the case of unwaved flags and sgns, whch are stll physcally vsble. As Bllg (995: 9) notes, banal natonalsm "operates wth prosac, routne words, whch take natons for granted, and whch, n so dong, enhabt them. Small words, rather than grand memorable phrases, offer constant, but barely conscous, remnders of the homeland, makng 'our' natonal dentty unforgettable". Thus the key words are often the smallest, formng 6

76 a lngustc 'dexs' wth words such as 'we', 'ths' and 'here' whch mplctly assume and flag the naton wthout explctly namng them (Bllg 995: 94). The power of ths lngustc dexs, as Bllg (995: 98) descrbes cannot be underestmated, for t provdes a way for terrtoral authortes to wn the loyalty of the target populaton to the terrtory by usng "the rhetorc of dentfcaton to suggest an overall 'we'" and thus allowng the target populaton to buy nto the terrtoral narratve beng referenced 8. Whle Bllg focuses exclusvely on the natonal dexs of representaton, there s no terrtoral lmtaton of the power of representaton that the dexs approprates. Words such as 'we', 'us' and 'here' are very capable at sldng up and down multple vertcal levels of terrtoralty and ther nherent narratves dependng on the context of the dscusson at hand. 'We' can smultaneously refer to the people of a neghbourhood, a town, a large cty, a provnce, a regon, a state, a contnent, a cvlzaton, or the whole of humanty. The explct defnton of 'we' s not needed, t can be nferred from the context n whch t s used. The use of the dexs to construct the terrtoral narratve s not lmted to poltcans; the meda play a sgnfcant role n ts geness and evoluton. As Bllg (995: 5) explans: Routnely, newspapers, lke poltcans, clam to stand n the eye of the country. Partcularly n ther opnon and edtoral columns, they use the natonalzed syntax of hegemony, smultaneously speakng to and for the naton, and representng the naton n both senses of 'representaton'. They evoke a natonal 'we', whch ncludes the 'we' of reader and wrter, as well as the 'we' of the unversal audence. But once agan, the use of the 'we' s not lmted to the vertcal level of the 'naton' or state, t can be used at any level of terrtoralty n the constructon of the moral narratve. For example, a As Bllg (995: 98) notes: The noton of representaton, n ths context, s not straghtforward. Two meanngs can be dstngushed n theory, but these are ntertwned n poltcal practce. Frst, there s 'representaton' n the sense of 'standng for' or 'speakng for'. Ths sense of representaton s mpled when governments clam to represent 'the naton' or 'the people', speakng, actng and sometmes wavng flags on ts behalf. [...] The second meanng of representaton s 'depcton', n the sense that a pcture may be a representaton of a scene. In contemporary poltcal practce, the two forms of representaton are closely connected. In order to clam to speak for the naton/people, the poltcan must also speak to that naton/people. 64

77 local communty fghtng to save ts hosptal from government cutbacks may use the 'we' n opposton to the government 'they'; a newspaper edtoral n Calgary may use the provncal 'we' to defend ol nterests, whch are extended to be the nterests of all Albertans wthn the terrtory, from the machnatons of the federal government 'they'; or a natonal government may crtcze the actons of a foregn government 'over there' for not holdng human rghts to the same standard as they are 'here'. No matter what the vertcal terrtoral level, the dexs of representaton can and wll be used, fusng together our notons of terrtoralty, narratve, and banal flaggng nto a complex and nterconnected relatonshp.. Examples of Terrtoral-Based "Banal Flaggng" But f there s a relatonshp between terrtoralty, narratve, and banal flaggng, then what elements of banal flaggng could we expect? Whle t s beyond the scope of ths chapter to gve a complete and comprehensve lst and recognzng that the banal flags used n each nstance of terrtoralty and narratve wll be dfferent, we can certanly suggest several common elements. Frst and foremost, the name of the terrtory n queston would be a key element n constructng the mental pcture of the magnary terrtory. As Paas (996: 5) explans, the "most mportant symbol s doubtless the name of the terrtoral unt or regon, whch usually 'gathers' together ts hstorcal development, ts mportant events, epsodes and memores and jons the personal hstores of ts nhabtants to ths collectve hertage". A second element flag would be the boundary of the terrtory as gettng people to remember the boundary of the terrtory would be an essental part n havng the terrtory tself accepted as 'real'. Interconnected wth narratve, boundary "flags" may also serve to construct of "moral geography" n whch some terrtores are seen as havng a hgher moral value than others (Cox 00). Whle Cox (00: 5) for the most part lmts hs dscusson of moral geography to neghbourhoods, he admts ths same process can occur at the regonal terrtoral scale. Promnent examples of ths element nclude the U.S. Cvl War n whch North (modern, cvlzed) was dvded from South (classcal, tradtonal) by the "Mason-Dxon lne", the Canadan West (dynamc, folksy) vs. East 65

78 (tradtonal, rgd) dynamc, and the tradtonal metropole/hnterland dchotomy. A thrd element would be flags and sgns whch serve not only to remnd people of the terrtory's exstence and delneaton, but can also serve as an nstrument of the hegemonc power of the terrtoral authorty. The language used n the sgn can be expresson of the hegemony of one or more "offcal" languages. In the case of sgns or flags representatve of the terrtoral authorty tself, the use of terrtoral symbols such as Quebec's fleur-de-lys or Brtsh Columba's dogwood may also serve to heghten the terrtory's "brand" vs-a-vs ts neghbours. The mandated use of a partcular unt of measurement or currency on sgns or packages can serve as a constant remnder of the salence of the terrtory and ts narratve, partcularly f a neghbourng terrtores uses dfferent currences or unts of measurement. A fnal element s the sports team. Bllg sees the sports team as an ncredbly powerful form of banal flaggng, most notably n events of nternatonal competton n crcket, tenns, or (European) football. As Bllg (995: 9) explans, "all the papers, whatever ther poltcs, have a secton n whch the flag s waved wth regular enthusasm. Ths s the sports secton". For every day, "the world over, mllons upon mllons of men scan these pages, sharng n defeats and vctores, feelng at home n ths world of waved flags (Bllg 995: )" that wave for "'us', 'our vctores' and 'our heroes'" (Bllg 995: 0). Once agan, Bllg focuses on the natonal aspect of banal flaggng, choosng to gnore the fact that sports pages tend to be domnated (outsde of the Olympcs and relevant nternatonal champonshps) by professonal sportng clubs, whch are dentfed by the major cty n whch they are centred. In the case of Europe, ths s most evdent n popularty of professonal soccer leagues such as the Englsh Premer League, Sere A n Italy, the Bundeslga n Germany, La Lga n Span, and the combned Champons League. In Canada, ths s most evdent n the sport of hockey. Sports teams can also serve as a form of soldarty at the local, provncal, and regonal level. Dependng on the event, the terrtoral loyalty commandeered and renforced s altered. At the lowest vertcal level s junor hockey, where local neghbourhood or communty denttes can be expressed and renforced. Provncal Wnter Games group together 66

79 players n terrtoral regons wthn the provnce for the purposes of organzaton. The professonal Natonal Hockey League contans franchses that are based n major urban centres, even f the athletes themselves aren't, and are premsed on a cty vs. cty compettve dynamc that can foster ntense rvalres between the ctzens of the ctes of two competng clubs. Canadan Champonshps wll renforce provncal denttes as the competng players are dvded nto teams based on ther home provnce. The NHL All-Star game or the Stanley Cup Fnals can engender a regonal, East vs. West dynamc due to the terrtoral organzaton of the league, n contrast to the Ter-based organzaton of European professonal football. Fnally at the hghest vertcal level, nternatonal compettons such as the Olympcs or the World Cup of hockey wll tap nto powerful natonal narratves to brng a sense of heghtened drama to the event. Thus the phenomenon of banal flaggng, n the multtude of ways n whch t appears, has an nterconnected bond wth both terrtoralty and narratve n the formulaton of terrtoral forms of dentty. However, due to the pluralty of ways n whch banal flaggng can be found, a smple lst of "banal flags" wll be nsuffcent wthout tyng them to the specfc case that s beng studed. Every terrtoral dentty wll have ts own dstnct set of banal flags, thus the proper way to examne the mpact of banal flaggng on the terrtoralty and narratve of the terrtory n queston wll be through the use of case studes. In the next chapter, we wll examne the queston of banal flaggng, and ts connecton wth terrtoralty and narratve n more depth. 4. Concluson In ths chapter, we have proposed a general theory for how terrtoral denttes, are created, defned, and transmtted to a populaton wllng to accept them. The foundaton of ths theory s based on what we have called the dalectc of terrtoral dentty: three dstnct phenomena that work together to develop and mantan varous vertcal levels of terrtoral dentty n ts target audence. The frst phenomenon s terrtoralty: the manner n whch terrtores are created n order to serve as socal contaners to structure the lves of the ctzens contaned wthn. A key element of terrtoralty s vertcalty, the exstence of multple levels of terrtory to whch an 67

80 ndvdual can address dependng on the gven context. In other words, the work on terrtoralty reveals that ndvduals are able to swtch ther level of terrtoral abstracton wth lttle dffculty. Ths element connects the feld of terrtoralty wth pluralst school of normatve pluralsm, whch asserts that an ndvdual can have multple denttes wthout havng to subsume them to a prmary monstc dentty 9. Another element of mportance when dealng wth terrtoralty s the mportance of language n defnng and communcatng the terrtory to the target populaton. Ths leads to the second major phenomenon that drves the constructon of terrtoral dentty - narratve. Only through the constructon and use of terrtoral narratves can terrtoral constructons fnd some semblance of stablty as t tes the terrtory n queston wth the socal denttes of the ndvduals wthn. Vce-versa, terrtoral narratves use the socal power of the terrtoralty to whch t s connected to gan advantage over competng narratves for the magnaton of the target populaton. Thus terrtoralty and narratve have a mutually-renforcng recprocal relatonshp, usng the advantages of ts ally to succeed aganst competng terrtoraltes and narratves for access to the publc's magnaton. However, there s a thrd phenomenon that further strengthens that advantages that terrtoral dentty gans from terrtoralty and narratve - banal flaggng. Every sngle day, the terrtoral abstracton, f t s strong, s flagged constantly n the meda that the target populaton absorbs. Ths process s known as banal flaggng. Through the use of banal flaggng, the abstract concept of the terrtory n queston becomes soldfed and accepted n the magnatons of people both nsde and outsde the terrtory. Furthermore, banal flaggng strengthens terrtoral narratves through the use of the Frst-Person Plural (we, us, our) as well as place (here, there) to encourage the audence to dentfy wth the terrtory as a surrogate for themselves n the narratve. Thus, a partcular event no longer affects just a terrtory; t affects 'us'. Thus once agan, a mutually-renforcng See Chapter One, Secton.4 of ths thess for a more thorough dscusson of the attack by pluralsts such as Karms and Maclure on the concept of monstc authentcty. 68

81 recprocal relatonshp s establshed between these three phenomena, gvng terrtoral denttes an advantage that may explan ther strength n the publc magnaton. In ths chapter, we have explored the complex tralectc of terrtoralty, narratve, and banal flaggng and ther nterrelated roles n constructng terrtoral forms of dentty at a number of vertcal levels. However, such a theory s useless unless t can be appled to the case study n such a way to brng out new nsghts nto the subject. Therefore, n the next chapter we wll take the tralectc of terrtoral dentty that we have establshed n ths chapter and apply t to the case study of Alberta and the multple levels of terrtoral dentty that have grown wthn t. Through such a quanttatve nvestgaton, we hope to establsh terrtoral dentty as a vald feld of nqury that wll brng new nsghts nto the complex nterplay of denttes that occur n plural states such as Canada. 69

82 Chapter Three - Albertan Terrtoral Identty: Trackng the development of a new form of dentty wthn Canada Such demands are racst and dscrmnatory - they ndcate a dsturbng atttude that reflects badly on Alberta's reputaton for farness and tolerance. Edmonton Journal; June 4, 989. Havng explored the theoretcal underpnnngs of terrtoral dentty n the prevous chapter, we now turn our attenton to how these terrtoral denttes are constructed n practce. Take for example the above quote from the Edmonton Journal. Wthn ths quote, the terrtoral constructon of Alberta s referenced drectly wthout queston, wthout ambguty as a "real" object that exsts n the real world. Furthermore, Alberta s not referenced n ths case as an nanmate object but as a physcal character wth personalty trats such as farness and tolerance, despte the fact that the terrtory of Alberta s not real n any sense of the word. You cannot talk to t, you cannot touch t. It exsts as a map upon a wall, ts magnary boundares stretchng across the magnaton of mllons as t constructs tself as a real lvng object n the mnds of ts target audence. But how can such a powerful symbol, alve only wthn the magnaton of ts people, be constructed out of thn ar. The theoretcal process n whch these terrtoral denttes are formed was the focus of Chapter Two. However, a purely theoretcal look at ths phenomenon s nsuffcent. Theory may tell us how a terrtoral dentty may be created, but for a full understandng of the phenomenon, we must see development of the dentty n practce. Theory may gve us a gude, 70

83 but only by examnng the phenomenon n practce can we fnd our way. Thus the purpose of ths Thrd Chapter s to reveal the manner n whch ths terrtoral dentty s constructed n practce. Towards ths end, we wll nvestgate four dstnct elements of terrtoral dentty constructon over the span of one year regardng the terrtoralty of Alberta: terrtoral flaggng, selfdentfcaton wth a terrtoral concept through the use of Frst-Person Plural pronouns, terrtoral narratves, and terrtoral archetypes. To track these four elements of the phenomenon of the Alberta terrtoral constructon, we must frst carefully desgn a methodology that s clear, concse, and accurate. Ths step s done n Secton of ths chapter. The defnton of the methodology wll then be followed by the results of the study n Secton. Ths secton wll produce the results of our nvestgatons nto terrtoral flaggng, Frst-Person Plural pronouns, terrtoral narratves, and terrtoral archetypes. Furthermore, the data produced wll be analyzed and conclusons drawn about the process of constructon, mantenance, and transmsson of the Albertan terrtoral dentty. In the fnal secton, Secton 4, these conclusons wll be summarzed. 7

84 Methodology The methodology for ths study wll be based on the work of Mchael Bllg n Banal Natonalsm (995). In ths text, Bllg was able to dentfy a number of banal, obscure ways n whch natonalsm was flagged n our daly lves by trackng the use of language n newspapers n Brtan. By examnng the language used n these newspapers, Bllg was able to hghlght the nnocuous ways n whch the natonal dentty of Great Brtons was constantly flagged through news stores, newspaper edtorals, and specfcally n the sports pages. Bllg theorzed that ths "banal flaggng" served to strengthen a constructed Brtsh natonal dentty by constantly remndng the audence of ts exstence and ts place as the prmary source of dentty. In ths study, we shall attempt to track the terrtoral constructon of Albertan dentty n a smlar manner. We shall n ths study track the use of "terrtoral flaggng" to construct and renforce a sense of dentty centred around the terrtoral provnce of Alberta. However, there wll be several dfferences between ths study and ts ground-breakng predecessor conducted by Mchael Bllg over a decade ago. In hs study, Mchael Bllg examned numerous Brtsh newspapers over the span of a week, examnng the use of language n every aspect of the newspaper from headlnes, to edtorals, to columns, and even to the sports pages. In our study, three Albertan newspapers wll be examned over the perod of a sngle year, but unlke Bllg's comprehensve analyss, we shall only examne the edtorals of the three papers rather than the entre newspapers themselves. There were three reasons for ths decson. Frst, the scope of a study coverng the entre newspaper and not just the edtoral secton would have been far too large to cover n detal. Second, the edtoral serves as the offcal vewpont of the newspaper's edtoral board and thus any use of terrtoral flags would represent an acceptance of the terrtoralty that the flag represents as legtmate or "real" by the newspaper. Thrdly, t may be the only secton of the paper that s guaranteed to be consstently wrtten by employees of the newspaper, gven the growng dependence on syndcated columnsts and news agences such 7

85 as the Canadan Press. Thus any use of terrtoral flaggng s consdered unque amongst the three papers, rather than parrotng the same lnes found n newspapers across the country. Whle the nvestgaton s lmted to only the edtoral pages, there s a sgnfcant mprovement over Bllg' s methodology. Whlst Bllg conducted a comprehensve analyss of a full week of Brtsh newspapers, he dd not provde any quanttatve statstcs to support hs conclusons. Hs arguments were formed completely by qualtatve judgments based on hs nterpretaton of the text. Whle Bllg's qualtatve analyss was certanly ground-breakng for ts tme, a quanttatve analyss would provde a better dea of the degree to whch ths banal "terrtoral flaggng" occurs. Thus n ths study, we wll conduct a quanttatve analyss of the terrtoral flags found n the edtorals of three Albertan newspapers over the span of one year. However, n order to conduct a quanttatve analyss that s accurate, the elements that are to be tracked must be careful defned so that the results are consstent from one edtoral to another and from one newspaper to another. To ths end, we must consder how to defne the "terrtoral flags", "Frst-Person Plural" pronouns, "terrtoral narratves", and "terrtoral archetypes" that wll be tracked n ths study. The choce of defntons s ncredbly mportant as a poor choce n how the categores are defned wll affect the accuracy and consstency of the results that wll be produced n ths study. For example, f the elements are not defned carefully, an nstance may be recorded n one edtoral but gnored n another that s dentcal, drastcally reducng the utlty of the results that are collected and analyzed. Due to the central mportance of properly defnng the categores of whch we wll be trackng n ths study, sgnfcant tme wll be spent constructng these defntons. Thus, these categores wll be defned n the followng sub-sectons below that wll stretch to the end of Secton. Frst, the varous "terrtoral flags" wll be defned, followed by the terrtoral "Frst-Person Plural" pronouns, then by the Albertan "terrtoral narratves", and then concludng wth the defnton of "terrtoral archetypes". 7

86 Number of Edtorals Ths flag records whether or not an edtoral was prnted (or s avalable on the archves) for that partcular day. There are nstances where a paper s produced for that day but wthout an edtoral ncluded. Furthermore, there are partcular holdays (Canada Day, Chrstmas) where the paper s not prnted and thus there s no publshed edtoral. Also, there are certan newspapers such as the Edmonton Journal that typcally prnt more than one edtoral for each day. Thus, rather than recordng whether or not an edtoral was publshed for that day, ths feld wll record the number of edtorals prnted for that day. The purpose of ths flag s to provde a grand sum of edtorals from whch quanttatve statstcs for each of the followng flags can be derved.. Terrtoral Flags A category of flags used to quanttatvely analyze the edtoral constructon of Albertan terrtoral dentty. The one qualty that all of the followng flags have n common s that they reference a terrtoral concept, whether t s a provnce (Alberta), a cty (Ottawa), or a group of people (Albertans). These flags are used to keep track of how often the Albertan newspapers reference a purely terrtoral concept n ther edtoral sectons. These statstcs wll be used to evaluate the degree to whch terrtoral constructons become salent n the realm of publc language. Alberta (noun) Ths flag marks all nstances n whch the terrtoral provnce of Alberta s marked by the smple flag of "Alberta". The purpose of ths flag s to mark how the word "Alberta" has taken a predomnant status demarkng terrtoral boundares. Alberta (subject) Ths flag s used to mark the nstances when "Alberta" s referred to as the actor or "subject" of a sentence. For example, "Alberta must lower taxes to become more compettve" uses the smple noun "Alberta" to represent the terrtoral provnce and/or the terrtoral government of the provnce as a sngular, ndvsble concept. In other words, ths flag marks the nstances when 74

87 "Alberta" s used as a physcal actor rather than as an abstract terrtoral concept. Please note that the "Alberta (subject)" flag can refer to the people of the provnce, or the representatve provncal government. Both uses are qute common and thus wll be covered by ths flag. Ths flag s mportant n order to mark the places where Alberta s used as a sngular actor. Ths flag may have repercussons for the "Alberta archetype" category lsted below. Alberta (adjectve) Ths flag s used to mark nstances where the smple word "Alberta" s appended to another noun to desgnate ownershp. For example, "Alberta voters", "Alberta power", "Alberta government". Note, for the purposes of smplcty, ths category wll only categorze absolute (smple) adjectves. It wll not nclude stuatons n whch Alberta appears as a noun or possessve as part of a larger adjectve phrase. Albertan (adjectve) Ths flag s dfferent n regards to the other Albertan flags because when used as an adjectve, such as "Albertan Desel", the flag refers to the provnce as a whole rather than Albertans as a people. Thus, ths flag fts n better wth the Alberta sub-category of flags than wth the Albertan sub-category of flags. Ths flag can be seen as dentcal n meanng to the Alberta (adjectve) flag. Alberta (possessve) Ths flag s used n nstances where the possessve form of the word Alberta s used. For example, "Alberta's voters" would be an deal case. Ths flag s only to mark uses of the possessve wth the word "Alberta", not nstances of possessve use n reference such as "our". These nstances are nstead marked under the "Frst Person Plural" category of flags. Albertan (noun) Ths flag s used to refer to the Albertan people, or the collecton of ndvduals who lve n the provnce of Alberta. Ths flag does not refer to the provnce tself, so extra care must be taken for 75

88 ths flag not to be confused wth the Albertan (adjectve) flag, whch refers to the provnce rather than the people. Albertan (subject) Ths flag covers nstances where Albertans, the group of people who lve n the provnce of Alberta, serve as the subject of the sentence. For example, "Albertans have decded to go n a dfferent drecton" would be an deal case. Please note that ths flag covers both the sngular and plural forms of the word "Albertan". Albertan's (possessve) Ths flag refers to the nstances when the word "Albertan" or "Albertans" (the plural and more common form) s used n the possessve tense. Ths flag wll mark nstances where certan objects or character trats are desgnated to the people of Alberta, usually wrtten as "Albertans"'. The plural form of ths flag wll be more popular but ths flag wll cover both nstances. Ottawa (noun) Ths flag refers to nstances where "Ottawa" (shorthand for federal government) s used as a proper noun n a sentence. Please note that ths flag s not to refer to all nstances where Ottawa s used as a noun. For example, an event that s happenng "n" "Ottawa" s referrng to the physcal cty tself and not the socologcal construct of "Ottawa" as representatve of the federal government. Ottawa (subject) Ths flag refers to nstances where "Ottawa" (shorthand for federal government) s used as the subject of a sentence. In ths case, "Ottawa" must be takng some acton. Ottawa (adjectve) Ths flag refers to nstances where "Ottawa" s used as an adjectve for anomer noun. Ths flag may be rare or nonexstent as the adjectve form of the "Ottawa" construct s typcally replaced by the adjectve "federal". Ths flag wll not cover the use of "federal" as the replacement adjectve. 76

89 Ottawa (possessve) Ths flag covers nstances where the concept of "Ottawa" (shorthand for federal government) s used n the possessve sense. For example, "Ottawa's defct" or "Ottawa's free spendng ways" would be examples deservng of rasng ths flag. Please note that the second example used also attrbutes personalty trats and characterstcs to the "Ottawa" construct. Thus, ths flag may be nterrelated to the "Ottawa archetype" category lsted below. Central Canada (all) Ths flag s an all encompassng category whch ncludes references to noun, subject, adjectve, and possessve forms of the word Central Canada. Ths flag s only meant to keep track of how many edtorals reference the concept of Central Canada. Central Canadan (all) Ths flag s an all encompassng category whch ncludes references to noun, subject, adjectve, and possessve forms of the word Central Canadan. Ths flag s only meant to keep track of how many edtorals reference the concept of Central Canadan. Alberta Assumed Ths flag s marked n nstances where the exstence of Alberta s assumed n the context of the sentence. For example, "the provncal government", dependng on ts context may be properly referrng to "the provncal government of Alberta". In ths sense, the truncated verson of "the provncal government" depends on the reader assumng that they are referrng to the Albertan provncal government. Ths phenomenon wll be used to mark the pervasve power of terrtoral dentty n that the terrtoral constructon s so powerful and ngraned n the publc conscousness that t can be assumed by default. People of Alberta Ths flag marks the nstances n whch the phrase "people of Alberta" s used. Ths flag attempts to track the nstances where the terrtoral concept of Alberta s connected wth the normatve concepton of the people. The "people" s a socologcal concept typcally referenced 77

90 n natonalst movements as a means to construct a sense of collectve soldarty amongst the dsparate members of ts group. Thus, f the use of the "People of Alberta" flag s prevalent, then that may suggest that the edtorals are attemptng to buld a more natonal dentty for Albertans than a purely terrtoral one.. Pronouns Ths secton marks nstances n whch the Frst Person Plural s used and to what entty the Frst Person Plural s referrng. There are three Frst Person Plural pronouns covered by the followng flags: "we", "us", and "our". All of these three Frst Person Pronouns wll be categorzed together as the dfferences between the uses of the three are not the focus of ths secton of the case study. Instead, ths secton of the case study wll focus on the entty tself to whch the Frst Person Plural s referrng. The goal s to gan an accurate understandng of how prevalent the use of FPP (Frst Person Plural) s n regards to Alberta n comparson wth ts use n regards to other terrtoral and non-terrtoral enttes. Please note that the Second Personal Plural (You) wll not be covered n ths secton because the Second Person Plural has lmted analytcal utlty. In newspapers edtorals, "you" predomnantly refers to the reader tself. Also, the Thrd Personal Plural (they) was found to be far too prevalent to be of any use n ths study. The use of the Thrd Person Plural s often so general that t becomes very dffcult to classfy terrtoral uses of the Thrd Person Plural. Thus, ths study wll focus on the use of the Frst Person Plural only to ascertan the strength of the constructed Alberta terrtoral dentty. Frst Person Plural - Edtoral Board Ths flag marks the use of the Frst Person Plural as representng the edtoral board. Ths dstncton can be dffcult to ascertan as the word "edtoral board" or the name of the edtoral wrter rarely appear n the body of the edtoral. However, where doubt les, the correct and safe fallback would be to assgn the nstance to the FPP - Edtoral Board category. 78

91 Frst Person Plural - Cty Ths flag marks the use of the Frst Person Plural as representng the cty n whch the newspaper n queston s based. Frst Person Plural - Alberta Ths flag marks the use of the Frst Person Plural as representng the provnce of Alberta. Frst Person Plural - Western Canada Ths flag marks the use of the Frst Person Plural as representng the regon of Western Canada encasng collectvely the provnces of Brtsh Columba, Alberta, Saskatchewan, and Mantoba. Frst Person Plural - Canada Ths flag marks the use of the Frst Person Plural as representng the country of Canada Frst Person Plural - The West Ths flag marks the use of the Frst Person Plural as representng concept of the "Western World", the "Frst World", the "Developed World" or more succnctly "The West". Frst Person Plural - The World Ths flag marks the use of the Frst Person Plural as representatve of the entre world or humanty n general. Frst Person Plural - Other Ths flag marks the use of the Frst Person Plural n cases that don't correspond to a specfed terrtory. For example n the case "Pete Rose has brought great dsrepute on our game by bettng on baseball", the Frst Person Plural s referrng to "baseball fans" rather than a terrtoral constructon. Thus f the use of a Frst Person Plural cannot be lnked to a specfc terrtory, and f t s not referrng to the edtoral board of the newspaper n queston, then t s to marked here. 79

92 . Narratve In ths secton, there are a number of flags to mark nstances where partcular narratves are beng constructed n the body of the newspaper edtoral. The results gleamed from ths secton and from the ensung nterpretaton of the collected narratves wll form the base of the thess' case study and wll be dscussed n depth. To further categorze the collected narratves, the narratves wll be grouped nto two dstnct categores: Alberta-Inferor and Alberta-Superor. Alberta-Inferor narratves nclude narratves that depct Alberta as domnated by Ottawa (the federal government) poltcally and narratves that descrbe Ottawa as beng domnated by Central Canada to the pont where Alberta's needs and wants are gnored. The common thread wth Alberta-Inferor narratves s that Alberta serves as a predcate; t s acted upon wth no apparent power to resst. These narratves contrast wth Alberta-Superor Narratves n whch Alberta, as a central actor, rses n power and strength to the pont where t can take on the Establshment. Of course, ths secton s hghly subjectve and dependent on the researcher's ablty to dentfy and classfy nstances of Alberta-specfc narratves. For that reason, the defnton of the narratves that are beng examned must be very carefully constructed so that the use of narratves s dentfed n a consstent manner. The defntons, outlned below, were defned followng a complete revew of all the edtorals for the Calgary Sun n 989. From the revew of the Calgary Sun, a lst of possble narratves were marked down and then compared for smlartes. Smlar narratves were combned nto a larger category of narratves and the four largest categores of narratves were chosen for ths study. The Calgary Sun was used for the orgnal revew because t was easly accessble through Lbrary and Archves Canada, easer to revew as t had the least number of edtorals of the three Albertan newspapers for the year 989, and t was replete wth examples of terrtoral narratves... Alberta-Inferor Narratves In ths category, narratves n whch Alberta s presented n an nferor status relatve to other actors n Canada are collected. The key requrement n ths category s that narratve must place 80

93 Alberta as beng acted upon, rather than actng tself. Ether the provnce s gnored by a federal government that s obsessed wth the concerns of vote-rch Central Canada or t s domnated by the federal government aganst ts sngular nterests. Domnance by Central Canada In ths narratve, Alberta's needs are gnored or dsmssed by Ottawa for the beneft of voterch Ontaro and Quebec, for whch the federal government s dependent on for power. In ths acton, there s no drect acton aganst Alberta, but a sense of the lack of justce n the federal system that s tlted so heavly to two provnces. Ottawa Domnatng Alberta In ths narratve, the actor-vctm narratve that Rcoeur descrbes s far more drect. Ths category ncludes narratves n whch a powerless Alberta s drectly domnated by Ottawa. In ths sense, Alberta's assumed unfed nterests are crushed by a power-hungry, ncompetent, outsder federal government (Ottawa). Such common narratves related to ths category would be the Natonal Energy Program, Kyoto, and Senate Reform... Alberta-Superor Narratves Ths category ncludes narratves n whch Alberta s presented n a superor lght - whether economc, socal, poltcal, or moral - relatve to other actors n Canada, ncludng the federal government. The key requrement for ths category s that Alberta must be clearly ndcated to be the actor n the narratve. In other words, t must be actng, ether drectly or symbolcally, towards a moral goal or aganst an adversary presented. There are two specfc sub-categores wthn ths secton: Alberta n Ascendance, and Alberta versus the Establshment, whch are explored n more detal below. Alberta n Ascendance Ths narratve s a corollary to Alberta-Inferor narratves. Alberta s descrbed as growng n socal, economc, and poltcal power and s startng to take ts rghtful and domnant place n Canadan socety. However, ths "natural" ascendance s blocked by the Old Guard (Central 8

94 Canada) who cannot recognze ther own dlutng bases of power. Furthermore, the "clean" poltcs of Alberta s contrasted wth the "drty poltcs" of Central Canada. Alberta versus the Establshment In ths narratve, Alberta s ptted aganst "the Establshment" n Central Canada. Ths narratve s often referenced as a result of Toronto-based meda crtczng the actons of the Alberta provncal government. Typcally, ths narratve presents the establshment as havng an nvested nterest n keepng Alberta subservent. Ths sub-category may nclude poltcal, economc, and meda actors n Central Canada. Ths narratve may also often ncorporate the "Crtc as Outsder" trope as a defence mechansm aganst crtcsm aganst Alberta-based ntatves or authortes. These crtcsms are then dsmssed wthout due to the crtc's outsder, and therefore llegtmate, status..4 Archetypes Smlar to the narratve secton, the archetypes secton s a subjectve study that nvestgates the constructon of "deal types" or archetypes nsde the confnes of the daly edtoral. In ths secton, the edtoral wll be parsed to ascertan f an archetype s created, and f so whch characterstcs are attrbuted to t. Ths secton can best be understood by understandng Rcoeur's theory of emplotment. To have a plot, you must frst construct a seres of characters that must then nteract wth one another. The dentfcaton of the nstances of archetype constructon wll be the prmary focus of ths secton. Once agan, the hghly subjectve nature of dscernng whch texts construct archetypes and whch do not s the prmary challenge n accurately trackng the use of archetypes. To reduce the subjectvty and ncrease the consstency of ths part of the study, a number of lmtatons wll be placed on ths secton. Frst the attempt at archetype constructon must be general n nature, not ted to a specfc subject. For example, "Ottawa s senstve to nternatonal opnon" although gvng a sense of the character of Ottawa, only does so n the context of a partcular subject, not as a general character trat. However, "Ottawa s senstve" by tself would be acceptable. Furthermore, the character trat must be 8

95 drectly referenced n the dentfed text and not nterpreted by the reader. Also, extreme care must be gven to ensure that the text refers to a specfc character trat rather than acton. For example, "Ottawa's free-spendng habts" s acceptably whle "Ottawa's free-spendng" s not because t refers to an acton rather than a character trat. Furthermore, t must be understood that the process of archetype constructon s cumulatve. An archetype s not bult n a sngle edtoral, but s peced together from dentfed character trats over the lfetme of the edtoral dscourse. Thus, ths study wll try to dentfy the constructon of dentfed archetypes over the entre scope of the study. Dstnctons between the Albertan newspapers studed, f evdent, wll be dscussed. In short, there are three potental archetypes that wll be nvestgated n ths study: Alberta, Albertan, and Ottawa. Alberta Ths category refers to nstances where the concept of Alberta s gven a character trat. To gve a smple example: "Alberta's reputaton". Whle ths example uses the possessve, what t s possessng s not a physcal thng but a metaphyscal concept that only characters have. In ths sense, "Alberta" s beng treated as a sngular human beng through anthropomorphsm. In short, there are two specfc references that must be evdent to be marked n ths category. Frst, the nstance must nclude the exstence of a character trat for Alberta as a whole, such as "Alberta's reputaton". Second, the nstance must mark the value of the type of character, such as "Alberta's reputaton for sound fscal management". Albertan Smlar to the category for "Alberta", but n ths case, character attrbutes are assgned to an "deal" Albertan archetype that s taken to represent all Albertans. Examples nclude "the natural entrepreneural sprt of Albertans" and "Albertans are an optmstc people". Ottawa Smlar to the category for "Alberta", but n ths case we are searchng for the constructon of character trats for the concept of "Ottawa". It wll be mportant to look out for nstances n 8

96 whch "Ottawa" character trats are constructed n polar opposton to "Alberta" character trats, allowng "Ottawa" to serve as a character fol for the emergng "Alberta" archetype. For example, "Ottawa's money-grubbng ways" s contrasted wth "Alberta's fscal frugalty" or "Ottawa's bureaucratc excesses" are contrasted wth "Alberta's entrepreneur sprt". 84

97 Results Wth the proper defntons n hand, the edtoral pages of the Edmonton Journal, Calgary Sun, and Lethbrdge Herald were processed at Lbrary and Archves Canada by the author n the months stretchng from Aprl to August of 007. Durng ths tme, the results of the study were recorded n an Excel spreadsheet that was used to produce the statstcs, tables, and charts needed to properly analyze the collected data. The fnal results are produced here n Secton of ths chapter. Frst, the results of the search for "terrtoral flags" wll be summarzed. Ths wll be followed by an analyss of the collected data regardng the use of the Frst-Person Plural by the edtoral staff. Fnally, the results of the search for the use of "terrtoral narratves" and "terrtoral archetypes" wll be explored and conclusons drawn. To ensure that peer revew can be conducted on the conclusons drawn n ths study, the raw data of the study wll be appended to ths thess n an appendx.. Terrtoral Flags The trackng of terrtoral flags, whose defnton was set earler n ths chapter, was by far the easest and most-straghtforward part of the study. Terrtoral flags were easy to spot and mark n the spreadsheet. Furthermore, the large number of terrtoral flags dentfed over the course of three Albertan newspapers and over the span of a year allowed the dversfcaton of the analyss nto two dstnct sub-sectons. For the purposes on ths study, the results were broken nto two parts: the cumulatve statstcs for the entre year and a -day rollng average that tracks how the use of terrtoral flags changes over the course of a sngle year. Cumulatve Lookng at the cumulatve statstcs, there s qute clear evdence of the use of terrtoral flags n the edtorals of the three Albertan newspapers. Of course, not all newspapers are created equal. Frst and foremost, each newspaper wll have a dfferent number of edtorals each day. For example, the Edmonton Journal would typcally nclude to 4 edtorals each and every day, seven days a week. The Calgary Sun would have only one edtoral sx days a week whle the 85

98 Lethbrdge Herald would have one or two per day for sx days a week. The dfferng number of edtorals publshed per day and the dfferng dates on whch the journals are publshed wll, of course, lead to vastly dfferent cumulatve totals. Thus whle the cumulatve totals of all the terrtoral flags covered n ths study are mportant, they wll be supported by ncludng the rate at whch each terrtoral flag s referenced n the edtorals. Only by consderng the two wll a complete pcture of the use of terrtoral flags be dentfed and common trends be dscovered. In the context of Alberta terrtoral flags, there was qute clear evdence that these flags were a common element of Albertan dscourse. In the space of a year, no fewer than 70 references to the terrtory of Alberta across the three newspapers 0. As seen n Table below, the most common references were for Alberta as an adjectve, Alberta as a noun, and Alberta as a possessve. By far the least used Alberta flag was Albertan as an adjectve. Ths s not surprsng as commentators would avod the Albertan (adjectve) flag due to ts possble confuson wth the Albertans (adjectve) flag. Number of Edtorals Alberta (noun) Alberta (subject) Alberta (adjectve) Albertan (adjectve) Alberta's (possessve) Alberta Total Table : Alberta Terrtoral Flags Edmonton Journal Calgary Sun Lethbrdge Herald Cumulatve Gven the wde dfferences n how many edtorals were publshed by each newspaper, t s not surprsng that common trends are not mmedately evdent. However, f we take the rate of how Please note that ths fgure refers not to the number of edtorals that contan a reference to the group of Alberta terrtoral flags, but the number of nstances n whch an edtoral references one or more of the terrtoral flags. Thus, f an edtoral references the Alberta (noun) flag once, the Alberta (subject) flag twce, the Alberta (adjectve) flag fourteen tmes, and the Albertan (adjectve) and the Alberta's (possessve) zero tmes, then the cumulatve total of references wth be three, not seventeen. Thus, the cumulatve total cannot be compared to the total number of edtorals for context because they measure two completely dfferent unts. 86

99 often each flag s used by chartng the number of tmes the flag s used per edtoral, as shown below n Chart, some common trends become evdent. Chart : Rate of Alberta Terrtoral Flags per Edtoral As seen n the chart above, the use of each of these Alberta-based terrtoral flags s remarkably consstent from newspaper to newspaper. In the case of the Alberta (noun) terrtoral flags, the newspapers were consstently around 0% of all edtorals wth a cumulatve base of.6% of all edtorals. These percentages contnue at about 8.4% for Alberta (subject),.% for Alberta (adjectve), 0.7% for Albertan (adjectve), and.6% for Alberta's (possessve). The only consstent outler from these trends s from the Lethbrdge Herald, whch uses Alberta (noun) and Alberta (adjectve) terrtoral flags much more consstently but uses the Alberta's (possessve) form sgnfcantly less often. Ths can be partally explaned by the fact that the edtoral would refer to ther local area as "Southern Alberta" rather than only as the cty of 87

100 Lethbrdge. Ths use of the regon "Southern Alberta" rather than Lethbrdge as the local terrtoralty s not unexpected, as the cty of Lethbrdge s the major commercal central n Southern Alberta and thus the crculaton of the Lethbrdge Herald extends across much of Southern Alberta. Whle ths varaton could concevably skew the analyss, the bass of the nvestgaton remans ntact: to record the use of flags that refer to the terrtoral concept of Alberta. Whle the Lethbrdge Herald s referrng to "Southern Alberta" as a terrtoral unt separate from Alberta, t s referrng to t as a sub-unt of the terrtory of Alberta, thereby renforcng the terrtoralty at play. Thus, ths varaton s acceptable to the goals of ths study. Movng on to the Albertan sub-group of terrtoral flags, we fnd some curous trends n the cumulatve statstcs as shown below n Table. Number of Edtorals Albertan (noun) Albertan (subject) Albertan's (possessve) Albertan Total Table : Albertan Terrtoral Flags Edmonton Journal Calgary Sun Lethbrdge Herald Cumulatve In ths second table, we fnd that n the 789 edtorals tracked n ths study, there were no fewer than 57 references to Albertan terrtoral flags. There were for Albertan (noun), 7 for Albertan (subject) and for Albertan's (possessve). The domnance of the "Albertan as noun" terrtoral flag n ths secton carred over to the ndvdual papers. The dstrbuton of these Albertan terrtoral flag references wll be explored n more detal n Chart below: 88

101 Chart : Rate of Albertan Terrtoral Flags per Edtoral Once agan, the consstency of the trend s somewhat startlng. In all three flags, the same pattern presents tself. Whle each of the flags seems to have a general base of support, slght varatons between the three newspapers are apparent. The Edmonton Journal consstently has the fewest references to these three flags, the Lethbrdge Herald has the hghest, whle the Calgary Sun places somewhere n the mddle. The cumulatve base, shown n purple, fnds that Albertan (noun) references occur n 8% of edtorals, Albertan (subject) references occur expectantly less, because t s a subset of Albertan (noun), at.5% of all edtorals, and Albertan's (possessve) s almost non-exstent at 0.67% of all edtorals. Once agan, the hgh level of Albertan terrtoral references may be partally explaned by the adopton of the Lethbrdge Herald of "Southern Albertans" as the local populaton rather than only the populaton of the cty of Lethbrdge. As t was for Alberta-terrtoral flags, ths varaton s 89

102 deemed acceptable to the goals of ths study due to reasons gven above. Whle there s some varaton between newspapers on how often Albertan terrtoral flags are utlzed, there s nonetheless clear evdence that the use of these terrtoral flags are qute common, showng up n upwards of 0% of all edtorals. Movng on to the Ottawa sub-group of terrtoral flags, we fnd that there are some revsons n the prevous trends. In regards to the cumulatve totals shown below n Table, the use of Ottawa terrtoral flags s sgnfcantly less frequent than Alberta or Albertan terrtoral flags. Edmonton Journal Calgary Sun Lethbrdge Herald Cumulatve Number of Edtorals Ottawa (noun) Ottawa (subject) Ottawa (adjectve) 5 9 Ottawa's (possessve) Ottawa Total Table : Ottawa Terrtoral Flags In the table above, we can see once agan, the noun form of the terrtoral form of Ottawa s most promnent. Out of 789 edtorals covered n ths study, 49 contaned references to Ottawa (noun), 8 of those contaned references Ottawa (subject), only 9 contaned references to Ottawa as an adjectve, and 99 contaned references to Ottawa n ts possessve form. Once agan, ths result s qute consstent wth prevous terrtoral sub-groups. However, when we look at the frequency of these terrtoral references relatve to the number of edtorals below n Chart, we dscover some new trends. 90

103 Ottawa (noun) Ottawa (subject) Ottawa (adjectve) Ottawa's (possessve) l Edmonton Journal -989 Total Calgary Sun -989 Total Lethbrdge Herald -989 Total Cumulatve -989 Total Chart : Rate of Ottawa Terrtoral Flags per Edtoral As you can see n the above chart, the use of Ottawa-based terrtoral flags s heavly domnated by the Calgary Sun. In comparson, the Edmonton Journal has the least number of Ottawa terrtoral references whle the Lethbrdge Herald brngs up the mddle. Ths was not unsurprsng. Havng read through all of the edtorals, t quckly became apparent that the Calgary Sun edtoral lne was much more focused on natonal ssues such as the GST and the Alberta Senate Electon whle the Edmonton Journal and Lethbrdge Herald were more focused on provncal or local ssues. The abundance of Ottawa terrtoral flags may suggest ncreased use of narratves that deal wth the relatonshp between Alberta and the federal government represented by "Ottawa". Ths relatonshp wll be further explored n the "Narratve" secton of ths study. The lack of Ottawa terrtoral flags from the Edmonton Journal was also somewhat expected, as the Edmonton Journal seemed to be attemptng to avod usng Ottawa-Alberta 9

104 narratves as wll be explored n the "Narratve" secton of ths study. Regardless of the varatons n the ndvdual papers, there s clear evdence of a consstent use of the Ottawa terrtoral flag. The cumulatve base, shown n purple above, shows that the Ottawa (noun) terrtoral flag s referenced n.9% of all edtorals whle ts subset Ottawa (subject) flag s referenced n 0.% of all edtorals. The dfference between the noun and subject flags of Ottawa terrtoralty flags s sgnfcantly smaller than those of Alberta or Albertan terrtoral flags, ths s due to the fact that we are only ncludng those references that are referrng to the poltcal concept of "Ottawa", representatve of the federal government, and the not the cty of Ottawa tself. Alberta and Albertan terrtoral flags do not have ths lmtaton and thus would account for the larger dfference n the number of references between ther noun and subject terrtoral flags. The next par of terrtoral flags that wll be revewed wll be the Central Canadan terrtoral flags. These flags mark the nstances n whch the concept of Central Canada or Central Canadan s referenced n the edtorals of the three Alberta newspapers. As seen by Table 4 below, these references were not very common. Only the Edmonton Journal had a sgnfcant number of Central Canada terrtoral flags totalng 5 for both sets. The other two newspapers combned had only 0 references total to the Central Canadan terrtoral flag par. However, the use of the Central Canadan terrtoral construct stll has a sgnfcant mpact on artculatons on Alberta dentty due to ts connecton to the "Domnance by Central Canada" narratve that wll be explored further n secton.. Edmonton Journal Calgary Sun Lethbrdge Herald Cumulatve Number of Edtorals Central Canada (all) 7 Central Canadan (all) 8 Table 4: Central Canada Terrtoral Flags 9

105 The fnal set of terrtoral flags that were examned n ths study was the "Alberta assumed" and the "People of Alberta" flags. As covered n the methodology secton earler, the "Alberta assumed" flag s to mark nstances n whch the use of the Alberta terrtory s assumed n the context of the sentence, where the Alberta terrtoralty s used but not drectly referenced. The "People of Alberta" flag references those nstances n whch the ndvduals who lve wthn the terrtory of Alberta are dentfed drectly as a collectve people. In Table 5 below, t s shown that the "People of Alberta" s relatvely nsgnfcant wth only references, 9 of whch are from the Edmonton Journal. Ths would suggest that at ths tme, collectvely groupng Albertans together and labelng them as a people was relatvely uncommon, at least wthn the edtoral pages nvestgated here. If the edtorals were attemptng to buld a sense of natonal dentty among the ndvduals wthn the terrtory n queston, we would have expected ths flag to occur far more frequently. Thus, the edtorals nvestgated n ths study appear to be terrtoral but not natonal regardng the constructon of "Alberta". Edmonton Journal Calgary Sun Lethbrdge Herald Cumulatve Number of Edtorals Alberta assumed People of Alberta 9 Table 5: Alberta Assumed and People of Alberta Terrtoral Flags The "Alberta assumed" flag, however, occurs very frequently, n no less than 59 separate edtorals. Ths result would suggest that the terrtoral constructon of Alberta s so pervasve that t s easly understood and accepted wthout drect reference. In other words, the concept of Alberta terrtoralty s so strong that t does not need to be drectly renforced n text; t can be assumed wth the expectaton that the audence wll be able to pck t out of the sentence unconscously. The pervasveness of ths flag can be better shown by Chart 4 below where relatve frequency of the "Alberta assumed" flag s charted. 9

106 B^HffJWI ^ ^ HHHH HfaBBH^^H HB H^^^^IHH^^^^^^^^^^HfHHHHHI^^^^^^^^^^^^I ^^^^^^HH^^^^I ^^^^^^^^^^^^^H ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ ^^^^^^^H ^^^^B ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^HBIHHH^^^^^^I ^^^^^^^^^ HB^^^^I Alberta assumed Edmonton Journal -989 Total Calgary Sun -989 Total Lethbrdge Herald -989 Total Cumulatve -989 Total Chart 4: Rate of Alberta Assumed Terrtoral Flags per Edtoral As seen from Chart 4 above, the frequency n whch the terrtoral concept of Alberta s assumed wthn the edtoral text s astonshng. Stretchng from a low of 6.8% n the Edmonton Journal, to a medum of 9.% n the Calgary Sun, and a hgh of.6% n the Lethbrdge Herald; the terrtoralty of Alberta wll be assumed on an average of 9.0% of all edtorals examned n ths study. In other words, the dentfcaton of the target audence to the terrtoralty of Alberta s so strong that t no longer needs to be drectly referenced to be publcly understood. 94

107 Rollng Three-Day Average As useful as the cumulatve statstcs explored above are n understandng the strength of Alberta terrtoral dentty wthn the provnce of Alberta, there are several lmtatons to usng cumulatve statstcs. Frst and foremost, cumulatve statstcs, whle gvng an overall dea of how prevalent a partcular seres of flags are, do not reveal any partcular trends that may develop n the use of these flags over a perod of tme. In other words, whle cumulatve statstcs gve a total number of the course of an entre year, they do not reveal how the use of the terrtoral flags n queston wll change from day to day. Secondly, because cumulatve statstcs do not track day-to-day changes, t s unable to measure the mpact of events such as electons, parlamentary sttngs, or controverses on the frequency n whch terrtoral flags are used. Therefore, to ensure that a more complete pcture of Alberta terrtoral flaggng s attaned, ths study wll track day-today changes n the use of Alberta terrtoral flags. However, smply trackng the number of references used each and every gven day wll not allow us to compare between the three Alberta newspapers, as each newspaper rarely publsh the same number of edtorals as the others. For example, the Edmonton Journal wll publsh up to four edtorals a day, the Calgary Sun publshes only one edtoral. Thus the number of terrtoral flags used by the Edmonton Journal edtorals wll usually exceed those of the Calgary Sun, even n cases where the Calgary Sun uses more terrtoral flags per edtoral. However, smply takng the average of the edtorals for each newspaper on each and every day s also not optmal as newspapers that have very few edtorals per day, such as the Calgary Sun, a daly average wll not produce a bg enough range to dentty trends. The Calgary Sun, havng only one edtoral per day, would for each flag have a value of ether of or 0. Groupng flags together nto categores, as we do n ths study, does mprove matters somewhat but stll leaves a varable range that s nsuffcent to pck up daly trends. For these reasons, a three-day rollng average s used to track the daly use of Alberta terrtoral flags. The three-day rollng average s calculated by takng the number of terrtoral flags referenced n the past three days (ncludng the current day) and dvdng t by the number of edtorals 95

108 publshed n the prevous three days (ncludng the current day). By usng a three-day rollng average, we ensure that there s enough varance n the values to pck up trends n the use of terrtoral flags over a perod of tme. Such a technque was used by the pollng frm SES Research (now called Nanos Research) to accurately track and eventually predct the results of the 004 and 006 federal electons. The three-day rollng averages of the frst group of terrtoral flags, Alberta terrtoral flags, are shown below n Chart 5. Chart 5: Three-Day Rollng Average for Alberta Terrtoral Flags In the chart above, we have the -day rollng averages for each of the three Alberta newspapers as well as the cumulatve average of all three Alberta newspapers taken together. As seen above, the rollng averages of the three newspapers, taken alone, are wldly nconsstent, often stretchng from 0 one day to.5 the next. However, the cumulatve three-day rollng average, shown n purple, does reveal some nterestng trends. Frst and foremost, the cumulatve three-day rollng average s remarkably consstent. Wth the excepton of two tme perods, the cumulatve rollng average hovers around 0.5 terrtoral references per edtoral. There are two perods of tme durng the year n whch the cumulatve rollng average consstently rses above 96

109 the 0.5 fgure. The frst s n the perod from early February to early Aprl, whch would correspond to the buldup to, the operaton of, and the aftermath of the 989 provncal electon. Such a sustaned spke n the Alberta terrtoral flags would be expected n the context of a provncal electon n whch the attenton of the newspapers' edtoral board would be focused on provncal poltcs. The second sustaned spke s n the perod stretchng from md-october to md-november. However, there s no mmedate explanaton of why ths would be the case. The Legslatve Assembly of Alberta was not n sesson at the tme as ts only sesson of the year lasted from June st to August 8 th and was not matched by a sustaned spke durng the summer months. Another possble explanaton would be the muncpal electons held on October 6, 989 but ths hypothess does not explan the spke sustanng tself well nto November. A concevable explanaton for ths spke was the "electon" of an Albertan Senator at the same tme as the muncpal electons. Followng the electon of the Senate, there was a sgnfcant perod of tme n whch the Prme Mnster of Canada, Bran Mulroney, refused to name the elected ndvdual, Sam Waters, to the Senate. Ths "rejecton" of Alberta's choce domnated the edtoral pages of the three Albertan newspapers for weeks. Thus, the second sustaned spke n the use of Alberta terrtoral flags was most lkely the result of the aftermath of the Alberta Senate electon. Let us look at the Albertan terrtoral flags to see f these trends are contnued. 97

110 Chart 6: Three-Day Rollng Average for Albertan Terrtoral Flags Regardng the three-day rollng average for Albertan Terrtoral flags, a smlar trend s apparent. Takng the cumulatve average, there s once agan a very consstent base of Albertan terrtoral flags per edtoral. Once agan, there s a sustaned spke from early February to late March that corresponds to the Alberta provncal electon. Once agan, there s a second sustaned spke rangng from early October to md-november that s most lkely the aftermath of the Alberta Senate Electon. Thus, at ths pont, t s apparent that Alberta and Albertan terrtoral flags are both hghly regular and strongly related to provncal poltcs. It wll be nterestng to note f these trends contnue wth a terrtoral flag that s qute common n Albertan newspapers but does not reference the terrtoral constructon of Alberta - Ottawa. 98

111 Chart 7: Three-Day Rollng Average for Ottawa Terrtoral Flags Regardng the three-day rollng average of the Ottawa group of terrtoral flags, no trends are clearly evdent. Takng the cumulatve average, we fnd that the frequency of Ottawa terrtoral flags hovers consstently around 0. terrtoral references per edtoral. However, unlke the Alberta and Albertan terrtoral flags, there are no sustaned spkes - nether for the electon perod, nor for the aftermath of the Alberta Senate Electon durng the October-November range. The only perod of the year n whch the cumulatve average s sgnfcantly dfferent than the medan s n December, where the use of Ottawa terrtoral references drops to almost nl. Ths drop n the use terrtoral flags may be explaned by the approachng Chrstmas holday and extensve Chrstmas break gven to the House of Commons. However, there s no smlar dropoff among the Alberta and Albertan groups of terrtoral flags. Perhaps ths suggests that Alberta and Albertan flags are more pervasve n Alberta socety than Ottawa flags. However, the results 99

112 of the above chart are clear evdence that the terrtoral constructon of Ottawa remans a powerful concept n the Alberta dscourse and a lkely factor n the constructon of an Albertan terrtoral dentty. Chart 8: Three-Day Rollng Average for Alberta Assumed Terrtoral Flags The fnal three-day rollng average that s examned n ths study tracks the "Alberta assumed" terrtoral flag over de span of the year 989. The results of ths chart, shown above n Chart 8, are far more erratc due to the fact that we are trackng only one flag rather than a collecton of flags. Thus, the results for each of the ndvdual papers wll tend to be ether 0 or. However, despte that lmtaton, t s clear that the use of the "Alberta assumed" flag s consstent and sgnfcant. The flag mantans a frequency of about flags per edtoral throughout much of the year. There s a slght ncrease durng the electon perod as noted by prevous charts, but t s not nearly as clear cut as t was for the Alberta and Albertan terrtoral flags. 00

113 Furthermore, lke the Ottawa flag, there s a slght drop-off at the end of the year whch may correspond to ncreasng attenton pad to Chrstmas and New Year and less towards provncal poltcs. When examnng both the cumulatve statstcs and the three-day rollng averages of the terrtoral flags lsted n ths study, several thngs become clear. Frst of all, the use of these terrtoral flags, ether drectly or assumed, s extremely common. Every day nsde Alberta, edtoral boards wll accept the terrtoral contaner called Alberta that has been constructed and use t to communcate ther arguments to ther audence. Secondly, the use of these terrtoral flags s heavly ted to the poltcal sphere. Generally, when provncal electons are underway, the use of these terrtoral flags wll ncrease. Furthermore, poltcal crses that have a terrtoral component, such as the Alberta Senate Electon, wll also lead to an ncrease n the use of terrtoral flags. Of course, the terrtoralty of Alberta s not the only terrtory beng constructed. As we have seen n ths secton, the constructon of Ottawa through the use of terrtoral flaggng s also qute common, and seemngly ndependent from the use of terrtoral flags referencng Alberta. Ths rases an nterestng lne of questonng: s the constructon of Alberta terrtoralty unque wthn Albertan newspapers or s t smply one out of many terrtoraltes beng constructed smultaneously? To answer ths queston, we wll next do a comparatve study on the use of the Frst Person Plural by the edtoral boards of the three newspapers to dentfy the degree to whch the newspaper wll self-dentfy wth the terrtory of Alberta n comparson to other forms of terrtoralty.. Frst Person Plural The strength of a terrtoral dentty s not only the number of tmes n whch t s referenced, as we explored last secton, but the degree to whch t becomes accepted by people as ther own dentty. Ths self-dentfcaton wth terrtoral constructons s key to the development and mantenance of terrtoral denttes. To further explore ths phenomenon, the study tracked n 0

114 ths secton the degree to whch the edtoral boards of the three Albertan newspapers themselves self-dentfy wth the constructed terrtory of Alberta through the use of the Frst Person Plural. By usng the Frst-Person Plural such as we, us, and our; an ndvdual s drectly placng hm or herself wthn the group beng referenced. When an ndvdual or, n ths case, an edtoral board uses the Frst-Person Plural n reference to a terrtory, t s acceptng ts place wthn the geographcal contaner that the constructed terrtory represents. Now of course, such terrtoral self-dentfcaton s not monstc, ndvduals can consder themselves as part of multple overlappng terrtoraltes, referencng each one dependng on the context of the stuaton. If you are speakng about nternatonal affars, t would be approprate to dentfy wth the terrtoral state of Canada. When you are dealng wth domestc ssues, t makes sense to dentfy yourself wth your provncal terrtory. And fnally, f we are dealng wth sports, t s common to refer to more local forms of terrtoralty. Whle an ndvdual can dentfy hm or herself wth multple terrtoral levels, some forms of terrtoralty wll nevtably be stronger than others. Ths process s contnued wth the edtoral board of newspapers nsde the provnce of Alberta. The degree wth whch Albertan edtoral boards choose to dentfy wth one terrtoral level or another wll gve an ndcaton of the strength of that terrtoralty wthn the provnce of Alberta. Thus n ths secton, we conducted a comparatve study of these dfferng terrtoral levels n three major Albertan newspapers to gan a better understandng of the comparatve strength of each and every one of these terrtoraltes. To ths end, we recorded the frequency of self-dentfcaton wth dfferng terrtoral levels by the Edmonton Journal, Calgary Sun, and Lethbrdge Herald by trackng the use of the Frst Person Plural and the one of eght terrtoral levels to whch t refers: the Edtoral Board, the Cty, Alberta, Western Canada, Canada, the West, the World, and Other. Two of these terrtoral levels requre some explanaton. The "Edtoral Board" refers to those stuatons n whch the Edtoral Board uses the Frst Person Plural to represent tself and not a terrtoral unt. "Other" refers to those stuatons whch cannot be assgned to any other category. One example would be the Edtoral Board usng the Frst Person Plural to dentfy tself wth 0

115 "baseball fans". Ths category wll only be used f the use of the Frst Person Plural cannot be assgned to any other category. Edmonton Journal -989 Total Frst Person Plural - The West, 6 Frst Person Plural - Frst Person Plural - The World, 8 Other, Frst Person Plural Western Canada, 7 Chart 9: Frst Person Plural - Edmonton Journal From the Edmonton Journal, we fnd that the use of the Frst Person Plural n regard to Canada s by far the most prevalent, occurrng more than twce n the edtoral pages than any other terrtoral level, ths s followed by a near te between the Frst Person Plural n regards to the Edtoral Board (47 nstances) and Alberta (46 nstances). Ths s followed by the Frst Person Plural n regards to the Cty wth 8 nstances, to the World wth 7 nstances, and then followed by the rest of the terrtoral categores wth nsgnfcant numbers. 0

116 Frst Person Plural The World, 7 Frst Person Plural -. The West, Calgary Sun -989 Total Frst Person Plural Other, Frst Person Plural - Western Canada, Frst Person Plural Frst Person Plural - Ct V' 9 Alberta, 46 Chart 0: Frst Person Plural - Calgary Sun From the Calgary Sun, we fnd that the use of the Frst Person Plural n regard to Canada s agan extremely prevalent wth 05 nstances, fnshng second only to the 5 nstances of the Frst Person Plural regardng the Edtoral Board. Ths par s traled sgnfcantly by the Alberta Frst Person Plural wth 46 nstances, the Cty at 9, the World at 7, and the remanng terrtoral categores wth ncreasngly nsgnfcant numbers. 04

117 Lethbrdge Herald Total Arm^^^^^H Frst Person Plural - ^ Edtoral Board, 8 Frst Person Plural - xglrahjhhflh^^h The World, ^ f l l H ^ ^ H Person - ^^^^^^^^^^H ^^^V Frst Person The ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ H ^ ^ V Plural - Cty, 6 Frst Person Plural - Western Canada, 0 ^^^^^^^ Frst Person Plural - Alberta, 5 Chart : Frst Person Plural - Lethbrdge Herald The numbers for the Lethbrdge Herald are completely dfferent than the prevous two newspapers. In the entre year spannng 440 edtorals, the Lethbrdge Herald used the Frst Person Plural n only 6. It appears that the edtoral drecton at the Lethbrdge Herald was to avod the use of the Frst Person Plural whenever possble. Due to the sgnfcantly reduced sample sze, the results are far more erratc than n the prevous two newspapers. No fewer than three separate terrtoral categores - Canada, Edtoral Board, and Other - each have 8 references usng the Frst Person Plural. These three categores are followed by the Cty at 6 nstances, Alberta at 5 nstances, and the World at nstance. No other category had a sngle use of the Frst Person Plural n the Lethbrdge Herald. 05

118 Chart : Frst Person Plural - Cumulatve The most useful statstc, of course, s when all of these nstances are taken cumulatvely. Combnng all the uses of the Frst Person Plural n each of the eght terrtoral categores and then dvdng them by the complete number of Frst Person Plural references used n the three newspapers over the entre year, we fnd the relatve strength of each of the terrtoral forms of dentty n comparson wth each other. Usng ths cumulatve percentage, we fnd that when the three Albertan newspapers self-dentfy wth a constructed terrtoralty through the use of the Frst Person Plural, they self-dentfy wth the Canadan terrtoral dentty more than any other terrtoral group at %. Ths s followed by the Edtoral Board at 8%, Alberta at only 5%, the Cty at 0%, the World at 6%, the Other at 4%, the West at %, and Western Canada n dead-last at %. The result of ths study s somewhat surprsng as the focus of ths study was on Alberta terrtoral dentty and not Canadan dentty. However, the results of ths secton suggest that the Edtoral Boards of the three Albertan newspapers, and hypothetcally the people wthn the provnce of Alberta by extenson, self-dentty wth the terrtoral concept of Canada more than wth the terrtoral concept of Alberta, by a factor of two to one. The amount of dentfcaton wth Alberta s stll strongly sgnfcant, but just not as strong as Canada. Ths would suggest that whle Albertan terrtoral dentty exsts strongly n the Albertan dscourse, the Canadan natonal dentty remans the domnant dentty. Ths result s somewhat surprsng gven the great deal of 06

119 lterature expounded on Western Alenaton and Alberta grevances aganst ntatves by the federal government such as the Natonal Energy Program. Despte ths conflct, the results of ths study would suggest that the Canadan dentty remans for many Albertans ther prmary dentty. Ths result supports a smlar concluson by Roger Gbbns and Loleen Berdahl (00: 4) n the regonal context, who fnd that "a sgnfcantly larger proporton of survey respondents dentfy themselves as Canadans before dentfyng themselves regonally". Albertan terrtoral dentty may not be as strong as the Canadan natonal dentty, but ths study has shown that t remans a sgnfcant factor n the publc dscourse of Albertans.. Narratves Another sgnfcant factor n the development of an Albertan terrtoral dentty s the use of terrtoral narratves n the publc dscourse of Albertans. As stated earler n Chapter Two, "only through the utlzaton of narratve can terrtoral constructons fnd some semblance of stablty as t tes the terrtory wth the socal denttes of the ndvduals wthn." Narratves harden terrtoral constructons nto real characters n the mnds of the target populaton and gve these terrtoral "characters" an magnary personalty wth whch the target populaton can dentfy. In ths study, we attempt to nvestgate the use of narratves n the constructon of an Albertan terrtoral dentty by trackng the use of four Albertan terrtoral narratves. These four narratves were dentfed followng a revew of the edtoral for the Calgary Sun n 989. The four narratves that were tracked n ths study are "Domnance of Central Canada", "Ottawa domnatng Alberta", "Alberta versus the Establshment", and "Alberta n Ascendance". Of course, these four chosen narratves are not meant to be a comprehensve lst of terrtoral narratves used n respect to Alberta, as there can concevably be an nfnte number of terrtoral narratves used. However, these four were deemed to be the most prevalent followng the revew of the edtorals of the Calgary Sun. For a complete defnton of all four narratves, please consult Secton of ths chapter. Once the four target terrtoral narratves were dentfed, they 07

120 were tracked over the year 989 for the three Albertan newspapers n ths study: the Edmonton Journal, the Calgary Sun, and the Lethbrdge Herald. The cumulatve results of ths study can be found below n Chart. Alberta n Ascendence Alberta versus the Establshment Ottawa domnatng Alberta pbhhi 9 ^^^^^_ m 7 HH ^^^^^^^^ ^ HIH 0 ^ ^ PHHHH n ^^^^^_ H ^ Domnance by Central Canada I H H ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ H ^^^^^^^^HHHH^ H Cumulatve -989 Total Calgary Sun -989 Total Lethbrdge Herald -989 Total Edmonton Journal -989 Total Chart : Alberta Terrtoral Narratves The frst thng that s apparent from the chart above s the dfferences between the three papers. The Calgary Sun, far and away, uses the four target narratves more often n ts edtorals than any other newspaper examned n ths study. In 989, the Calgary Sun uses these four terrtoral narratves no fewer than 46 tmes n 07 edtorals. Contrast ths result wth the Edmonton Journal, whch despte publshng 04 edtorals n the same year, only used terrtoral narratves no fewer than tmes. The Lethbrdge Herald used the fewest terrtoral narratves n ts 440 edtorals n 989 wth only 7 nstances. There are several reasons for ths dscrepancy. Frst of all, the terrtoral narratves that were used n ths study were dentfed 08

121 followng a revew of the edtorals n the Calgary Sun n the year 989. Thus the very defnton of the terrtoral narratves used n the methodology would lkely favour the Calgary Sun more than the other two papers. Secondly from a qualtatve perspectve, the Calgary Sun used terrtoral narratves wth far more enthusasm than the Edmonton Journal or the Lethbrdge Herald. Durng the course of the year, the Calgary Sun consstently attacked the federal government over the GST, the Alberta Senate Electon, the federal defct, and the Meech Lake Accord. Whle the Edmonton Journal and Lethbrdge Herald also touched on these ssues, they dd not do so wth nearly the ntensty that the Calgary Sun used. Furthermore, n several cases when the Edmonton Journal and Lethbrdge Herald referred to the narratve, they would do so whle attemptng to deconstruct the narratve, dentfyng the narratve and castng doubt on ts accuracy. Whle there may be an ssue wth the methodology that leads to the hgher number of dentfed narratves n the Calgary Sun, t s also clear that the Calgary Sun embraces these terrtoral narratves to a degree that the Edmonton Journal and Lethbrdge Herald resst. Breakng down the results by narratve, we fnd that by far the most popular narratve s the "Domnance of Central Canada" narratve. Of the 8 narratves flagged n ths study, no fewer than 4, or half, were usng the "Domnance of Central Canada" narratve. Furthermore, ths tendency remans consstent when the results are broken down by newspaper. In each of the three newspapers, the "Domnance of Central Canada" narratve remans the most prevalent, representng 4 of for the Edmonton Journal, of 46 for the Calgary Sun, and 6 of 7 for the Lethbrdge Herald. The domnance of ths narratve was followed by the remanng three narratves grouped together wth numbers of decreasng sgnfcance. The narratve of "Alberta versus the establshment" had nstances, followed by "Ottawa domnatng Alberta" wth nstances, and then "Alberta n Ascendance" wth 9. In case of each these three narratves, the fnal numbers were drven prmarly by the Calgary Sun whch accounted for 5 of the 4 nstances of these narratves. A partcular surprse n ths study was the weakness of the "Ottawa domnatng Alberta" narratve. Gven the often contentous hstory of the relatonshp between 09

122 the federal government and the provncal government of Alberta n cases such as the Natonal Energy Program and the Kyoto Protocol, the expectaton was that ths narratve would be far more common. However, ths expectaton was not matched by the results of ths study n whch the "Ottawa domnatng Alberta" was no more common than the "Alberta versus the establshment" narratve. The weakness of the bottom three narratves, especally the "Ottawa domnatng Alberta" narratve, does not suggest that these narratves do not exst n the publc dscourse of Alberta, for they may be transmtted to the populaton at large through other meda, t smply suggests that the propagaton of these narratves does not come sgnfcantly from the edtorals of the three newspapers n ths study. The one excepton to ths concluson s the "Domnance of Central Canada" narratve, whch s very common n the edtorals nvestgated n ths study. Thus, the results of ths secton of the study suggest that the "Domnance of Central Canada" narratve s the only narratve dentfed that makes a sgnfcant contrbuton to the development of Albertan terrtoral dentty wthn the edtoral pages of the three Albertan newspapers durng the year 989. However, the second half of the queston remans unanswered. If narratves contrbute to defnng an Albertan terrtoral dentty, then how are the terrtores used n the narratve characterzed? We wll attempt to answer ths queston n the next secton when we look at archetypes..4 Archetypes The fnal aspect of Albertan terrtoral dentty that wll be explored n ths study s the use of archetypes n the defnton of terrtoral denttes wthn the publc dscourse of Alberta. Recall from Chapter Two that a key aspect n the emplotment of terrtoral narratves s constructng characters. The purpose of these characters s to carry out the plot of the narratve that creates "a comprehensble and compellng explanaton of the complex set of seemngly random events to a target mat s easy to accept" (Chapter Two). One element of ths character constructon n the terrtoral context s the creaton of terrtoral archetypes - an deal personfcaton of the terrtory 0

123 n queston. These terrtoral archetypes can also be nterconnected wth one another, followng the Agent-Sufferer dalectc explored n Chapter Two or other dalectcs such as the One-Other dalectc. Regardless of the dalectc used, terrtoral archetypes can be used to defne each other as well as the terrtoral narratve. In ths study, three terrtoral archetypes were tracked: Alberta, Albertan, and Ottawa. The Alberta archetype tracks those personal characterstcs that are assgned to the terrtoral concept of the provnce of Alberta. Ths archetype may be opposed by the Ottawa archetype, whch defnes the character of the terrtoral concept of Ottawa whch stands n for the federal government. The thrd archetype, Albertan, tracked not the character of a specfed terrtory, but the people wthn the provnce of Alberta. Ignorng the dversty of personaltes among the mllons of people who lve n the provnce of Alberta, the Albertan archetype defnes a set of unversal character trats that all Albertans share. Ths process can often be done n opposton to other terrtoral peoples but ths relatonshp s not explored n ths study, only the Albertan archetype wll be tracked. The results of ths study regardng archetypes are found below n Chart 4. A promnent example s the constructon of Western and Eastern archetypes between the people of the "West" and the people of the "Orent", explored most famously by Edward Sad (995). Ill

124 HHI 7 Ottawa 0 HHHHHH 4 Albert an BHKHH ^H 7 Alberta M B Cumulatve -989 Total Lethbrdge Herald -989 Total Calgary Sun -989 Total Edmonton Journal -989 Total Chart 4: Terrtoral Archetypes As we see n the above chart, the constructon of archetypes s not a common occurrence n the edtorals of the three Albertans newspapers covered n ths study. Out of the 789 edtorals that were revewed, only 4 nstances of archetype-constructon were found. Ths result does not suggest that such archetype-constructon s rare n Albertan edtorals, but may be the result of the extremely narrow focus of ths study. Due to the extremely complex lexgraphcal ways that archetypes can be constructed through language and the need to mantan a consstent crtera for ncluson n ths study, the crtera used to dentfy these archetypes was ntentonally restrcted. As explaned n the Secton. of ths chapter, the crtera for archetypes s lmted to nstances where a character trat s drectly referenced wthout lmtaton to a specfc context. The heavly restrcted crtera for ncluson n ths study were deemed necessary once t became apparent that archetypes, due to the complexty of language, would be dffcult to dentfy consstently. If a

125 more open set of crtera were used for ths study, the rsk of false postves and true negatves would have been rased sgnfcantly. Thus, to reduce the rsk of false postve and true negatves and to maxmze the consstency of ths study, the scope of the crtera used to dentfy archetypes s kept ntentonally narrow, resultng n the low number of cases found. Despte that lmtaton, several trends become evdent. Frst of all, just as t was for terrtoral narratves, the Calgary Sun tends to construct these terrtoral archetypes more than the other two papers, accountng for of the nstances dentfed n ths study. The Edmonton Journal and Lethbrdge Herald used the archetypes explored here almost equally wth the excepton of the Ottawa archetype. As stated before n Secton., ths trend may be due to the fact that the Edmonton Journal and Lethbrdge Herald are sgnfcantly less enthusastc about usng terrtoral narratves than the Calgary Sun. Consderng that n Chapter Two, we argued that there was a connecton between narratves and characters n the process of emplotment, t would not be surprsng that a reluctance or emphass n usng terrtoral narratves would be followed wth a connected reluctance or emphass to use terrtoral archetypes (an dealzed form of a character). Secondly, t appears that the Albertan archetype s the one most commonly used by the Albertan newspapers covered n ths study. Out of the nstances of archetype constructon dentfed, no fewer than referenced the Albertan archetype. Ths trend contnued wth the ndvdual papers wth the excepton of the Edmonton Journal, whch referenced both the Ottawa and Albertan archetypes tmes. However, cumulatvely the Albertan archetype was the most common. The Ottawa archetype was the second-most common archetype, wth 7 nstances n whch the archetype was constructed. Ths archetype was held back by the Lethbrdge Herald, whch dd not attempt to defne the Ottawa archetype n any of ts 440 edtorals n 989. The A false postve occurs when an nstance s ncorrectly dentfed as an archetype when t s not accordng to the defned crtera. A true negatve occurs when an nstance s not dentfed as an archetype when t s accordng to the defned crtera.

126 least common archetype defned was the Alberta archetype, used cumulatvely n only nstances, one for each paper. To know the number of tmes that the three Albertan newspapers attempt to defne these terrtoral concepts s nterestng, but trackng the ndvdual trats they attempt to assgn to these terrtoral constructs s the more essental element of ths secton. A lst of the attempts to construct these terrtoral archetypes, and the character trats they attempt to assgn to these terrtoraltes s shown below n Table 6. Date Newspaper January 9,989 Lethbrdge Herald February 0,989 Calgary Sun June 4,989 Edmonton Journal January 0,989 Calgary Sun January 6,989 Edmonton Journal February 5,989 Calgary Sun March 5,989 Lethbrdge Herald March 6,989 Lethbrdge Herald May 0,989 Calgary Sun May 7,989 Lethbrdge Herald June 4,989 Calgary Sun July 4,989 Calgary Sun August 4,989 Edmonton Journal August 8,989 Calgary Sun October,989 Edmonton Journal November 9,989 Calgary Sun Aprl 9,989 Edmonton Journal Aprl 9,989 Edmonton Journal May 9,989 Calgary Sun July,989 Edmonton Journal August 6,989 Calgary Sun August 5,989 Calgary Sun Table 6: Character Trats of Terrtoral Archetypes Type Alberta Alberta Alberta Albertan Albertan Albertan Albertan Albertan Albertan Albertan Albertan Albertan Albertan Albertan Albertan Albertan Ottawa Ottawa Ottawa Ottawa Ottawa Ottawa Trat Conservatve Warmth and frendlness Reputaton for farness or tolerance Optmstc Reasonable Ordnary Conservatve Conservatve; Ordnary Natural Entrepreneural Sprt Sober-thnkng Not Stupd; Ordnary Average Not Bashful Growng Poltcal Sophstcaton Far-mnded Ordnary Procrastnatng Appette for spendng Flagrant spendng habts Appette for spendng Greedy Free-spendng The lst from Table 6 above allows us to enumerate the character trats assgned to the followng terrtoral archetypes. Alberta, accordng to the three Albertan newspapers examned n ths study, s conservatve, warm and frendly, and has a reputaton for farness and tolerance. Albertans are a reasonable, optmstc, conservatve, sober-thnkng, ordnary, and average 4

127 people. Furthermore, Albertans are not stupd or bashful, but far-mnded wth a growng poltcal sophstcaton and a natural entrepreneural sprt. Ottawa, on the other hand, s greedy, procrastnatng, and wth a clear and flagrant appette for spendng. Whle the archetypes explored n ths secton do not follow the Actor/Sufferer dalectc dentfed n Chapter Two, there s clearly connecton between the three archetypes. Despte the lmted number of nstances n whch to base a concluson, the character trats assgned to the terrtoral concept of Albertans, and the terrtoral people known as Albertans were almost unversally postve whle the trats assgned to Ottawa were unversally negatve. Thus, a One-Other dalectc s formed wth Alberta and Albertans formng the Good 'One' whle Ottawa forms the Bad 'Other'. Alberta s warm and frendly, Ottawa s greedy. Albertans are sober-thnkng and have a natural entrepreneural sprt whle Ottawa s procrastnatng wth flagrant spendng habts. Thus despte the severe lmtatons under whch ths secton of the study was undertaken, one concluson becomes abundantly clear. The three Albertan newspapers, n the lmted number of archetype constructon dentfed n ths study, construct the terrtoral character of Alberta and the Albertans that lve wthn t as the postve 'One' and the "outsder" character of Ottawa as the negatve 'Other'. A clear dentty for each of these terrtoral concepts s created wth a drect relatonshp wth ther status nsde or outsde the terrtoralty of Alberta. 5

128 .0 Concluson Despte the large amount of the data that ths study has created, and the four dstnct areas n whch ths data was analyzed, a number of sgnfcant conclusons were found. Frstly, the use of terrtoral flags by the edtoral boards of Albertan newspapers s ncredbly common. Regardless of the stuaton, there s a consstent baselne "normal" at whch terrtoral flags wll be used. No matter the context n whch these edtorals are wrtten, Albertan edtorals wll consstently refer to these terrtoral flags at ths baselne level. Ths baselne level can be affected by poltcal events, such as a provncal electon, or crses, such as the aftermath of the Alberta Senate Electon, leadng to a marked ncrease n the use of Alberta or Albertan terrtoral flags. Thus, t s apparent from the results of ths study that Albertan terrtoral dentty has a sgnfcant poltcal component, as the referencng of the terrtoral constructon of Alberta and terrtoral people known as Albertans was heavly nfluenced by poltcal events at both the provncal and federal levels. Secondly, whle the analyss of the use of Frst-Person Plural pronouns by edtoral boards revealed that the edtoral boards self-dentfed themselves wth the terrtoral concept of Alberta, they were more lkely to self-dentfy themselves, by a sgnfcant margn, wth the terrtoral concept of Canada. If we extend ths pattern of self-dentfcaton to the provnce as a whole, then we can conclude that whle there s a strong sense of attachment to the provnce of Alberta, ths attachment s not nearly as strong as the attachment to Canada. Thus, whle the sense of Alberta terrtoral dentty s strong, the sense of Canadan natonal dentty s stronger. Thrdly, of all the narratves explored n ths study, only the "Domnance of Central Canada" narratve was found to have a sgnfcant mpact. The frequency n whch the narratve s used suggests that ths narratve forms a key element of artculatons of Albertan dentty. None of the other narratves, most specfcally the "Ottawa domnatng Alberta" narratve, were found n numbers deemed to be sgnfcant. Fourthly, the use of terrtoral archetypes was found n ths study to be exceedngly rare and for the most part nsgnfcant. However, when these archetypes were used, they dd follow a dstnct pattern. Whle "Insde" archetypes such as Alberta and Albertans were 6

129 assgned unversally postve characterstcs, "Outsde" archetypes such as Ottawa were assgned t unversally negatve character trats. Thus, these archetypes are formed n opposton to one another along Good/Bad axs. Ths result may suggest that there s a One/Other dalectc constructed wth the terrtoral character of Alberta and the Albertans that lve wthn t as the postve "One" and the "outsder" character of Ottawa as the negatve "Other". In other words, a clear normatve dentty for each of these terrtoral concepts s created wth a drect relatonshp wth ther status nsde or outsde the terrtoralty of Alberta. Despte the conclusons drawn n ths study, numerous questons reman. In what other ways can the Albertan terrtoral dentty be constructed and transmtted? How s the artculaton of Albertan terrtoral dentty affected by dfferent meda such as televson and the nternet? How often do the meda refer to the terrtoral scope of Alberta n comparson to other, competng terrtoraltes? The vast majorty of these questons le far beyond the scope of ths study. However, ths study suggests that the terrtoral constructon of Albertan dentty remans an uncharted fronter n the academc sphere, full of possbltes for research. 7

130 Concluson In ths thess, we have explored the mpact of terrtoralty on artculatons of dentty. In Chapter One, we found that the lterature from the Canadan school of normatve pluralsm has polarzed conceptons of dentty nto one of two poles - cultural and natonal. These two categores of dentty were the man forms deemed sgnfcant enough to requre reconclaton n the academc lterature. Furthermore, these two categores were often seen as mutual exclusve and opposng concepts. Wtness the dfferentaton of rghts between natonaltes and mmgrant groups by Kymlcka or Seymour's straned and logcally nconsstent attempts to defne Quebec as a naton and not a mnorty group wthn the Canadan federaton. Thus the pattern of the academc lterature on normatve pluralsm n Canada has been clear and bpolar - there are two forms of legtmate dentty and that each category requres dfferent collectve rghts and forms of recognton n order to coexst peacefully n a modern plural state. What s partcularly surprsng about the contemporary lterature from the Canadan school of normatve pluralsm s that t neglects the central mportance that terrtoralty plays n formng cultural and natonal forms of dentty. Consder the symbolc mportance of the "homeland" n artculatons of both natonal and cultural forms of dentty. Both of these categores of dentty buld a sense of communal attachment to a physcal place, a metaphyscal terrtory demarcated by boundares upon a map. The only dfference between these two groups s that for natonal groups, the terrtoral homeland les wthn the boundares of ther current state, and for cultural groups, the terrtoral homeland les abroad. The mpact of terrtoralty n structurng these two forms of 8

131 dentty s largely neglected n current lterature from the Canadan school of normatve pluralsm. However, f the mportance of terrtoralty n formulatng cultural and natonal forms of dentty s accepted, then t leads to a new queston: f terrtoralty plays a crucal role n developng natonal and cultural forms of dentty, then can manly terrtoral forms of dentty exst and demand accommodaton wthn the modern plural state? It s ths queston that has drven ths thess. In Chapter Two, we explored the concept of terrtoral dentty more deeply and developed a theory of terrtoral dentty. In ths theory, we argued that terrtoral dentty s developed as a convergence between three dstnct phenomena: terrtoralty, narratve, and banal flaggng. Terrtoralty refers to the process n whch abstract terrtores are created and become concrete wthn the mnds of the target populaton. However, the exstence of a terrtory does not automatcally create a sense of dentfcaton wth that terrtory by a target populaton. In order for a group of people to dentfy wth an abstract terrtory, ths terrtory must be gven meanng n language. A terrtory must not only exst, but must symbolcally represent the populaton wthn. The process by whch ths need s accomplshed s through narratve. Terrtoral narratves assgn meanng to one or more terrtores through the use of stores that not only defne the character trats of the terrtores n queston, but structure ther relatonshps n manner that s easy for the target populaton to understand and remember. Through ths process, ndvduals can accept the constructed terrtoralty as legtmate and dentfy t wth ther own personal dentty, renforcng the artculatons of power that are nherent wthn the terrtoralty. In other words, terrtoral narratves can brng stablty to abstract terrtoral constructons by tyng the terrtory to the socal denttes of the ndvduals wthn. However, the process of terrtoral dentty constructon s not purely the result of artculatons of socal power. For whle terrtoral narratve constructon s a powerful strategy to legtmze and soldfy artculatons of terrtoralty and ther boundares, t does not follow that such narratves are created by poltcal or socal eltes through metculous ntenton. Much of the process flows organcally as the terrtoralty s soldfed n the mnds of 9

132 the target populaton. The soldfcaton of a form of terrtoralty s accomplshed by a phenomenon known as "banal flaggng". The process of banal flaggng, based upon the work of Mchael Bllg, soldfes an abstract terrtory nto an object that s real and tangble n the mnds of the target populaton by the common use of "banal flags" n everyday language. These "banal flags", nnocuous by themselves, over tme soldfy the terrtory n queston by constantly referencng the terrtoral concept n the dscourse of socety. Ths phenomenon s commonly seen n newspapers n whch terrtores are often dentfed through the use of a sngle dentfer so often that the reader becomes used to the concept beng referenced and accepts the flagged terrtory as normal. Thus, through the convergence of the phenomena of terrtoral, narratve, and banal flaggng s the theoretcal constructon of terrtoral dentty performed. However, for the theory explored n Chapter Two to have any argumentatve strength, t must brng new nsghts nto the artculaton of dentty n the real world. Thus, n Chapter Three, we apply the theory developed n Chapter Two to the case study to fnd whether or not a manly terrtoral form of dentty can be dentfed. For ths practcal study, the case used was the provnce of Alberta, a provnce wthn whch there appears to be a strong sense of dentfcaton wth the provnce that s not cultural or natonal n nature. The case study, lmted to the edtoral sectons of three ndependent Albertan newspapers over the year 989, revealed fve conclusons. Frst, there was sgnfcant evdence that terrtoral flaggng was used to constantly remnd Albertans of the provnce's exstence and mportance n everyday dscourse. Second, the trend of how these terrtoral flags were used over the course of the year suggest that the terrtoral dentty of Alberta s heavly ted to poltcal events at both the provncal and federal levels of government. Thrd, the use by the edtorals of the Frst-Person Plural suggest that whle Albertans dentfy wth the terrtoral provnce of Alberta, they dentfy far more strongly wth the terrtoral country of Canada - possbly because ths was vewed as ther "natonal" dentty. Fourth, the study found that the use of terrtoral narratves was not uncommon, but relatvely nsgnfcant. Only the "Domnance of Central Canada" narratve was found to exst n 0

133 sgnfcant numbers. However, the number of narratves nvestgated was lmted and the study dd provde evdence that terrtoral narratves are used, just not n the numbers expected by the theory developed n Chapter Two. Ffth and fnally, the use of archetypes (a subset of narratves), although rare, dd provde evdence that "Insde" terrtoral constructons such as Alberta were assgned postve character trats by the edtorals whle "Outsde" constructons such as Ottawa were generally assgned negatve character trats. Ths evdence suggests that when archetypes are used, they are used to construct a One/Other dalectc of terrtoral narratve. In bref, the case study carred out and analyzed n Chapter Three provdes sgnfcant evdence to support the theory of terrtoral dentty n Chapter Two. The exstence of ths evdence leads ths thess to conclude that terrtoral denttes form a "Thrd Category" of dentty alongsde natonal and cultural denttes and must be ncluded wthn our theoretcal frameworks of normatve pluralsm. Ths concluson does not suggest that these three categores of dentty are mutually exclusve. Far from t, as seen n the frst part of Chapter One, terrtoralty plays a sgnfcant role n the development of cultural and natonal forms of dentty. Thus these categores should be consdered as overlappng rather than as mutually exclusve. However, the three categores demarcated here should not be consdered an exhaustve lst of all categores of dentty. A strong case could be easly made that socal denttes such as gender, sexualty, or class could be consdered as a fourth category of dentty. However, such an nvestgaton was beyond the scope of ths thess. Therefore, the results of ths thess suggest that the current lmtaton of the Canadan school of normatve pluralsm to reconclng forms of natonal and cultural dentty must be loosened to address other forms of dentty such as terrtoral dentty. In other words, normatve pluralsm must begn to vew dentty on a multdmensonal plane, rather than on a bdmensonal axs. Fnally, the results of ths thess suggest several future avenues of research nto the concept of terrtoral dentty developed theoretcally n ths thess. Frst and foremost, the nvestgaton of purely terrtoral forms of dentty can be expanded to nvestgate to what degree and at what

134 levels these terrtoral forms of dentty exst. In the Canadan context, do terrtoral denttes exst for all provnces, for all Ctes, for all Regons? Such a comprehensve study on terrtoral dentty has not been conducted wthn Canada and would do much to deepen our understandng of the multplcty of denttes that exst wth the modern plural state of Canada. Secondly, the nvestgaton of terrtoral levels can be expanded to see how these varyng levels of terrtoral dentfcaton can coexst n everyday language. As was found n ths study, ndvduals have an uncanny ablty to "flp a swtch" and change levels of terrtoral abstracton. How then, do ndvduals order such a multplcty of possbly conflctng terrtoral denttes? Thrdly, the lexgraphcal study that was used n Chapter Three could be expanded to nvestgate how terrtoral denttes are referenced n everyday publc dscourse. Ths may nclude examnng the terrtoral scope to whch each artcle n a journal or newspaper references wthn the context of ts text. As stated earler, terrtoral, natonal, and cultural denttes are not mutually exclusve categores but overlap n many ways. A fourth and fnal future avenue of research would be to nvestgate the overlap between these categores and ascertan f terrtoral denttes are an ntal form of dentty that, over tme, evolve nto natonal, and then cultural forms of dentty.

135 Appendces

136 Appendx One: Raw Data - Edmonton Journal 4

137 «86t'8ZA»nJer «saft 7r Aerjar ^ u. S86 EE AJBIUBf - 686t ' Z AlBuer * I m N rm -p- m «8ot 'tc AKnaer a 686 'EI Aeuer ^ 606 'II Aonjop a 686t 'UAenjer ra ssst 'c*»n»r,_ u. 686 'ft Aeuer j. KSft 'st ABtuer» 886 t Aanjer 686 ' t AlBIUer «a«t ';r Aanjer «86t 'ft AJBuar m $05 'CtA"»nJ"r u f 686 'ft AJBnjer 686T 'ITAJBnjEr * 6S6t 'Ct ABtJBr a I- 6S6t 6 AlBruBf 686t L AlEnJBf oast '9 Arenjar 685 S Aenjer S8St tr APnPf 685 Aenjer T " T I m P4 f>» H M Bl- fsft 7. Aenjer o east t ABnjBf ll ll!! t: e II f: I a a as :' Irs JL - t a 0 n 5 n n t «H m * n c o s» s * S S * m ra ra ra k. h. - t- E E C C c c c c o o o o ^? B-s IU S I k. -» «ra "5 - s: E E J E c C. o S u 8 * h- a 4 a a 4 a h_ 0 U II «u a. a. a. a. X ft. o. a. & & «K T * fa l.,s t r r r z E: IE : * IT <s ± E $ r a ' s : * ;*I J..9 4 S ' «r J 5

138 686t 'Se Aanjqy 686t 'E! Awmqad u. ^ I " "> 686t 'r Aanjqad» IS djot 't Ajenjqo I CN f\l 686t'Ctf Ajeruqaj g 686t "6t A»njqaj 6SSt '8t A«W d 6S6T 't An»nf aj,_ 686t '9t Attruqad fsft 't Ajenjqan «686 frl Ajmjqad 686t' tajenjqad o «r'ctajenj 8d 686 'tt Ajemqaj ra S86t'0lA«nJ»J,_ 686t '6 Ajenjqad «S6T '8Ajenjqaj «j AMmqaj T M L mp -4 m v4 m m n T I H r I I *r *r T *r H! ** rt -rt rt N r : r> a a G86t 'E /ueuqad DUbl 't Ajtuq^j o a «86t 't Aanjqaj N N cad ; E Ajenjqad lot P N:«:N «86t ' Ajenjqad SSSt 't ARnqad 686t 't AlBllJEr saft 're ABuer a 686T '6 Aranjer II a' - l II II H > * T.a. % «a -9 n n n,5 % I I. : : SL -'a: E c c «K II II E. s ; t a a. 0. * tt «: I! U ll Jn 6

139 at SI Q r* -C u Mo? a «JZ u L. Tu P>4 U We J 7 m «N x: u t_ Ul Th t 5 9, c JZ u L. Fr IA JZ u w Sa Number of Edtorals Flap Alberts (noun) Alberts (subject) Albarta (adjectve-) Albartan (adjectve) Atbarta's {sossessve) Albartan (noun) Albartan (sub. ec> Alb# ltft'*fpu*&e*&rts) Ottsws (noun) Ottaws (subject) Ottawa (adjactv*) ntfauu-a's ( vwwwcv*) Central Canada (al) Central Canadan (all) Alberta assumed People of Alberta Pronouns Frst Person Rural -Edtoral Board Frst Person Plura -Cty F rst Person Plura - Alberta Frst Person Plura -Western Canada Hrst Person Hura I -Canada Frst Person Plural-The West F s Pesutt Ftu a I -7 te Wu fc FrsL Pe&uu Pfut s t-oute Nflttflve Altas trf-t'tg jr N^rltf lves Dumtrsttus U* Cert ai CetwtSa Ottsw* demtrtatne Alberts Alberta-Suoeror Narrat ves Alberta versus the Establshment Albarta n AEcanCsrtca Arrhetyn* Albarta Albartan Ottawa r S I Su m» t at Mo 4 I Tu m - M _ B = J XI m I* w We _5 SI Ql r* -C u U. IU 5 "h ev a m X u 5 Fr ff 00 u IU a 4 K 7 IT JZ u Su 0 00 at IB U * Mo z c U II! Tu : e m u u IU 5 We S at.c u *- IU Th 5 O r-f _C u L. ft. Fr at $ u *_ Sa a I ft.c u Su % JZ u IU Mo 9 JZ u Tu I s rt XT U *_ We U r-t U - Th ^. f St N rt * Fr :z l _z rn 4 7) CO - ~c u tu a rt X u - Su

140 an CO en rc a. < Mo Ok» a a. < Te 4 en 0 en a? a. < We en 00 en o a. < Th L 7t XI an a. < Ff 4 5 Sa : IE s H H H ^n ^j H H ^ J Number of Edtorals Flap Alberta [noun) Altera (subject) Alberts (adjectve-) Albartan (adjectve) Albarta's (aossessve) Albartan(ncun) Albanan (sub.ec) Alb* leh'*(yu* eur ) Ottawa (ne-un) Ottawa (subject) Ottawa (atfj«ctt/«4 f}ttawa'«( krwk#«suft) Central Canada (all) Central Canadan (at) Alberta assumed People of Alberta Pronouns Frst Person Plural-Edtoral Board Frst Person Plura -Cty Frst Person Plura - Alberta Frst Person Plura -Western Canada -rst Person Hural -Canada Frst Person Plura I - The west Fr s Pel sur Ptur al-tlw Wu kl h 6. SB9 Su 7k u. Vo en SR GO' CM s Tu 5 l. : l CI SI 5 We '. on SR o' m.e T CI 8 s Fr Cn w 0* a. < Sa 5* Su en 00 * < Mo 7k GO < Tu» 8 Wl < We 4 en 0 ft a. < Th a A < Fr Z 0V CO a. < Sa a < Su a cn en co to CI OI a. a < < Mo Tu 4 7 XI 7 a. < We cn CO en m a. < Th : * to ffk < Fr *. OS en n a. < Sa I Ok o Ok a. < Su Fhat Per sut Plutft-Otl le Ndtldlve: Albtt ttf-lfv tut K*lldlv«;& Dumttdne Uv CerLt 4 GsfE*tJa Ottawa domnatng Alberta AlbsrtB-Suoeror Narrat *e Alb=rta versus the Establshment Alberts n Ascarvc«rtcs Arrufttyfl* Alterta Altertan Ottawa

141 fnd m Q Number of Edtorals Flags Alberta (noun) Alberta (subject) Alberts (adjectve) Albert an (adjectve) Alberta's possessvej Albartan (noun) Albartan (jub, ec) < «< * r. ««< f l S S 5 S 5 Su UoTu W "h Fr Sa Su Mo Tu We Th Fr Sa Su Mo Tu We ft J. DO 4 ; r t f & t Fr a Su Mo Tu We Th Fr Sa Ottsws (nourv) Ottawa (subject) Ottawa (adjectvaj 4 Central Canada (all) Central Canadan jal) Alberta assumed Peep Is of Alberta Pronot_ns Frst Person Plura -Edrtsrat Board Frst Person Plura I -Cty Frst Person Plura I -Alberts Frst Person Plura I -Western Canada Hrst Person Hura t - tanw Frst Person Plura I -Tre west F st Pesut Flu a I -Tle W«JI h Fat Pescrs Ptutat-Otlte NdtldHHf l lz Id Duntrstj U? Cteutr at GatotJa Ottawe demnbtne Alberts Albsrta-Suoertor Narrat yea Albarta versus the Establshment AJbarta n Ascanctertce ftrrtatypp Alberta Albartan Ottawa

142 Ut._ \ IS!!! Number of Edtorals Bap Alberta (noun) Mbarta (subject) Albarta (adjectve) Albsrtan (adject/e) Albarta's jaossessvej Albartan (noun) Alosrtan (subject) & (5* <5* 5 5 5, fe6"b'5-6's& Su Ma Tu W l l Fr Sa Su Wo Tu We Th Fr a Su Mo Tu We Th Fr Sa Su Mo Tu We Th Ff 5a Ottawa (noun) Ottawa (subject) Ottawa (adj«ctv*) CertralCanadBfall) Central Canadan la HI Alberta assumed People of Alberta Pronouns Frst Person Plura I -Edtoral Board Frst Person Plura I - Cty Frst Person Plura I - Alberta Frst Person Plura I - Western Canada hrst Person Hura I - Canada Frst Person Plura I - Tre Wes FalPelsun Plutat-Tlte Wtltl Fat Per&un Ftuat-OLlte 4

143 CD en ^ n s- MO oa a ^ - s. Tn OQ en rl "S- We Th ea en ^ <- * I I. I. X 7 ^ -l Fr V ~ en Tl 4 Number of Edtor als Flags Alberts (noun) Alberts (subject) Alberts (adjectve-) Albsrtan (adject/e) Alberta's [aossessve) <Ubartsn (noun) Albsrcsrt (5uB.en> Atwt ttf f t' {th **e&*mw) DttswB (noun) Ottawa (subject) Ottawa (a4jactv*) Ottawa * (ytwxavzbt*) Central Canada fell) Central Cartadrar lall) Alberta assumed People of Alberta Pronouns Frst Person Plura - Edtoral Beard Frst Person Plura -Cty Frst Person Plura - Alberta Frst Person Plura -Western Canada hrst Person Hura I - Canada Frst Person Plural-Tre west F Pel s-u Flu) d t - The Wv tl F s Pe*ut Ftut d t -OUte Ndfltflms Alu«ls-l*e Kr IStartlves Dunduf Ur Cenltdt Omada Ottsws dcmtbtng AlbertB AlbertB-Suoeror Na rrat ve Alberts versus the Establshment Albarts n Ascendanca Arrw»tYpe Albsrta Altertan Ottawa s\ 09 en 0 0 Su l? U Art) CI CO o" 0) s Tu ^ 4 o *-T B We Ol CO CTV fn - 0 "h l a a C m" Fr e 4 at CO en s-* at cr oc a f" a. J Su I an 00 SI U 0 c Mo an ea K at Tu 9 OQ at «f 0 We 4 en 0 ff*. ot Th Fr o a" V en m S r-» f- *- Sa a. m a. T* Su w m -t a* m *> Mo <7) (Yt Tl ^ V Tu > 5 rl J» *- We l 0 m ff> rt IS *> Th _ A m -t Fr «r** sv (7 ra St l-l n b- CO b- a <n CI e. rt n V Su "» rt -Sr 4 5a

144 August 7,9E9 Vlo» 6» * * Tu < a a a T-* ^ o at v«wt t* < < We th s August, S89 Fr m 00 Ul W I Sa Hunter of Edtorals Flags Alberta {noun) Alberts (subjsxtl Alberta (adjectve-) Albertan ladject ve) Alberta's possessve) Albertan Irtounj Albertan subject) Albe tsn' (>HKfe** **hm} OttBwB (noun) Ottawa (subject] Ottawa (adjectta.) Ottawa's *pmcatcwt») Cetra! Canada lail Cetral Canada fall} Alberta assumed People of Albert: Prsnojns Frst Person Plural-Edtoral Board Frst Perssn Plura I -Ct' Frst Persan Plural -Alberta Frst PersunPlural-Weste-n Canada Hrst Kerssn Plura -UaraOt Frst Perssn Plura I -The west Ftst Pel jn Ptur* \ -Tl*e Wu tl Hrst Persan Plum I -Other Narratve AlbertB-tnfer«r ttbr-attres DomtttB-nce by Central Cmnadta Ottawa domnatng Atbsrta Alberts Suocror Narratves Alberts versus the Estaalshraant AtKprtn n AwwtonrA Archetype Alberta Albertan Ottawa a a n Tl "a Su CO 00 rt T-t >- - «r T-t T-t Mo Tu I 4 X rl t-t We T-t Th m $ ^ l z m L Fr B ~ S Sa ^ m M m a CO m n n >- Su Mo ^ 7 a r* Tu L 0 m 00 CO T-t T-l We Th : ' It Fr -: H^ at B> m T-t Sa L. * I l ; a' f St a m M GO -t! Tu Mo We Th en? uu u. 9 0* r! T- = r X J 5 =! m w ot T-I ( < F- Ul r- u" < Sa J w at ut 4 Su

145 ! _l r-! Th! CO Fr 4 ~ _l q q 4! Sa ~ n = Zl I 5 pfl H pjl I Number cf Edtorals Raes Alberta (noun) Alberts (subjact Alberta (adjectve) Albertsn ladject ye) Alberta's possessve) Alberts n Irsojft) Atfcertan )su6 ea> Albtft tor'a pu^b«^^ve) Ottswn (noun) Ottawa (subject) Gttaws (adscttve«) Ottawa's ^nm*arch*») Cetrl Canada la II) Centra Canadan tall) Alberta assumed Peopl* of Albert a Pronojns Frst Person Plura -Edtoral Board Frst Person Plura t -Cty Frst Person Plura - Albarta Frst Person Plura - Weste-n Canada hrst Person dura I -Car ada Frst Person rura -me west F at Person Plura I -Tl*e WOI Id Hrst rerssn Plum -Other N»mtrve AlbertH-tnfer; r Hsr-atves Domnance by Central Csnsda Ottsws domnatng rubsrts Alberts Superor Narratves Alberta versus the EstaslUhmant Athprra n AsrArvtenrA Archetype Alberta Albertan Ottawa S «- Su I 00 m en 00 ul Ul n ta taa < < Mo Tu r-t r- Th We I CO U>l r K Ul bd < ^ 5 ^ 5 - =, 5 = ;, 9 S! Fr 4 " I m en CO r m" trt bf < S 9 I Su I m 0> 00 -t r* m < Mo 4 r" J Tu J q m 00 u>t I-I m CH < We l CO r e* U < Th I Fr Sa "" _l Id I : E I : : * 5 z I Su "" v ~ = = _l = ~l m GO" «bf < Ho 4 ^ w r* Ok n» ta Tu < - We Th I ~ I! F- ^!! Sa ~ Z J I Su q q q V m n n ~ = = Z] " _J " a Vk> Tu ~

146 68( X J»qopo 68St '9 Jaqopo «8«t '5 J»q«PO 686t > J»qopO N m I <t * m tn a a 60St t J»qopo 686t tjaqopo ss«r 'r J»qooo 686C 'CE Jaquajdas «86t 'fz JsqwstfaS b8bt 'K Jjqtudtlas «6C 'ZZ J5qua»das eaoc ':s j>quo»dos n. H m C86C 'SZ Jsqusjdas «S«C 'M un«a*.ss 6S6t ' Z Jnquajdas m r rl SRft 'rr, J'quBjHas GS6t "; jaquajdas r* m «* 686t 'CZ Jaqwatdas tsbl 'tl J*qu(tf»ad 686C 'St Jqu»das ease 't J5qmaM»S KS6C *St Jaquadag «8SC 't nqcunlhns 686t 'tt Jsqwajdas a?! m ml r-t. SRft 't Jjqmados 686C *l Jsquajdas S8SC 'It Jjquatdas «8«C 'Ct Jsqua»4«5 II 8 II Tl H e a,; n; ll III S I* I 4

147 Numbar ef Edtoral: Flags Alberts (nout) Alberts (subjsct] Alberta (adjectve) Albertars (adject ve) Alberta's possessve) Albertan Inoun) Albertart (subject) Ottavra (noun) Ottawa (subject] Ottawa (adjectve.) Ottawa*'* jyrearews*) CetrlCnadalall) Cewa I Canadan (all) Alberta assumed People-of Alberta Pfonojns Frst Person Plura I -Edtorl Board Frst Perssn Plura I - Cty Frst Persrt Plura I - Albarta Frst Person Plura I - Weste'n Canada hrst person rura I -Larada Frst Persjn Plural -The wast Fl Ptsf^jn PtuaS-TtteWlff tal frst rersan Plura I -Other narrstrve Alberte-lnfer or Her'Btyea Domnance by Central Canada Ottawa domnatrvg Alberts Alberts Superor Narratves Alberta v«rsu* tha Estaalshmant Alh^rts n Awn*nr* Archetype Alberta Albertart Ottawa at t at at = OI c 7 o 7 Ot A at CI 7 a CI at ffl 0 a*» so CO? fl» «S to CO CO CO cc CD CO X CO U CO CO CO t fl CI VI cr Ol ot Ol at oc CO M to a at CI <n s S a on «a < T> n S n r?!?!?! f. f! f.?! n m S ca rj" tn _ V LA ^ to ^ I ef of «- rl r-t «-l rt t-«!-* s -' O. s f- «8» * «T m Ln r* 7 ^ rt «rt rx r<* N w ^ n fm p«tv «K r* n Xt t S S x -o XI Xt -a = t t t t t t x x xt X A XI t -a XI J = t t t a t m t t 5 k xt -a xt X XI xt a XI o a o o o o TJ B t: B TJ = o o c O o o o o o o c o o a o f J T5 T TJ t B t T C TJ E T! IS 8 O n o o = o o o o = o o => = o o o o c o o o o s 0 z s z z S z Su Mo Tu We Th Fr Sa Su Mo Tu We Th Fr Sa St Mo Tu We Th F- Sa Su Vto Tu We Th Fr Sa 4 4 I s?! Q^ m t XI o T5 J

148 686t 'I.aqua:aa 686'[.aqua:a(] oset 't.squafon 68: 't.aquafon eae '.squwon 68 t 'l.aquafon. m rr 68fr '!.aqua^ou 68ft ';Z.aquafOty 68Et 'j>z.aqua/o(j bat l- ' _<»qutfrun 68ft 'It.aquafON G8CC 'tc.dqu»on 68Et "l.aquspon east ';t sset 't n q II I n.» n Kl.aquafON fsf t '.' I _aqua.-nfj CM rt tft I m m m S8f r r f.aqmaron 686t '5t.aqua^OM b8tl *?t -«qujt-un 686: 'St.aqua,"d j east 'st.aquo^on 686t 'tl.aquafon sset 'jt aqua^nu F,S6I '6 _aqua,"on fsft '8.aquafON 6S6t ',aqua^o(g 6 set '9.aqua^otg «S6t '5 a a s u. < It : A re -re 5:5 J! 5 5 J. = J r n.. c c a; a» m fc: s F- F #a f e JS'JS ' 6

149 = 5 Number of Edtoral! Rap Alberta (noun) Alberts (subject] Alberts (adjectve) Albertan ladject ve) Alberta's possessve) Alberta n Inoun) Albertan subjecc) Albttttort'* (^tf*afcas»c) Ottawa (noun) Ottaws (ab]:ct] Ottawa (sdjaethrffc) Ottawa'* -ptrsre^relvg) Centra I Canada la II) Cetra I Canadan (all) Alberta assumed People of Alberta Prortojns Frst Person Plural-Edtoral Board Frst Person Plura I -Cty Frst Person Plura I -Alberta Frst Person Plura I - Weste'n Canada r-rst rerson f lura I -Canada Frst Person Plura I -Tre west Ft l Ptel ^jn Plud t -Tns WUI III frst fersan Plura I -Other Su Mo Tu W* Th Fr sa Su Mo Tu We Th Fr Sa Su bo Tu We Th F- Sa Su Wo TL We Th Fr Sa 4 U " I J "J u> Alberta-Inferor rl»r-bt*c Domnente by Central Canada Ottawa domvtatrvg Alberta Alberts Superor Narratves Atbarta versus ttta &taal hmart Athprtn n Av*rv*nrA Alberts Alt* ran Ottawa