Chapter 8 5/7/09. Problem 8. War. The Cultural Construction of Violent Conflict. How do societies give meaning to and justify collective violence?

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1 Chapter 8 The Cultural Construction of Violent Conflict Problem 8 How do societies give meaning to and justify collective violence? Ex. Spanish-Carib Both constructed meanings for their acts that distanced them from the consequences War Purposeful, organized, and socially sanctioned combat involving killing It seems to be an intrinsic feature of humans Why? 1

2 Violent Conflict Two views on violence: Violent conflict is a part of human nature. Violence is a cultural construction. Questions How do societies create a bias in favor of collective violence? How do societies create a bias against violent conflict? What are the economic, political, or social differences between peaceful and violent societies? What are the effects of war on societies? How is it possible to justify the creation of weapons of mass destruction? How is bias towards collective created?: 1) By rewarding it 2) Making it necessary as way of protecting resources 3) Making it part of code of honor 4) By framing it into a cosmic struggle between good and evil 2

3 Horses, Rank, and Warfare Among the Kiowa Among the Kiowa, rank was determined in two ways: The number of horses a man possessed (acquired in raids against other tribes). Raises status The honors accruing to him in warfare. Horses, Rank, and Warfare Among the Kiowa Kiowa society was divided into four ranks: Ongop - Men who were generous, owned considerable wealth, and had distinguished themselves in war. Ondeigupa - Men who had property, especially horses, and were generous but had not distinguished themselves in war. The lower ranks were keen or dupom - people who were poor, propertyless, or helpless. Horses, Rank, and Warfare Among the Kiowa To rise in status, a young Kiowa male needed a horse. With a horse, he could participate in raids, gradually obtaining enough horses to rise to a rank of ondeigupa When he had twenty or thirty horses, people would speak of him with respect. To rise to the top rank of ongop required the accumulation of honors won in war. 3

4 Kiowa Ranking And Honors Group I Group II Group III 1. Counting first coup 1. Killing an enemy 2. Charging an enemy while the party is in retreat, thus covering the retreat 2. Counting second coup 1. Dismounting, turning horse loose, and fighting on foot 2. Counting third and fourth coup Kiowa Ranking And Honors Group I Group II Group III 3. Rescuing a comrade while the party is retreating before the enemy 4. Charging the leading man of the enemy alone before the parties have met. 3. Receiving a wound in hand-to-hand combat 3. Serving as raid leader 4. Success in stealing horses. 5. Efficiency in war camp life. Yanomamo-protecting valuable resources The Yanomamo of Venezuela live in villages of 40 to 250 people and live primarily on crops they grow in their gardens. Anthropologist Napoleon Chagnon, who has worked with the Yanomamo since 1964, estimates that 20-25% of male deaths are the result of warfare. For the Yanomamo, women and children are valuable resources. The men believe that to protect themselves and their resources, they must be fierce, and raiding another village is one way they demonstrate their ferocity. 4

5 Defending Honor in Kohistan Among the Kohistani in northwest Pakistan, villagers follow a code that demands vengeance against any threat to a man s honor. When anthropologist Lincoln Keiser worked in the village of Thull in 1984, defense of honor continually led to relationships of dushmani, or blood feud. The men of Thull believe that if someone wrongs them, they must retaliate, but the act of revenge should not exceed the original wrong. Any unwarranted behavior toward a man s daughter, wife, or unmarried sister requires deadly retaliation. Religious Violence François Dubois, St. Bartholomew Day s Massacre, 24 August 1572, is a vivid portrayal of religious violence. Musée d Archéologie et d Histoire, Lausanne, Switzerland. Religious Justifications for Violence When adherents to Christianity, Judaism, Sikhism, Buddhism, or Islam commit violent acts in the name of a spiritual mission, they are often responding to social, political, or economic grievances. Reverend Michael Bray set fire to abortion clinics in the name of God, but also claimed that the U.S. government was undermining moral values. Osama bin Laden sought the establishment of an Islamic state, but was also protesting the Israeli occupation of Palestinian territories and U.S. support for governments in the Middle East. 5

6 Peaceful Societies Peaceful societies create a bias against violence by: Sharing Valuing nonaggressive behavior Building relations of dependence between individuals and groups Engaging in collective behaviors that promote harmony Peaceful Societies: Semai of West Malaysia The Semai of West Malaysia are known for their avoidance of physical conflict. The Semai notion of pehunan, is a state of being in which a person is unsatisfied in regard to a need, such as food or sex. The Semai believe that to deny a person in need intensifies danger to the individual and the group. Peaceful Societies: Semai of West Malaysia The idea of pehunan encompasses a depiction of the community as nurturing caregivers. The Semai believe that it is the obligation of all members of the community to help others. Semai values stress affiliation, mutual aid, and the belief that violence is not an option for settling disputes. 6

7 Peaceful Societies: Ju/wasi One way people in peaceful societies create a bias against violence is by condemning those who boast or make claims that can be interpreted as a challenge to others. Among the Ju/wasi, no one is praised for gathering food or making a kill, and people try to minimize their accomplishments. Those who make boastful claims are ridiculed. Peaceful Societies: Inuit People in peaceful societies also avoid telling others what to do and carefully control their emotions in order to maintain goodwill. The Inuit fear people who do not demonstrate their goodwill by smiling or laughing, because someone who is unhappy may be hostile. The Inuit believe strong thoughts can kill or cause illness, and they go to great pains to satisfy other people so that resentment does not build up. What Are the Differences Between Peaceful and Violent Societies? The following factors may lead societies to construct an ideological bias toward violence: A lack of centralized control Competition over scarce resources Private property Sexism 7

8 War and Population Control Violent conflict encourages a strong preference for rearing male children, supports restrictions on female children, and creates an ideology of male supremacy. Restricting the number of childbearing females in a population is a more effective means of population control that killing adult males. War and violent encourage sexism, but only because they serve to promote selective population control. War and The Evolution of the Nation-State Robert Carneiro argues that violent conflict has been the primary agent that has transformed human societies into nation-states. At first, war pits village against village, resulting in chiefdoms; then it pits chiefdom against chiefdom, resulting in states; and then it pits state against state. Carneiro predicts that if the number of political states continues to decline as it has in the past, by the year 2300 there should be only a single world state. War and Male Solidarity Male solidarity seems to be enhanced by collective violence. Anthropologist Ralph L. Holloway suggests that the psychological attributes that allow human beings to create sentimental bonds between members of a group are the same attributes that promote violent conflict against nongroup members. 8

9 Nuclear Weapons How is it possible to justify the manufacture of weapons capable of destroying everyone on Earth? For workers in a nuclear weapons laboratory, it is justified and necessary. For these protesters, it is madness. U.S. Bombing of Hiroshima This sketch of the U.S. bombing of Hiroshima was drawn by eyewitness Sawami Katagiri, who recalled, I was walking among many dead people... It was like hell... This picture shows only a part of Hiroshima. The whole city was just like this at that time. Case Study In Doing Anthropology: The Rhetoric Of War And Violence Conflict resolution requires parties to a dispute to appreciate each other s point of view. An anthropological perspective, which emphasizes seeing the world through the eyes of others, prepares people to work as mediators, diplomats, or even marriage councilors. Anthropology can also provide preparation for work in peace education. 9

10 Global Military Expenditures By Country, 2003, in billions United States China 51 Russia 50.8 Japan 41.4 United Kingdom 41.3 France 34.9 Germany 27.4 Italy 22.3 Saudi Arabia 22.2 India 16.2 Noam Chomsky The extent of U.S. military power has prompted social scientists, including Noam Chomsky, to discuss the growth of U.S. militarism, particularly given current U.S. military interventions in places such as Afghanistan and Iraq. The School of the Americas The School of the Americas (SOA) is a U.S. military training center located within Fort Benning, Georgia, attended by members of Latin American militaries. The school offers courses in subjects such as intelligence gathering, counterinsurgency operations, and modern weapons use. The SOA came under public scrutiny in the 1990s when human rights groups revealed that some 60,000 Latin American graduates were perpetrators of some of the worst human rights atrocities committed in Latin America during 1970s and 1980s. 10

11 The School of the Americas The military initiated a public relations campaign to burnish the image of the SOA. As part of that campaign, it opened the school to journalists and social scientists, including anthropologist Lesley Gill. The School of the Americas Every year protesters gathered outside the gates of Fort Benning to voice their objections to the School of the Americas. 11

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