PROCEEDING FISIPOL S RESEARCH DAYS 2017

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3 PROCEEDING FISIPOL S RESEARCH DAYS 2017 Knowledge for Beer Society Faculty of Social and Political Sciences Universitas Gadjah Mada Yogyakarta November 2017 i

4 PROCEEDING FISIPOL S RESEARCH DAYS 2017 Knowledge for Beer Society Faculty of Social and Political Sciences Universitas Gadjah Mada Yogyakarta November 2017 viii, 208 pages, 21 x 29,7 cm Editor: Dr. Poppy Sulistyaning Winanti, S.IP., M.P.P.,, M.Sc. Dr. Bevaola Kusumasari, S.IP., M.Si. Printed in Indonesia ISBN Published by : Sekretariat Hibah Riset, Publikasi, dan Pengabdian Masyarakat Faculty of Social and Political Sciences Universitas Gadjah Mada Jl. Sosio Yustisia No. 2, Bulaksumur, Yogyakarta Website: h!p://hibahriset.fisipol.ugm.ac.id hibahriset.fisipol@ugm.ac.id

5 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 Foreword Faculty of Social and Political Sciences (FISIPOL) UGM as a higher education institution that is commi!ed to be the nation s reference is obliged to continue to give real contribution to every challenge and problem faced by the nation today and in the future. Challenges and issues such as diversity, globalization, intolerance, public distrust, technological development, poverty, and governance are urgent issues in need of immediate answers and actual solutions. Such real contribution can be realized in the form of Tri-Dharma, especially innovative research in order to effectively and efficiently advance the whole nation. The condition of the nation, faced with advances in technology and social change of society that is increasingly fast, demands academic community especially FISIPOL UGM in responding to the change innovatively. Innovation in research activities is expected to provide knowledge, models, assistance, strategies, and predictions on important socio-political issues facing the nation. The real step that continues to be developed by FISIPOL UGM is to consistently realize various research grants program every year with focus on urgent issues for the progress of the nation. This program continues to receive priority support from the Faculty in the financial aspect, to increase every year. This is an appropriate measure to encourage the quality and quantity of research of the academic community involved in the FISIPOL Research Grant. Some of the research model innovations that have been successfully developed in this year s grant scheme are Triple Helix Collaborative Research Grant, International Collaborative Research Grant, Cross-Collaborative Research Grant, Competitive Grant for Research Centers, Department Grant, Student Group Grant, and Graduate (Master s and Doctoral) Student Grants. Efforts to strengthen the spectrum of benefit impacts from research activities continue to be developed each year with a peak at the FISIPOL Research Days at the end of the year. This activity is part of the accountability as an academic as well as a downstream effort to disseminate and present publicly. Finally, we hope you enjoy reading this proceeding and may this be useful for all readers. Yogyakarta, November 2017 Dean of Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada Dr. Erwan Agus Purwanto, M.Si iii

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7 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 TABLE OF CONTENT Foreword... iii Table Of Content... v CHAPTER I : SMART CITY AND DIGITAL ISSUES Indonesia s Smart City Development Index 2017 Agus Pramusinto, Abdul Gaffar Karim, Gilang Desti Parahita... 3 The Imperatives of Digital Democracy Implementation in Indonesia: Opportunity and Challenges Widodo Agus Setianto, Hempri Suyatna, Novi Paramita Dewi, Novi Widyaningrum, Lili Pang... 8 The ICT Development Index Indonesia Kuskridho Ambardi, Yuyun Purbokusumo, Susi Daryanti, Wahyu Kustiningsih, Viyasa Rahyaputra, Hanadia Pasca Yurista, Anang Dwi Santoso, Amelinda Pandu Kusumaningtyas Netizen Anonymity in Indonesia s Digital Democracy : Political Participation in Social Media According to the Online Disinhibition Effect Theory Rahayu, Irham Nur Anshari, Pulung S Perbawani Tweeting in Disaster Area : An Analysis of Tweets During 2016 Mayor Floods in Indonesia Anang Dwi Santoso CHAPTER II : POLITICAL ECONOMY Vertical Politics : Socio Economic and Political Impacts of Vertical Housing ( Rusunawa ) in Jakarta and Yogyakarta Amalinda Savirani, Ian Wilson, Dana Hasibuan, Suci Lestari Yuana, Fadel Basrianto, Desiana, Wulan Pangestika Assembling Land for Capital Accumulation : Internal Territorialisation and Land Dispossession Under Merauke Food and Energy Estate (MIFEE) in Papua Province of Indonesia Nanang Indra Kurniawan, Muhammad Najib, Rachael Diprose, Kate Macdonald, Muhammad Djindan, Indah Suryawardhani, Ayu Diasti Rahmawati, Devy Dhian Cahyati v

8 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 Geo Literacy: North Sulawesi as Maritime Frontier Cornelis Lay, Purwo Santoso, Theresia Octastevani, Nur Azizah, Azifah R Astrina, Ignasius J Juru, Wisnu M Adiputra, Atin Prabandari, I Made Andi Arsana, Agung S Nugroho, Wegik Prasetyo, Abner S Tindi, Fian R, Aldila P. Harnida Behind the Mask of Virtue : An Appearance of Indocement CSR in the Plan of Cement Factory in Pati Yuyun Purbokusumo, Arif Novianto, Kurnia C. Effendi Politics Against Market: The Practice of Decommodification on No Classes Hospital Policy at Kulonprogo Regency, Indonesia Tauchid Komara Yuda, Irwan Harjanto, Pinto Buana Putra Agrarian Conflict: Capacity Development of Parangkusumo People in Demanding the Rights of the City Mawaddatush Sholiha, Ahmad Naufal Azizi, Cut Khairina Rizki, Maria Angelica Christy Aka, M. Rizki Kuncorojati, Anindhiya Thifal Putri S, Bagas Adhi Kumoro Political of Recognition Subitern Group: Struggle for Cultural Identity Lanting Home Community in Pahandut Seberang Districts, Palangka Raya City Juli Natalia Silalahi Ummatan Wassatan in the Land Below the Wind : Indonesian Moderate Islam in the Eye of the Global Society After Aksi Bela Islam Ajeng Chandra, Dendy Raditya, Obed Kresna, Novrima Rizki, Selma Theofany Designing a Framework for Democracy Assessment Focusing on Pro-Democracy Actors Willy Purna Samadhi Political Economy of Broadcasting Policy Implementation in Post Reform Indonesia ( ) : Case of Digital Television Broadcasting Rahayu Moderation Discourse in PP Muhammadiyah: Study on The Role of Civil Society Organization on Counter Terrorism Policy in Indonesia Yuseptia Angretnowati CHAPTER III : PUBLIC POLICY AND ADMINISTRATION Why Would Whistleblowers Dare to Reveal Wrongdoings? An Ethical Challenge and Dilemma for Organisations Ilham Nurhidayat vi

9 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 Readiness and Challenges in E Gov : Paradoks in Electronic/ Online Public Handling Complaint System in Kulon Progo Indra Pratama P S An Advocacy Coalition Framework of Arrangement Se!lement Policy Riverbanks Winongo in Yogyakarta Zulfa Harirah MS A Literature Review: Trends, Research Variation of Networks in Public Administration Khuriyatul Husna Policy Implementation Failure of REDD+ (Reducing Emission From Deforestation and Forest Degradation) in Central Kalimantan, Indonesia Nanik Lestari, Ely Susanto Designing the Risk Mitigation in Public Service: Leasons Learned from Public Services in the Campus Area at Umbulmartani Idham Ibty The Effect of Personality as a Public Service Motivation Antecedent with Religiosity as the Mediated Variable Lindri Triyani Syarif CHAPTER IV : SOCIAL WELFARE DAN DEVELOPMENT Urban Farming as Middle Class Social Movement: Case Study in Surabaya Fikri Disyaci!a Analysis of Cultural Poverty Reality Based on Participatory in Rural Area in Gunungkidul D.I.Yogyakarta Istato Hudayana Disadvantaged Village in the Community Views a Study in Malang Village Ngombol District Purworejo Regency Agus Purwanto Dimension of Coastal Resilience in Facing Tidal Flood in Sayung Sub-District Demak District Aisyah Maulida Social Marketing Application and 7P (Product, Price, Place, Promotion, Process, People, Physical Environment) in Socialization and Promotion Program and Food Consumption Diversification Acceleration (P2KP) Sleman Dea Karya Adyani vii

10 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 CHAPTER V : ASEAN Questioning the Effectiveness of Environmental Constitutionalism: An Assessment of Fifteen Years After ASEAN Agreement on Transboundary Haze Pollution in Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore Gabriel Lele, Dafri Agussalim, Rahayu, Dian Agung Tourism Governance in ASEAN: Promoting Regional Integration through Halal Tourism Siti Daulah Khoiriati, I Made Krisnajaya, Suharko, Dedi Dinarto, Mohamed Ba!our Gendering ASEAN Economic Community Gender Perspective in Public Policy Analysis: Critical Study on the Implementation of Weaving Creative Industry Policy in East Lombok Regency, NTB and Kupang, NTT Agustina Kustulasari, Longgina Novadona Bayo, Putri Rakhmadhani Nur Rimbawati, Eka Zuni Lusi Astuti The Political Economy of ASEAN ICT Integration: Digital Divide and Challenges for Regional Integration in Southeast Asia Dio Herdiawan T, Ahmad Rizky M. Umar, Aninda K. Dewayanti, Andi A. Fitrah The Shifting Strategy of Middle Power Diplomacy: An Overview of Indonesian Foreign Policy Under the Presidency of Jokowi and Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono Rizky Alif Alvian, Irfan Ardhani, Ganesh Cintika Putri Universal Health Rights and Regional Integration in Southeast Asia: A Multi-Level Governance Analysis Ahmad Rizky M. Umar, Rizky Alif Alvian, Dedi Dinarto CHAPTER VI : SOCIAL MEDIA AND JOURNALISM Representation of Romantic-Sexual Kissing in Indonesian Drama Film (Analysis of Roland Barthes s Semiotics on Indonesian Drama Film Ada Apa Dengan Cinta? (2001) and Ada Apa Dengan Cinta 2 (2016)) Eva Ulviati Urban Muslimah Lifestyle at Instagram (Contents Analysis of Urban Muslimah Lifestyle Representation in Instagram Dian Pelangi) Fitrinanda An Nur Online Workers Distraction During Interactions with the Internet (The Netnography Study of User Interaction Practices through Computer Mediated Communication) Iffa Masithah Yusminanda viii

11 CHAPTER I SMART CITY AND DIGITAL ISSUES

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13 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 Indonesia s Smart City Development Index 2017 Agus Pramusinto a, Abdul Gaffar Karim b, Gilang Desti Parahita c a Lecturer at the Department of Public Policy and Management, Fisipol UGM b Lecturer at the Department of Politics and Government, Fisipol UGM c Lecturer at the Department of Communication Sciences, Fisipol UGM Abstract Smart cities now become one of the selling points for the local leaders. For prospective leaders, smart cities can be offered as solutions to the problems and needs of citizens. But realizing smart city does not necessarily can be done in a short time. Evaluation, reflection and data are required for developmental reference. The existence of an index of smart city development is required as an evaluation and report on the practice of the realization of smart cities in various regions. Assessment of the development of existing smart city can be used to examine the problems that arise so that the formulation of appropriate solutions can be formulated. We could say that Indonesia is still beginner to adopt the concept of smart city. But slowly several major cities in the country began to realize the dream of becoming a smart city that starts technological developments. The embodiment and development of smart cities in Indonesia will still continue to run, by looking at the various opportunities and challenges faced. The existence of Smart City Development Index can provide an assessment of the development of 33 secondary cities in 33 provinces in Indonesia. The assessment highlights aspects of strategy, key projects and readiness in developing smart city missions. This index will be helpful in assessing progress, success, displaying developments and identifying limitations and constraints. Keywords: Smart city, index, assessment, public service innovation, good governance 1. Introduction To develop smart city features, Indonesia needs to learn a lot from other countries that have already implemented it. Entering 2010, many major cities in the world specifically develop research and innovation for smart city development. Based on data cited from Cities in Motion Index (CIMI) in 2016, there are 20 best smart cities in the world whose progress is quite massive. Among them are London, Tokyo, Sydney, Amsterdam, Seoul, and Berlin. Each has its own unique and distinctive features related to the technology being implemented. Tokyo and Seoul are two Asian cities that we can make a model of smart city development. Tokyo was asked to be a smart city thanks to its transport power, namely the easy access of subway that became a way out for the mobility of the inhabitants of the city (Adnan, 2016). Seoul is ranked top thanks to full dedication to the procurement of information technology. Through the Digital View device in the public sphere, Seoul residents can access information on general payments, taxes, movie listings, free coupons, weather information and other features (Rowley, 2014). 3

14 Chapter I: Smart City and Digital Issues The city faces huge challenges and dilemmas. In the midst of a wave of urbanization, the city experiences economic, social and environmental problems. Without proper handling, the problem of one element is bound to affect other elements. Extensive use of ICTs at the city level can be a solution to the challenges facing the city, although it may be in its application that constraints and many factors are likely to affect its effectiveness. The concept of smart city in Jakarta which spent the budget of master plan of 857 million rupiah and the execution budget of 34.7 billion rupiah (Pratama, 2015) has not been able to bring significant results. Looking at the example, it is likely to be difficult for regions with small budgets to create a large and large budget for the realization of smart cities. The most obvious challenge is infrastructure, especially in cities outside Java, such as in Ambon and Jayapura. The city faces difficulties to implement ICT, both material difficulties (problems with bandwidth limitations), and non-material (political issues). The infrastructure readiness gap between Java and outside Java arises because of the different time periods that city has passed in commi$ing to implement and develop ICT (Permadi, 2015). 2. Research Methods As a basis of Smart City indicators, there are three major domains to measure each secondary cities readiness within this Smart City Framework which have been adjusted to Indonesia state system, along with the implementation of regional autonomy, and ICT s usage. These 3 (three) domains, consisted of Smart Governance, Smart Economy, and Smart Living, become the focus on this research. Derived from this idea, researchers are expecting to can clearly explain Smart City as a concept, each cities readiness on designing the Smart City Development, and public s perception towards the existing of Smart City itself. This research would be identifying local government various perspectives about smart city concept, then identifying the implementation of some policies that have been conducted to mapping these cities in an index. Hence, this research is combining 6 (six) collecting data methods, which are interview, Focus Group Discussion (FGD), perception survey, digital analysis, secondary data, and observation. The variation of methods aimed to ensure the triangulation of data analysis and eventually can be producing the most objective research. 3. Findings and Discussion 3.1 Indexing Smart City Development Index will be measured from the results of perception survey, which involves 2 (two) groups of respondents. The first group consists of bureaucrats from regional development planning body and department of information and communication. The secxond group consists of academics and general public. While bureaucrats survey aims to portray governments performance to realizing the smart city development, the public perception survey will be defining public s understanding over city development, needs, and public s aspiration to local government. The survey questions are directed towards measuring a city s readiness to implement the policy, which is determined from three indicators: governance, living, and economy. Each indicator will be elaborated into sub-indicators, which will be explained thoroughly in the final report. The result will not be the only data source; each of the findings will later be reinforced by secondary data obtained from various sources, which include, but not limited to: official data from the local and central government, both global and national media, statistics from research centers, books, journals, and other relevant materials. 4

15 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 Indonesia s Smart City Development Index 2017 Denpasar tops the index, followed mostly by major cities in Indonesia 3.2. City Development and Leader Figure Observation is also conducted in two cities, which are Bandung and Makassar. This observation aimed to giving an image about the reality of implementing smart city in Indonesia. The two cities are chosen for being pioneer cities to implement smart city initiative. What needs to be understood from how society and bureaucrats map out the problems in the city is to see the direction of urban development. There should be a meeting point between the aspirations of the people and government initiatives. Although differences in perspectives are inevitable, by adhering to the principle of transparency and good governance and employing technology to intensify communication between the government and the people, a solution to accommodate people is possible. An interesting finding from field research found how the both cities ' mayors play an important role in relation to the creation of the Smart City. Both Mayor of Bandung, Ridwan Kamil, and Mayor of Makassar, Danny Pomanto have made Smart City concept as a part of their vision and campaign to gain public s support. Nonetheless, the question of whether their Smart City vision is sustainable if there is a leadership change Redefinition of Smart City This research begins with the assumption that the development of Smart City has gained momentum in every secondary city in Indonesia, but the conception of Smart City in Indonesia is incomparable to those in developed countries. Therefore this study provides space for reconstruction of the definition of Smart City as the process towards the creation and potential of a city to be Smart. It intends to go beyond the aspect of digitalization. Aspects such as smart governance, smart economy, and smart living are set as indicators to measure each city's "smartness". This indicator will assist the discussion by translating the surveys into measurable variables to ensure that the city's development is directed to serve public's interests. 5

16 Chapter I: Smart City and Digital Issues 5. Conclusion The phenomenon of Smart City initiatives in Indonesia is quite new, therefore it allows for further exploration and in-depth research. But from what we can observe from the index is that most of the cities topping the list are mostly major cities, with Denpasar being the number one. This finding reinforces the disparity of development in Indonesia, and to close the gap, assistance from central government and major cities are needed to help smaller cities realize the initiative. Thus, there needs to be a regulatory umbrella and the alignment of the concept of Smart City in Indonesia. Moreover, it can be seen that cities capable of implementing Smart City concept are cities that can execute triple-helix-based cooperation and are able to reconcile people s and other stakeholders interests. In another aspect, the research of Smart City in Indonesia requires more input from Indonesian academics as the characteristics of Smart City from Asia are beginning to show its relevance as a form of local knowledge based alternative development to match the more uniform framework of Smart City coming from the EU. 6. Acknowledgzement This work would not have been possible without the support of the commi"ee of Hibah Riset Fisipol UGM. Special thanks and appreciation are also expressed to our partners, Microsoft Indonesia and the Ministry of Home Affairs of Republic of Indonesia. REFERENCES Book Cocchia, A. (2014). Smart and Digital City: A Systematic Literature Review. In C. R. S. Renata Paola Dameri, Smart City: How to Create Public and Economic Value with High Technology in Urban Space. Swi$erland: Springer International Publishing. Dameri, R. P. (2014). Comparing Smart and Digital City: Initiatives and Strategies in Amsterdam and Genoa. Are They Digital and/or Smart? In C. R.-S. Renata Paola Dameri, Smart City: How to Create Public and Economic Value with High Technology (pp ). Swi$erland: Springer International Publishing. Permadi, D. (2015). Menuju Kota-Kota Sekunder Pintar: Pemetaan Pemanfaatan TIK dalam Pelayanan Publik di 12 Kota Indonesia. Jakarta: The Habibie Center Permadi, D. et. al (2017). Menyongsong Kewirausahaan Digital Indonesia: Analisis Kesiapan Ekosistem Lokal dan Sekolah Menengah Atas di 12 Kota di Indonesia. Yogyakarta: Gadjah Mada University Press Other sources Adnan, Sobih AW. (2016). Smart City di Pelbagai Belahan Dunia. MetroTV News. Retrieved February 27, 2017 from h"p://telusur.metrotvnews.com/news- -- telusur/9k5bmnnn- -- smart- --city- --di- --pelbagai- --belahan- --dunia Cisco. (2012). Smart City Framework. Diakses pada tanggal 26 Februari 2017 melalui : h"p:// --City- -- Framework.pdf. IESE Business School. (2016). Cities in Motion Index. Retrieved February 25, 2017, from h"p:// E.pdf 6

17 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 Rowley, M. J. (2014). An inside look at what makes Seoul tick- --technology wise. Cisco News. Retrieved February 27, 2017 from h!ps://newsroom.cisco.com/feature- -- content?articleid= Pratama, A. H. (2015). 3 Hambatan yang Dihadapi Jakarta dalam Menerapkan Smart City. Tech in Asia Online. Retrieved February 25, 2017, from h!ps://id.techinasia.com/hambatan- --jakarta- --smart- --city 7

18 Chapter I: Smart City and Digital Issues The Imperatives of Digital Democracy Implementation in Indonesia: Opportunity and Challenges Widodo Agus Setianto a, Hempri Suyatna b, Novi Paramita Dewi c, Novi Widyaningrum d, Lili Pang e a Lecturer at the Department of Communication Sciences, Fisipol UGM b Lecturer at the Department of Social Development and Welfare, Fisipol UGM c Lecturer at the Department of Public Policy and Management, Fisipol UGM d Researcher at Center for Population and Policy Studies, UGM e Lecturer at the Institute of Policy Studies, Universiti Brunei Darussalam Abstract The world is undergoing major changes with the presence of the wave of democracy as propounded by Samuel Huntington. These waves manifest in almost all aspects of human life ranging from social, economic, culture, politic and environment. Digital democracy is simply the political activities using digital channels, especially web 2.0 as a form of political participation or raising public support that has created a lot of digital tools that can be used as a media democracy. It increases the opportunities of public participation in public policy and management process as well as spawns many innovations at the government levels. This research is aimed at enhancing the previous research titled Digital Democracy and Public Administration Reforms and will be focusing in exploring the opportunity of changes in the role of the media, the challenge of direct communication with citizens, strategy to solve digital divide issues and also reviewing existing digital democracy practices and national agenda of E-Government implementation. Jakarta Special Region Province and Surabaya municipal are chosen because those areas are the best example of digital democracy practices in Indonesia. Keywords : digital democracy, digital divide, E-Government 1. Introduction Since the 1980s, a global public management revolution has been reshaping the relationship between citizens and the state. This revolution is concerned with how government can be more responsive to the governed. This has required new strategies and tactics to rebuild the responsive linkages between citizens and governments, and to encourage citizen involvement in public administration (Ke!l, 2005). The use of Information and Communication Technology (ICT) in enhancing citizens political participation has been identified as a solution to the problems of representative democracy, particularly, the disconnection between representatives and citizens, and the decline of political interest amongst the populace (Kang and Dugdale, 2010). Digital democracy is anything that governments do to facilitate greater participation in government and to enhance effective governance using digital or electronic means (Colman and Norris, 2005). There is a growing need for citizen participation in modern government. If democracy means a form of government in which the people rule directly or indirectly through representatives (Held, 1996), then the citizens voices must be effectively reflected in public policies. Citizen 8

19 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 participation can improve the quality of policy-making, strengthen public trust in the government by integrating public input into the policy-making process, and grant legitimacy to the goals and missions of public agencies. In addition, it can benefit public officials via be"er channels of communication, improved program implementation, and protection from criticism. The effects of digital democracy are often framed in the perspective of a total revolution which means a democratic revolution in politics and public governance or of a technological fix for basic problems of political activity and the trust of citizens in government (van Dijk, 2013). However, there are wide variations in the adoption and implementation of digital democracy practices among government agencies. This research proposal is a second year research titled Digital Democracy and Public Administration Reforms funded by Faculty of Social and Political Sciences in The first year research has focused on answering three research questions. Firstly, what are the variety of digital democracy practices in Indonesia. Secondly, how government bodies adopt and implement practices of digital democracy in relation with public administration reforms in Indonesia and lastly, what stages of digital democracy can be found in the case of Indonesian government. The research found that digital democracy in the research areas have been applied in various sectors such as governance and public services. These practices have led to significant achievement in relation to public administration reforms. The innovation supporting digital democracy practices improves political information retrieval and exchange between governments, public administrations, representatives, political and community organizations and individual citizens in the research areas. It is also supported public debates, deliberations and community formation as well as enhanced participation in political decision-making by citizens. However, such findings are still providing gap in exploring opportunities and challenges in digital democracy practices. Since Digital democracy is not developing in a vacuum (Timonen, 2013), it also opens up possibilities for new types of interactions and resulting behaviors. These changes present challenges that citizen need to take into account. Therefore, the second year research will be focusing in exploring the opportunity of changes in the role of the media, the challenge of direct communication with citizens and what strategy to solve digital divide issues. This issue was found in the previous research and it has created the gaps in access to information and communication technology (ICT) certain number of citizens who have limited and inadequate knowledge in using ICT. Furthermore, this research will also review existing digital democracy practices and national agenda of E-Government implementation. The location of the research is still continuing the previous areas which are Jakarta Special Region Province and Surabaya municipal. The chosen areas are the best example of digital democracy practices. The Jakarta Special Region Province wherein one of its programs is the introduction of the Jakarta smart city website and the Qlue application which is made for Jakarta citizens as well as Crop which is managed by the administration to respond to all citizen input and complaints, Surabaya Municipal Government has been successfully implementing e-procurement in their goods and services procurement system bears macro-scale impact, and Yogyakarta. The research questions of this research are firstly, what are the opportunities and challenges found in digital democracy practices in Jakarta Special Region Province, Surabaya municipal and Yogyakarta Province? Secondly, what are the strategies that must be addressed by the government in order to solve the issue of digital divide in citizens who have limited and inadequate knowledge in using ICT? Thirdly, what is the relation existing in the digital democracy practices in research areas and national agenda of E-Government implementation? 2. Research Methods The qualitative methods is used in this research that is covered activity such as Desk Review, media analysis, Secondary data analysis Focus Group Discussion (FGD) and Delphi Method. Delphi method is used in order to establish a system capable of make the data more accurate and valid. It has been widely applied and validated in research carried out all over the world. 9

20 Chapter I: Smart City and Digital Issues Kontic (2000) admits the results obtained can be subjective, he claims that the credibility of data, depends on the validity of expert evaluations. Delphi technique is a method that is widely used and accepted to collect data from respondents in their research domain. This technique is designed as a group communication process that aims to achieve a convergence of opinion on the issue of the real issues. Delphi process has been used in a variety of fields including program planning, assessment, policy making, and resource utilization to develop a range of alternatives, explore or expose the underlying assumptions, and correlate vote on a topic that covers a wide range of disciplines. Delphi technique is suitable as a method for consensus building by using a series of questionnaires sent using multiple iterations to gather data from the panel chosen subject. 3. Findings and Discussion There are several findings of this research. Firstly is related to Opportunities found in digital democracy practices in Jakarta Special Region Province. This research found that Regulatory support has been a significant factor of digital practice in DKI Jakarta such as use of Qlue is supported by the availability of the Gubernatorial Regulation on the conduction of the RT (Neighborhood Association) and RW (Community Association) tasks and functions in Jakarta SCR that obligates its use in the region, incentives are provided in the use of Qlue, as much as IDR 925,000 per month for the RT/RW, full involvement of leaders and staff (monitoring and evaluation are conducted once a month and two months presented in the form of scorecards that influence their performance assessment), the Use of Qlue is understood all the way to the implementer level, namely the Section Head of Infrastructure and the Section Head of Administration, the RT/RW, and the Public Facility Maintenance Agency (PPSU) workers known also as the orange squad, periodic training and information dissemination are provided to all District employees, community s participation rate in using Qlue is high, the community has become more active in submitting report to sub-district offices and government response to Qlue is quite high because the ranking system in qlue becomes an indicator for promotion in Jakarta. At the same time, Surabaya municipality has also provided opportunity of the digital democracy practices, such as the initiative of conducting dissemination independently was done by street level bureaucrats, initiative of Public Health Center (Puskesmas) Head to conduct promotions for gaining patients interest in registering to use e-health application, such as giving prizes to the first ten patients using e-health, the opportunity for dissemination along with assistance in using e-health conducted through health cadres at the sub-district level, availability of information dissemination via public media such as through public service advertisements on the radio which was proven to have reached across several residents unable to participate in direct dissemination. However, there are also some challenges found in digital democracy practices in Jakarta Special Capital Region Province such as Task distribution and coordination, issues that are not under the authority of the local Municipalities/Districts/Sub-districts, belonging to other institutions but leads to requiring longer period for resolving those issues, no filtering of complaint reports, manipulation of reports done by the residents due to personal sentiments and there is yet to be a clear evaluation system for coordination among government officials. In Surabaya, the challenges found are digital divide or gap in the capacity, knowledge, and skills of residents based on age or social economic status, the community s mindset and character which finds it hard to accept new things. They find it difficult to accept new means of online registration and prefer manual registration instead, the assumption among the community that registering manually or via online application is the same, dissemination of e-health has yet to be massively conducted so most of the community remain unaware of it and when dissemination events are conducted by officers from Puskesmas, there is a psychological constraint found to exist in the community, namely their reluctance to ask questions as they do not want to seem obtuse. As a result, the residents do not have proper understanding of the content of dissemination provided by the officers. 10

21 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 Strategies that must be addressed by the government in order to solve the issue of digital divide in citizens who have limited and inadequate knowledge in using ICT can be covered activities such as Investment, by enhancing the capacity of network and technology, leadership, strengthening leadership and leaders commitment to encourage the use and improvement in use of e-government applications, training, in the form of training for the use of e-health application and supporting necessities, improving the ability for computer users and IT users, technology flexibility, through development and improvement of technology, providing access, broadening use and access to technology and improving communication, boost communication between government and community, or between relevant government institutions in order to be more coordinated and synchronized. 4. Conclusion Acquiring an digital democracy system that will considerably meet the needs of citizens to participate in the democratic process and the needs of government to provide citizens with adequate participation channels is most paramount in e-democracy implementation (Funikul and Chutimaskul, 2009). A successful digital democracy implementation should therefore, target developing a system that will meet the needs of adequate channels for enhancing citizens participation in the democratic process. The larger implications of the digital divide not only involve who holds the interpretation and creation of social knowledge within these technological contexts, including the rhetorical presentations of equality, fairness, unforced, user-centered, and empowerment; but also the available opportunity to choose, consent, or abstain from these out of many tools for language, communication, and larger social participation. Since standardized tools and approaches to communication are so powerful in defining the approved means of participating in the construction of social reality, it follows that the hidden nature of a greater democratic issue of individual choice is a critical problem for the current digital presentation of reality. Recognizing the reinforcement of these popular ideological presentations and definitions, while reconsidering the available means for participation and the role society plays in choosing these means will further enlighten the.nature of digital hegemony REFERENCES Black, A. and Noble, P. (2001). E-Democracy around the World: A Survey for the Bertlesmann Foundation. Charleston, SC: Phil Noble and Associate, pp Blumler, J.G. and Coleman, S. (2000). Realizing Democracy Online: A Civic Commons in Cyberspace. London: Institute for Public Policy Research Clift, S. (2004). E-democracy, E-governance and Public Network. September. Epstein, D., Nisbet, E. C., & Gillespie, T. (2011). Who s responsible for the digital divide? Public perceptions and policy implications. The Information Society, 27(2), Funilkul, S. and Chutimaskul W. (2009). The Framework for Sustainable edemocracy Development. Transforming People, Process and Policy, Vol 3 No 1, pp Gorski, P. (2009). Insisting on digital equity: Reframing the dominant discourse on multicultural education and technology. Urban Education 44(3), Corwin Press. h!p://uex. sagepub.com Henderson, M., Hogarth, F. and Jeans, D. (2007). E-Democracy Policy in Queensland. Encyclopaedia of Digital Government., pp , IGI Global, doi: / ch069 Hye, K., Jong, K., and Hae, L. (2008). A Study on the Public Sphere of Mobile Media. Journal of Korea Information and Communications Society, Vol. 31, No. 4B 11

22 Chapter I: Smart City and Digital Issues Ke!l, D.F. (2005). The Global Public Management Revolution, 2nd edn. Brookings Institution Press: Washington, DC. Local E-Democracy National Project. Deeper and Wider Community Engagement: e- Democracy and its Benefits for Local Authorities, Councilors, and Communities ; NorthLincsNet, Improvement and Development Agency, London, pp. 1-38, Rudi, A.lsadad. (2016). DKI Jakarta Raih 4 Penghargaan Provinsi Terbaik Se-Indonesia, Nationalgeographic.co.id, 12 Mei 2016, Van Dijk, jan A.G.M Digital Democracy: Vision and Reality in I. Snelen and W.van de Donk. Public Administration in the Information Age: Revisited. IOS Press video and participatory culture. Cambridge; Malden, MA: Polity. Wijetunga, D. (2014). The digital divide objectified in the design: Use of the mobile telephone by underprivileged youth in Sri Lanka. Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication,19(3), doi: /jcc

23 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 The ICT Development Index Indonesia Kuskridho Ambardi a, *, Yuyun Purbokusumo b, Susi Daryanti c Wahyu Kustiningsih d, Viyasa Rahyaputra e.1, Hanadia Pasca Yurista e.2 Anang Dwi Santoso e.3, Amelinda Pandu Kusumaningtyas f * ambardi5000@yahoo.com a Lecturer at the Department of Communication Sciences, Fisipol UGM b Lecturer at the Department of Public Policy and Management, Fisipol UGM c Lecturer at the Department of Social Development and Welfare, Fisipol UGM d Lecturer at the Department of Sociology, Fisipol UGM e Research Associates at Center for Digital Society, Fisipol UGM f Student of Department of Sociology, Fisipol UGM Abstract ICT has become the cornerstone of our lives. It has transformed a lot of sectors, especially economy and development. ICT has proven to bring significant economic impacts for countries in general. That is why, the discourse of economy in general has now been correlated with the context of ICT development. The International Telecommunication Union through its ICT Development Index has come forward in making everyone realize that ICT development, especially the infrastructure, has to be in everyone minds it is inseparably important in development in general. The survey has run for almost ten years, and has produced numerous quotable and citable results. It comprehensively breaks down the necessary indicators to ICT development, and compares countries position in the global ranking in terms of ICT development. Indonesia, specifically, is only briefly discussed in the survey. We cannot fetch the specific progress on development of Indonesia s ICT from the survey, due to its sole purpose in capturing global comparison, as well as its limitation in measuring each country in detail. Indonesia, just recently through the Central Statistics Bureau released the Indonesia s version of the Index, called Indeks Pembangunan TIK Indonesia in late 2016 which covers the span of However, the Index showcases some interesting results that provokes further revisit and investigation. Hence, this project aims at (1) revisiting the index offered by the Central Statistics Bureau by outlining the significance of the index through correlations with other data; (2) giving the qualitative picture of the ICT development through field observation in Indonesia s selected cities; and (3) Stimulating possible recommendations for future ICT development.from examining Singapore s experiences Keywords : digital divide, ICT development index, Indonesia, digital issues 1. Introduction ICT has become an inevitable element of our daily life, concurring the pace of our lives. The impact that the innovation has brought also becomes scrutiny, as more and more sectors of human development, in particular, have involved the extensive utilization of ICT. ICT has 13

24 Chapter I: Smart City and Digital Issues even deeper and further impact on ICT, as illustrated by the OECD. The sector has impacts in different levels of economy, namely at the macro-economy level, the sectoral or industry level, and the firm level. Overall, ICT improves labour and multifactor productivity, and at the firm level, it boosts innovation and lowers transaction costs (OECD, 2004). The ICT has also played significant roles in governmental purposes, as the trends of e-government and smart city, or the far-reaching use of ICT, emerge in the past decade. These two trends have proven to provide smoother conduct of public service activities; inseparable instrument in human development. Globally, the study of measuring the ICT development across countries is annuallyconducted by the International Telecommunication Union (ITU), with their release of the ICT Development Index (IDI). This index examines the extent of ICT utilization by countries in the world. It does stop there, as deeper analysis in regards to development agenda is also provided. Started in 2007, the index has been providing ample source for ICT development and development framework in general. The 2016 report in particular, provided coverage on the relation between ICT development with development agenda, especially the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The valuable data provided by the survey has then been quoted and referred by many in accordance to their future research agenda. A lot of research writings related to the economic development, e-government development, and smart city have incorporated the data provided by this study. UN E-Government Development Index (EGDI) in particular, uses the findings from this study to extend their examination of e-government across countries. Indonesia, as one of the examined country in the annual research, initially did not have a similar data/visualisation on the development of ICT in the country comprehensively until the end of 2016, when the Central Statistics Bureau released their own calculation titled the ICT Development Index Indonesia Hence, instead of releasing the index once per year, the Bureau decided to release all four indices of in Before this index, the government, through the Ministry of Communication and Informatics, has initiated other quotable source to measure ICT development, but only on e-government sector. Pemeringkatan e-government Indonesia/Indonesian e-government Ranking, known as PeGI, is the flagship program run by the ministry to measure the development of e-government in the country (Kementerian Komunikasi dan Informatika, 2015). The index, despite its limited sourcing (included 20 out of 34 provinces), was praised for its originality and initiative. However, the survey stopped in The index includes interesting yet questionable results. Departing from this, ean examination on the ICT Development Index Indonesia is proposed. 2. Research Methods The research uses the mixed method in addressing the purposes stated on the earlier stage of this writing. The mixed method is crucial in framing the discussions from two lenses. The Quantitative section aims at answering the first purpose of this research, which is the correlation test between between the ICT Development Index Indonesia and other related indicators. The indicators chosen include the GDRP and Poverty indicators. These two indicators are already largely seen as the two indicators that have strong association with ICT, particularly ICT Development (Heeks, 1999; D Costa, 2006; Schwab, 2017; Cohen, 2004). On the other hand, the Qualitative section examines the ICT development of selected cities in Indonesia, in the hopes of capturing the on-field ICT development with more sensitivity. The qualitative examination is done in 6 Indonesian cities and Singapore with interviews being held on relevant stakeholders. The 6 cities were chosen based on their economic prowess, particularly from their GDRP. The economic consideration was central in choosing the cities, as several studies, as mentioned before as well, strongly relates the ICT development with economic prowess. Moreover, the 6 cities are the capital cities of the provinces which represent three spectrums of provinces classification based on their GDRP High, Average, Low after they are ranked nationally. Not only that, on-field feasibility (accessibility of these province from the capital cities), as well as the even-distribution between is also considered. Jakarta and Makassar are the two provinces coming from the High category; Samarinda and Banda Aceh are from the Average category; 14

25 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 and Palangkaraya and Gorontalo are from the Low category. 3. Findings and Discussion 3.1. Index Breakdown As slightly mentioned from the earlier part, the index released by the Central Statistics Bureau (Central Statistics Bureau, 2016) has several irking and questionable points. a. The data source. The publication mentions that all of the data come from two main sources, which are the National Socio-economic Survey (SUSENAS) and the Ministry of Communications and Informatics (Kemenkominfo). However, from the 11 indices of the ICT Development index, it is nor noted which one is from SUSENAS and which one is from Kemenkominfo. This hinders the possibility of data-review and data cross-checking that are needed to evaluate the overall index. b. Questionable Provincial data. Two tables, seen below, can illustrate this notion. From Table 1, it is shown that the Access, Use, and Skill scores of North Kalimantan, a newly established Province, are way higher than Javanese provinces which are notably known to possess strong ICT development. Moreover, in Table 2, the Skill score of Maluku is above DKI Jakarta. ICT Development Index 2015 Access Use Skill IDI2015 North Kalimantan West Java Central Java East Java Table 1: Comparison between 4 Provinces Scores ICT Development Index 2015 Access Use Skill IDI2015 Maluku DKI Jakarta Table 2: Comparison between DKI Jakarta and Maluku These data have shown us that there should be further investigation to re-visit the validity of the overall index. Our team had tried to reach out to the Bureau, but was denied when we demanded the complete dataset Correlation Tests The correlation test is used to see whether the IDI data released by the Bureau is valid enough to test the general assumptions on the relationships between ICT and development. The correlation result can be seen as followed. From the correlation tests, most of the variables are not showing strong or significant relationship, which further questions the data released by the Bureau. 15

26 Chapter I: Smart City and Digital Issues ICT Development Index 2015 GDRP at Current Market Prices 2015 Percentage of Poor People 2015 Gini Ratio 2015 Poverty Line in Cities 2015 Poverty Line in Villages 2015 ICT Development Index 2015 Pearson Correlation 1 (Sig. (2-tailed N 35 Pearson Correlation 156 (Sig. (2-tailed 378. N 34 Pearson Correlation **576- (Sig. (2-tailed 000. N 35 Pearson Correlation 170. (Sig. (2-tailed 330. N 35 Pearson Correlation *403. (Sig. (2-tailed 016. N 35 Pearson Correlation 321. (Sig. (2-tailed 064. N 34 Table 3: Correlation Results of the Examined Variables 3.3. Qualitative Pictures: Field Observation Visitation to selected cities were then held, and the result of this visit is visible below. The observation section is the result from our visit, while the IDI is the score released by the Bureau. As we can see, differences can still be felt. This is also assuming that the interviews we had with the relevant stakeholders (representatives from the Office of Communications and Informatics of the Provinces) combined with field observation, are also valid. City Jakarta Makassar Gorontalo Palangkaraya Samarinda Banda Aceh Access Use Skill Observation IDI Observation IDI Observation IDI Good Good Fair Fair Fair Good 9.96 (Good) 5.2 (Fair) 4.56 (Fair) 5.17 (Fair) 7.01 (Good) 4.38 (Fair) Good Fair Fair Fair Good Good 9.61 (Good) 2.63 (Low) 1.47 (Low) 2.87 (Low) 5.05 (Fair) 2.16 (Low) Good Fair Low Low Fair Fair 7.13 (Good) 6.96 (Good) 7 (Good) 6.75 (Good) 7.38 (Good) 7.6 (Good) 16

27 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days Lessons Learned: Singapore Our visit to Singapore was started with the visit to the Asia Competitiveness Institute (ACI) at the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy. Our consultative visit concluded with the need of the index evaluation. The second visit was to the National University of Singapore (NUS) Enterprise. Our source was very open with inputs which describe the overall picture of Singapore s ICT Development, and what can we learn from Singapore s ICT development agenda. There are two main points of what we can learn from Singapore: a. Tighter and More Transparent Regulation The government of Singapore has established two important bodies, namely the Infocomm Media Development Authority (IMDA) and the Government Technology Authority (GovTech). These bodies altogether work on the specific infrastructure needs of the state s ICT, with, more importantly, transparent data dissemination. This way, people are welcomed to contribute to the overall data-work, and that the government can act with more responsibility. b. Educational Incentives The involvement of Nanyang Technological University and the National University of Singapore, as the two key educational institution in the country, is heavy in the context of ICT development in Singapore. The NUS Enterprise, for example, has consulted, advised, and even led many long-term projects focusing on the ICT development in the country. The educational institution becomes important in ensuring the academic validity and justification of the overall projects, including ICT development; especially the longevity of the development. 4. Conclusion All in all, the index needs a lot of future adjustments for the index is needed. This is undeniably imminent for the ICT development to have measured and accurate growth. From the series of tests and examinations we presented above, a more comprehensive and transparent indexing work is needed. Beyond that, the lessons we can learn from Singapore include a more solid engagement between stakeholders relevant with the ICT development issues, especially the government and the educational institutions. This is to make sure a more measured and accurate development agenda in the country. REFERENCES Badan Pusat Statistik. (2012). Indeks Pembangunan Teknologi Informasi dan Komunikasi Cohen, Daniel. (2004). The ICT Revolution: Productivity Differences and the Digital Divide. Oxford: Oxford University Press. D Costa, Anthony P. (2006). Introduction: Charting a New Development Trajectory. In Anthony P. D Costa, ed., The New Economy in Development: ICT Challenges and Opportunities, 1 st ed., New York: Palgrave Macmillan, pp Heeks, Richard B. (1999). Software Strategies in Developing Countries. Working Paper Series 6. Manchester: IDPM, University of Manchester. Kementerian Komunikasi dan Informatika. (2015). Pemeringkatan e-government Indonesia (PeGI) tingkat Provinsi Tahun 2015 [Online]. Available at: h!p://statistik.kominfo.go.id/ site/data?idtree=428&iddoc=1411 [Accessed on 25 February 2017]. Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development (2004). The Economic Impact of ICT: Measurement, Evidence and Implications. Paris: OECD.Schwab, Klaus. (2017). The Fourth Industrial Revolution. New York: Crown Business. 17

28 Chapter I: Smart City and Digital Issues Netizen Anonymity in Indonesia s Digital Democracy: Political Participation in Social Media According to the Online Disinhibition Effect Theory Irham N Anshari a.1,*, Rahayu a.2,, Pulung S Perbawani a.3 a Lecturer at the Department of Communication Sciences, Fisipol UGM * irham.nur.anshari@ugm.ac.id Abstract The growth of social media in Indonesia has contributed to the increasing number of online political participation by the public. This phenomenon has brought forward the discussion regarding the pros and cons of online political participation, related to the participants identity. The lack of traceability regarding the participants identity has posed some questions, some of which are the accountability and legitimacy of opinions that are found on online political discussions. This research seeks to achieve comprehensive understanding on anonymity in political participation. By applying the theory of online disinhibition effect, this research a"empts to explain the dynamic of anonymity, its implication towards political participation in social media, and to examine the consequences of anonymity towards the quality of digital democracy. Through survey, focus group discussions, and in depth interviews, this research address to achieve a comprehensive understanding towards the issues. The research findings show that the varied degrees of anonymity employed by citizens affect their social media usage and political participation. In addition, anonymity can be understood as the citizens coping mechanism from various possible consequences, such as legal and social retribution for.both personal and professional context Keywords: anonymity, digital democracy, online disinhibition effect, political participation, social media 1. Introduction Technological advancement has brought forward significant changes in the way public congregates in what we dub as public spaces (Dahlgren, 2009). At the same time, it also created new opportunities and chances for the public to be involved in an open discussions around the issues of public affairs and policies. The role of internet and social media in political engagement and democracy has been affirmed by several some scholars (e.g. Fenton & Barassi, 2011; Loader & Mercea, 2011 ). In Indonesia s case, the instances of how internet and social media took role in changing the dynamic of public s engagement in politics and democracy were found in Hill & Sen (2000) regarding politics in the internet, Nugroho s paper on civil society activism (2008), and Nurhadryani, Maslow & Yamamoto (2009) regarding campaign and political reform process. Tsagarousianou (1999) explained political participation in three aspects: Information provision refers to the availability of information regarding public affairs and public policy that are published and accessible by both the public and policy makers. It also refers to the 18

29 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 act of seeking, gathering, sharing, and producing political information. Deliberation is the public spere that facilitates the dialogue among public, the government, and other parties. Deliberation affects political participation in the way public expresses opinions, demands, debates, negotiation, and so forth. Decision making as an element of political participation is related to the collective action of the people in regard to policy making. While political participation and digital democracy through social media have been receiving positive outlook, it also remains to bear some doubts. The lack of confidence regarding the contribution of social media to the quality of democracy is strongly related to the issue of internet anonimity. Public s presence in the internet can t always be tracked to actual representation of public, due to the fact that internet enables pseudonymity and anonymity (Kennedy, 2006; Suler, 2004; Kling, 1999). Such situation creates doubt if whether the high level of social media engangement truly comes from the public, or if it is none other than political engineering, as evidently seen the recent case of Saracen. The lack of possible visual identification, the users adaptation to online persona, and the expression of ideas without any identifiable sources, are also taken into account in the process of understanding the concept of anonymity (Reader, 2012). Furthermore, anonymity in social media is a spectrum of identity expression. Social media as a platform for interaction has made possible for users to perform selective self-presentation, which according to Elliot, et.all (2016) can be categorized into genuine identity (legal identity), pseudonymity (a persona that may or may not related to genuine identity), and anonymity (the lack of information regarding identity). The doubt over anonymity in the internet is somehow related to the possibility that the public uses internet as a method to escape the pressure of real world. Suler (2004) dubbed this phenomenon as disinhibited behavior, or the lack of self control due to the absence of social convention, which is made possible by anonymity. This behavior may lead to misuse of internet accounts (Diakopoulous & Naaman, 2011) and communication practice without retributions, such as spamming, hate messages, harrassment, online scamming, etc (Kling et.al., 1999). In the midst of the controversy of anonymity, as well as the lack of convidence toward the role of social media in democracy, our research team is yet to find a research that concerns in the area of anonymity and how it affects the practice of digital democracy in Indonesia. While anonymity is a common occurence in social media (Kling dkk. 1999), and social media is a place where the users find the freedom to express themselves without real-life retributions (Suler, 2004), then how will anonymity will affect the freedom of political expressions in social media? How will it affects the practice and quality of digital democracy? This research aims to seek explanation and answer for the questions that arise in discussions of internet anonymity and digital democracy. Indonesia is chosen as a research context, for being one of the countries with largest amount of social media user according to 2017 Global Web Index. The empirical aspect of the research will be done toward Indonesian social media users, who participate in political discussion and activism through their accounts. The specific goal of the study is to understand how anonymity in social media determines the behavior and quality of political participation by the public, and how it affects the quality of digital democracy in Indonesia. 2. Research Methods This research is done through triangulation approach that employed three methods: 1) descriptive survey, which is employed to establish a baseline data for further exploration on the subject, 2) focus group discussion (FGD), which is used to gain a perspective from the representative of the public who participates in political discussion anonymously, and 3) observation on the dynamic of political participation in social media. Descriptive survey was conducted by online survey in May-August, 2017 among a sample of 43 adults. The FGD was organized in Yogyakarta and Jakarta in August involving 13 participants. 19

30 Chapter I: Smart City and Digital Issues 3. Findings and Discussion 3.1. Anonymous political participation: degree and motivations This research measured the degree of anonymity through the extent in which social media users as respondents identify (or conceal) themselves in their accounts; if whether they use genuine (legal) identity, pseudonymity, or anonymity. The survey result showed that the degree of anonymity by the respondents are quite high, compared to pseudonimity. Respondents stated that they prefer to completely conceal their identity, rather than posing as a different persona. Interestingly, during the FGD, one of the informant who claimed to be an active political buzzer admi"ed that pseudonymity is one of the main tools for buzzers to alter their identities when they have to assume their role, in order to be able to work for several clients simultaneously. A detailed account of the survey result showed that respondents demonstrated different preference on the elements of identity that they prefer to reveal or conceal. The consensus among all respondents is that they only provide information on their identity when it is absolutely required. Toward basic elements such as name and profile picture, most respondents prefer to keep them either concealed, or subtitute them with something less direct, such as nicknames. The survey also managed to identify the motivating factor behind the choice of anonymity. The result showed that internal factors (such as personal need for freedom of self expression, in this case political opinions) trumps over external factors such as fear of threat and pressure from others (both familiar people or strangers). Out of 43 respondents, 20 chose anonymity in order to protect their real life identity from the possible threat they may receive online. This finding is consistent with the previous finding regarding the elements of identity that the respondents prefered to conceal. Isolating online activity, by not providing sensitive informations, seemed to be a definite options by respondents to assure that a"ackers will not be able to track their account back to their real-life identity. This finding is in accordance to Suler s online dishibition effect theory (Suler, 2004), which stated that anonymity allows compartementalization between online and offline self, and provides safety for users from having the consequence of their online behavior affecting their real life. At the same time, it also showed the tendency of social media hit and run behavior (Munro, 2003 in Suler, 2004) Anonymity and digital democracy The framework used to describe the context of political participation practice is Tsagarusianou s three-dimensions of digital democracy, which are information provision, deliberation, and participation in decision making (Tsagarousianou, 1999). Information provision. Among the three elements of digital democracy, the survey result showed that the respondents are most active in information provision, especially the activities of seeking political information, as well as observing online political discussions and debate. If digital democracy is believed to have enhanced the access and exchange of political informations, anonymity allows the public to do it stealthily. And while the activity itself is considerably passive as the users merely access and exchange the informations provided by various sources, compared to generating information itself users activity can be recorded or tracked, and thus it may poses as problem at times. Information provision in social media involves such tasks as following, retweeting, or liking certain accounts or posts. Those activities are recorded by the social media platform, where some of this platforms allow other users to access the record, and thus an individual political affiliation or ideological tendency can be tracked down and investigated by third parties. Deliberation. Taking into account the previous result of user s motivations and reasons for anonymity, we can draw a conclusion on how anonymity enhances the information provision aspect of digital democracy. Aside from protecting the users real identity from threats, anonymity also serves as a method to avoid conflict and discord due to misunderstanding. Anonymity is convenient when users want to harmonize social relations and the freedom of political opinion 20

31 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 and expressions. However, it poses another problem; when one can conveniently hide behind an anonymous account to avoid retributions, to what extent does the participation of anonymous accounts can be considered as the true voice of opinion from the public? Complexity arose with the existence of political buzzers; people who manage and use anonymous account to accomplish specific political mission for a price. One of the buzzer who participated in the FGD admi"ed to manage five anonymous Facebook accounts simultaneously during the 2014 presidential campaign. In these accounts, the buzzer posed as different personas such as housewife, football enthusiast, and early adult female all of which were constructed without any proximity with the buzzer s real identity. The existence of such practice shows how anonymity in the hands of political buzzer can turn into a tool that may create false representation. Buzzers may speak out opinions in the name of a certain circle or group, which may differ from the true sentiment or opinion of the said group. Each one of their actions are tailored to interest group who hire them to do the dirty job, in exchange for financial remuneration. Participation in decision making. The survey found that the element with the lowest engagement is deliberation, where most respondents claimed to rarely or never participated in any activism, especially participation in political campaign, conveying aspirations, and reporting on fake accounts or accounts that commited in spreading hoax and defamation. This result is consistent with the nature of anonymity itself, which is a denial toward transparency, in order to protect the individual behind it from any kind of repercussion of their actions. The lack of engagement with the element of deliberation seems to indicate the full realization among the users of anonymous account that political discussion in social media is merely a discourse The tendency of toxic and benign disinhibition While the previous section showed a dynamic in the findings, the overall result of the tendency between benign disinhibition and toxic disinhibition showed less interesting result. Less than 5% of the respondents admi"ed to adhering with toxic disinhibition effect, which is consistent with the result shown in the previous sections. Despite the fact that anonymity serves as a shield from real-life repercussion for their online activity, the respondents seemed to prefer to avoid online repercussion altogether. Even though social media users can abandon their account as soon as they receive online threats or other backlashes, the survey result showed that they avoided the behavior that might incite a"acks and hostility. The only behavior that received a moderate amount of aggreement is the usage of foul language and curses in responding topics that they consider unpleasant. This tendency may be connected to the fact that Indonesia is a country which people still put social harmony above personal freedom, and thus creating compliance. Rather than worrying over legal consequences, the respondents felt more anxious toward the judgment and retributions from their peers. In more positive light, it may be safe to assume that anonymity does not directly encourage negative behaviors in online political participations. 4. Conclusion Within the Indonesian context, where social harmony and threat toward free speech come side by side, anonymity becomes one of the chosen coping mechanism that separates digital democracy from pre-digital democracy. The existence of buzzers as political actors, and how their unpredictable behavior may pose a risk of new problems, is one of the reason why it is hard to conclude that anonymity means either good or bad. Anonymity may have increased the amount of online political participation. However, it doesn t necessarily mean that the quality of digital democracy also increases accordingly. Perhaps, the true form of digital democracy can only be manifested when the public as an entity enjoy the freedom and assurance of safety to participate in every possible form of political participation, without the need of anonymity. 21

32 Chapter I: Smart City and Digital Issues 5. Acknowledgement We would like to express our gratitude toward The Faculty of Social and Political Science, Gadjah Mada University for endowing us with the research grant that made this research possible. REFERENCES Dahlgren, P. (2009) Media and Political Engagement: Citizens, Communication and Democracy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Fenton, N. & Barassi, V. (2011). Alternative Media and Social Networking Sites: The Politics of Individuation and Political Participation. The Communication Review, 14(3), Hill, D. T., & Sen, K. (2000). The Internet in Indonesia s new democracy. Democratization, 7(1), Kennedy, H. (2006). Beyond anonymity, or future directions for internet identity research. New media & society, 8(6), Kling, R., dkk. (1999). Assessing anonymous communication on the Internet: Policy deliberations. Information Society, 15(2), Loader, B.D. & Mercea, D. (2011). Networking democracy? Social media innovations in participatory politics. Information, Communication and Society, 14(6), Nugroho, Y. (2008). Adopting Technology, Transforming Society: The Internet and the Reshaping of Civil Society Activism in Indonesia. International Journal of Emerging Technologies & Society, 6(2), Nurhadryani, Y., Maslow, S., & Yamamoto, H. (2009). Democracy 1.0 Meets Web 2.0 : E-Campaigning and the Role of ICTs in Indonesia s Political Reform Process since Interdisciplinary information sciences, 15(2), Reader, Bill. (2012). Free Press vs. Free Speech? The Rhetoric of Civility in Regard to Anonymous Online Comments. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 89(3), Suler, John. (2004). Online Disinhibition Effect. Cyberpsychology & Behavior 7(3), Tsagarousianou, R. (1999). Electronic democracy: Rhetoric and reality. Communications: The European Journal of Communication Research, 24 (2),

33 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 Tweeting in Disaster Area : An Analysis of Tweets During 2016 Mayor Floods in Indonesia Anang Dwi Santoso a,* a Master Program in Department of Public Policy and Management, Fisipol UGM * anang.dwi.santoso@mail.ugm.ac.id Abstract Social media allows people in the disaster area to communicate disaster information to people outside the disaster area more quickly and accurately. Unfortunately, there is very li!le research that examine the use of twitter by people in disaster sites. This study aims to explore the use of twitter by communities in disaster affected areas. We use the geo location feature to separate information from inside and outside the disaster site. This research gives depiction about communication behavior of people in affected disaster area through social media. The result showed that people in disaster location use twi!er to give first hand report, coordinate rescue effort and give help and express the grief. In practical term, this research explores the used of social media by the victims of disaster that can encourage effective communication to people or group outside the location while theoretically, this research gives more detail understanding about shared information from people in disaster place. Keywords: disaster communication, disaster area, geolocation, and twi!er 1. Introduction Disaster communication is one of important elements in disaster management. Effective communication will decrease the impact of disaster (Rodríguez, Díaz, Santos, & Aguirre, 2007; Takahashi, Tandoc, & Carmichael, 2015)). As the consequence, developing effective disaster communication is a priority. The functions of communication in disaster are increasing alertness of individual and community, increasing endurance of individual and community, decreasing distress and maladaptive behaviors, promoting the health, mechanism and recovery, increasing society s awareness about what happen and connecting the people (J. Houston, 2012). The emergence of social media pledges the better disaster communication. individual can communicate two ways to society about the disaster (Fraustino, Liu, & Yan, 2012). Alexander (2014) identifies seven benefits of social media in disaster, such as giving the opportunity for people to give moral and material supports, monitoring the situation of disaster, integrating data of social media into disaster management, collaborating to help disaster victims, making social cohesion and promoting therapeutic initiatives, fundraising and research. This research aimed to explore the using of social media in disaster area. This research used geo location twi!er feature to obtain tweets from certain area. This research is useful in practice and theoretic. In practical term, it explores the used of social media by the victims of disaster that can encourage effective communication to people or group outside the location. Theoretically, this research gives more detail understanding about shared information from people in disaster place. 23

34 Chapter I: Smart City and Digital Issues 2. Research Methods Tweet in this research is gathered by doing scrapping in site with making use of API twi!er. The research used larger keyword to maximize research result. Researchers also used geo location feature to give depiction more detail about shared information during and after the disaster. Tweet is taken by using keyword and certain time as follow: Number No Location Disaster Keyword Date of tweet collected 1 Garut Banjir Banjir, bantuan, September Sumedang Banjir bencana, korban, September #banjir #prayfor 3 Bandung Banjir October Total 1083 Table 1 Data Collecting Profile This research is taken from twi!er server by utilizing API Twi!er with scrapping. Scrapping process is used by utilizing library Python Tweepy en/v3.5.0/api.html#tweepy-api-twi!er-api-wrapper and Twi!er API. Scrapping tweet is done automatically to take data tweet with certain time which can be determined. System will take data according to determined keyword then save into database mysql. The data is exported to file txt. Scrapping result is given code manually to group tweet in category which is made by Takahasi et al (2015). By seeing researcher bio will categorize the user in civil society, NGO and media. The last, researcher will find the different information which is shared during and after the disaster by seeing time and date. 3. Findings and Discussion 24 Category Sumedang Bandung Garut Total Report of disaster from users perspective 36% 77% 35% 49% Disaster report (secondhand reporting) 2% 1% 5% 3% Demand for help 1% 2% 2% 2% Coordinating relief effort 34% 3% 36% 24% Providing counseling and help of health and mental 5% 0% 4% 3% Criticizing government 0% 1% 0% 0% Expressing the sympathy 17% 4% 14% 11% Discussing the cause of disaster 0% 2% 0% 1% Misc. 6% 11% 2% 6% Total Table 3. Shared Information by Netizens in affected Area

35 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 Table 1 explains that generally 3 information which are often shared by netizens in affected area such as disaster report from users perspective, coordinating relief effort and express the sympathy. The highest level is disaster report from user perspective which reaches 49% from the whole tweets which are collected. Generally, tweets in this category are about weather report and up to date condition in disaster area. The second place is coordinating relief report with percentage of 24% from total of the data. In this category, netizens used the tweets to collect and distribute the help from the people. The last is expressing sympathy with percentage of 11%. In this category, netizens usually pray and hope in order the disaster ends. User sumedang bandung Garut total Society 100% 95% 94% 96% Government 0% 1% 0% 0% Media 0% 4% 5% 3% Celebrity 0% 1% 0% 0% Jurnalist 0% 0% 1% 0% Total Table 4. Users in Affected Area of Disaster By seeing twi!er bio, the writers try to identify kind of users. So far, there are five kind of users who participate in disaster. The users as follow: society, government, media, celebrity and journalist. The result of the research shows that users are dominated by local people with the percentage of 96%. Other than that, there is media with 3%. Medias who participate are local medias of radio or local news organization. City Bandung Garut Sumedang Total Category During The Day After The Rest During The Day After The Rest During The Day After The Rest During The Day After The Rest Disater report from users perspective Coordinatin g relief effort Expressing sympathy 17% 37% 23% 3% 3% 30% 1% 10% 41% 7% 17% 31% 3% 0% 0% 1% 5% 30% 0% 3% 18% 1% 3% 16% 1% 1% 2% 3% 3% 9% 0% 7% 20% 1% 3% 10% Table 5. shared information based on usage time By considering the time of twi!er usage, writers try to identify if there is different information which have been shared each day. The result of the research shows in the first day of disaster, users tend to use twi!er to report the incident of disaster. Then, the information increases the day after. Twi!er usage for coordinating relief effort in 25

36 Chapter I: Smart City and Digital Issues first day, the percentage is not significant, but it will increase for the day after. Likewise, the tweet usage to express sympathy, even though the numbers are not significant, but it keeps increasing every day. 4. Conclusion This research gives depiction about behavior communication for people in affected disaster area through social media. By using framework which was made by Takahashi et al. (2015), this research finds that people in disaster location use twi!er to give first hand report, coordinate rescue effort and give help and express the grief. Then, the result of this research shows that by using geo location, the depiction of twi!er usage is clearer than for bordering the location. By focusing of affected area, twi!er used by people is usually found rather than other users. From the segment of time, the researcher finds number of tweets that will increase each day. Users will share more information the days after rather than the day of disaster. Researcher is sure that by observing tweets which are taken from affected disaster area, it will result clearer information by nit bordering data location of taking. 5. Acknowledgement This study is funded Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada Indonesia. In addition, I would say thanks to Center for Digital Society, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada, for giving me a chance to know more about the issues on digital society. REFERENCES Acar, A., & Muraki, Y. (2011). Twi!er for crisis communication: lessons learned from Japan s tsunami disaster. International Journal of Web Based Communities, 7(3), org/ /ijwbc Alexander, D. E. (2014). Social Media in Disaster Risk Reduction and Crisis Management. Science and Engineering Ethics, 20(3), Binder, A. R. (2012). Figuring out #fukushima: An initial look at functions and content of US twi!er commentary about nuclear risk. Environmental Communication, 6(2), doi.org/ / Blank, G., & Reisdorf, B. C. (2012). The Participatory Web: A user perspective on Web 2.0. Information Communication and Society, 15(4), X Bruns, A., Burgess, J., Crawford, K., & Shaw, F. (2012). #qldfloods Crisis Communication on Twitter in the 2011 South East Queensland Floods. ARC Centre of Excellence for Creative Industries and Innovation. Brisbane. Fraustino, J. D., Liu, B., & Yan, J. (2012). Social Media Use during Disasters: A Review of the Knowledge Base and Gaps. In National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism (pp. 1 39). Houston, J. (2012). Public disaster mental/behavioral health communication: Intervention across disaster phases. Journal of Emergency Management, 10(4), jem Houston, J. B., Hawthorne, J., Perreault, M. F., Park, E. H., Hode, M. G., Halliwell, M.R., Griffith, S. a. (2014). Social media and disasters: a functional framework for social media use in disaster planning, response, and research. Disasters,39(1), disa

37 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 Hughes, A. L., & Palen, L. (2009). Twi!er adoption and use in mass convergence and emergency events. In International ISCRAM Conference (Vol. 6, p. 248). Gotheburg. IJEM Hughes, A. L., Palen, L., Sutton, J., Liu, S. B., & Vieweg, S. (2008). Site-Seeing in Disaster : An Examination of On-Line Social Convergence. In 5th International ISCRAM Conference (pp ). Retrieved from download?doi= &rep=re p1&type=pdf Meikle, G and G. Redden (2011) Introduction: transformation and continuity. In G. Meikle and G. Redden (eds.) News Online: Transformations and Communities. Palgrave Macmillan, New York, NY. pp Miyabe, M., Miura, A., & Aramaki, E. (2012). Use trend analysis of twi!er after the great east japan earthquake. In conference on computer supported cooperative work companion (pp ). Sea!le. Muralidharan, S., Dillistone, K., & Shin, J. H. (2011). The Gulf Coast oil spill: Extending the theory of image restoration discourse to the realm of social media and beyond petroleum. Public Relations Review, 37(3), Murthy, D., & Longwell, S. A. (2013). TWITTER AND DISASTERS: The uses of Twi!er during the 2010 Pakistan floods. Information Communication and Society, 16(6), org/ / x Rodríguez, H., Díaz, W., Santos, J., & Aguirre, B. (2007). Communicating Risk and Uncertainty: Science, Technology, and Disasters at the Crossroads. In H. Rodríguez, E. Quarantelli, & R. Dynes (Eds.), Handbook of Disaster Research (pp ). New York: Springer. Shklovski, I., Palen, L., & Sutton, J. (2008). Finding Community Through Information and Communication Technology During Disaster Events. In ACM Conference on Computer Supported Cooperative Work. Smith, B. G. (2010). Socially distributing public relations: Twi!er, Haiti, and interactivity in social media. Public Relations Review, 36(4), Starbird, K., & Palen, L. (2010). Pass it on?: Retweeting in mass emergency. In Proceedings of the 7th International ISCRAM Conference. Sea!le. Takahashi, B., Tandoc, E. C., & Carmichael, C. (2015). Communicating on Twi!er during a disaster: An analysis of tweets during Typhoon Haiyan in the Philippines. Computers in Human Behavior, 50, Taylor, B. M., Wells, G., Howell, G., & Raphael, B. (2012). The role of social media as psychological first aid as a support to community resilience building. The Australian Journal of Emergency Management, 27(1), Vieweg, S., Hughes, A. L., Starbird, K., & Palen, L. (2010). Microblogging During Two Natural Hazards Events: What Twi!er May Contribute to Situational Awareness. In Proceedings of the 28th international conference on Human factors in computing systems - CHI org/ / Wahlberg, A. A. F., & Lennart, S. (2014). Risk perception and the media. Journal of Risk Research, 3(1),

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39 CHAPTER II POLITICAL ECONOMY

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41 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 Vertical Politics : Socio Economic and Political Impacts of Vertical Housing ( Rusunawa ) in Jakarta and Yogyakarta Amalinda Savirani a, Ian Wilson b, Dana Hasibuan c, Suci Lestari Yuana d, Fadel Basrianto e.1, Desiana e.2 Wulan Pangestika e.3 a Lecturer at the Department of Politics and Government, Fisipol UGM b Researh Fellow at the Asia Research Centre c Lecturer at the Department of Sociology, Fisipol UGM d Lecturer at the Department of International Relation, Fisipol UGM e Researcher at the Reseach Centre for Politics and Government (PolGov), Fisipol UGM Abstract This research will explore so-called vertical politics : the socio-economic and political implications of moves to politics vertical housing for the poor in the urban context of Jakarta and Yogyakarta. There are two dimensions of politics here: a) policies on housing, and b) the everyday life of residents (the poor) after they move to vertical housing, and what kind of socio economic and political impacts they have to deal as an outcome of shifting from landed houses (such as in kampung) into vertical ones (such as rusunawa). Within policies on housing we explore to what extent neoliberal urban policies, such as the monetization of state land, influence the housing agenda and subsequent spatial arrangements. Keywords: urban politics, vertical politics; political economics; vertical housing 1. Introduction Cities in Indonesian have grown rapidly due to urbanization. According to World Bank data in 2015, 57.6% of Indonesians live in cities, with the trend being that this will increase constituting all future population growth. This high percentage is not unique. Globally, UN data shows a steady increase of urban populations globally. The rapid increase in urbanization and urban populations has meant increased pressures and demands for housing. Scarcity of land in cities has meant that government authorities are frequently providing vertical housing, especially for the poor through social housing, while the middle-class access housing via the private sector, i.e. developers. The urban economist, Edward Glaeser (2011) from Harvard University suggests that cities cannot survive or be sustainable without going vertical, in order to deal with scarcity of land. Indonesian cities are beginning to follow this trend going vertical too, in terms of both public housing provision as well as the private sector. Therefore, a study on this topic is not only academically relevant but also pressing, for a better understanding of the multi-dimensional implications of housing policies, such as the socio economics and political impact of vertical social housing on the poor. Understanding the implications of vertical urbanization means understanding the future of Indonesia. Some of the most pressing issues are social housing for the poor including in Jakarta, which is home to 20% of Indonesia s total urban population, as well as expanding and transforming 31

42 Chapter II: Political Economy urban centers such as Yogyakarta. While eviction has long been a central means by which government has spatially managed the urban poor, under the leadership of Jakarta s governor Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (2014-present), Jakarta s regional administration have evicted the poor at an unprecedented rate as part of a ostensive larger project of urban renewal and infrastructural improvement. According to the Jakarta Legal Aid Foundation (LBH), between , there were hundreds of evictions, which uprooted over Jakarta residents (h!p:// Research Question This research attempts to answer two sets of research questions: a) How are policies on urban housing for the poor established? And b) What are the social-economic, and political implications of the shift from landed house (in horizontal context) in kampung, to vertical housing (rusunawa) among the poor? In order to reveal those questions, we combine quantitative and qualitative research methods. We will conduct a small survey in selected rusunawa, and this will be followed by a qualitative technique of observations, in-depth interviews with residents, as well as drawing on available secondary sources including government policy documents. 2. Research Methods Scholars examining the trajectories of housing reform in Eastern Europe and China (Wang & Murie, 2000) for example have identified how changes from urban villages to vertical housing intertwined with processes of increasing social and physical segregation, exclusion and privatization reflective of the shifting demands of market capital and land speculators. Physical exclusion or segregation from urban infrastructure, such as in enforced distance from sources of livelihood generation or denial of services, can then serve to facilitate new forms of social exclusion, exchange and extraction, that can bring into question broader notions of citizenship and social and political rights. But as much as infrastructure constrains it also offers possibilities for just and equitable social transformation, and can produce distinct forms of political consciousness, networks and action. Knowledge of space is critical to understanding the production and transformation of social and economic relations, and in this regard the built environment, including physical infrastructure, is an important concept for any endeavor in social analysis. There is now a solid body of scholarly work looking at the political economy of urban space, its production and reproduction, and the ways in which the built environment reflects, produces and reproduces socio-economic relations. This project situates itself within this scholarly field. It builds upon some of the key critical insights and analysis of scholars such as Lefebrvre, Harvey (2001, 2008) Graham (2010, 2016) and Rogers (2012), and in particular seeks to analyze and understand the socio-spatial and political implications of the transformations of urban living arrangements for the urban poor, working class and precariat from the horizontal (kampung) to the vertical (rusunawa). Material infrastructure such as buildings, streets and is understood, in this context, as a medium for conveyance that establishes a concrete, steel, pipe and cable framework for how urban residents are able to reach and interact with each other, how they are able to think about how they are positioned and located in relation to each other, as well as other social and economic groups, processes and interests. The structural is reflected in the infrastructural, in so far as it shapes, enables and constrains. Infrastructure however is not structuralist in the sense of underlying or primary cause, but in the often-literal concrete and steel arrangements that facilitate or enable other such arrangements, and as a way for making and reproducing a particular kind of social world. As Harvey (2008) has argued, class and power relations are frequently built into, or at least implicit, in many urban plans, and physical infrastructure plays a significant role in the sedimentation and workings of unjust social relations and orders, conventions and practices. 32

43 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 The predominance of positivist rational problem-solving policy approaches towards issues of housing and the utilization of highly contested and monetized urban space and the position of the poor and working class, have often tended to further obscure these relations. And as Graham (2016) has argued, as the world surface becomes more congested and contested and urbanization covers more of the planet, political and social struggles are taking on an increasingly three- dimensional form within densely stacked societies. Urban citizenship Generally, there are three main approaches to urban citizenship: transnational, rescaling, and agency-centered (Varsanyi 2006). According to Cohen and Margalit (2015), who refer to Sassen (2000), the first group understands urban citizenship as a kind of political identity with roots within new enabling cosmopolitan spaces. Rescaling approaches challenge this approach by arguing the necessity to situate citizenship within a more local context rather than a national or transnational one, because it is at this smaller setting that the act of citizenship is more concrete and experienced. The third body of literature offers a process-driven alternative on the topic, by laying out a dynamic constellation, and locates citizenship as a constantly changing relationship between residents and urban space. Furthermore,. urban citizenship is contested process of negotiation through which various agents are able to make claims on, for and through urban space (Ehrkamp and Leitner, 2003 cited in Cohen and Margalit 2015: 668). This research suits more to the third one, and the exploration is below. The third approach positions urban citizenship as a practice of remaking notions of urban life itself (Simone 2011: 359). The city is understood as a specific socio political and institutional se!ing (Blokland et all, 2015). Holston (2007) argues that the city functions as a place where living and struggle for citizenship are intermingled. Here, city is regarded as much more than geographical place or administrative entity. Spatial politics, including vertical one, is an important dimension in this research. In this agency-centered approach, contested process of negotiation through which various agents are able to make claims on, for and through urban space, is the essence of this approach. This approach draws on Harvey s argument that the city is a site of place-based resistance movements as incoherent and fraught with internal contradictions, and where militant particularism (dynamics of fragmentation within a framework of capital accumulation and class struggle) take place. Thus, there are three elements at once within this approach: (a) a process of struggle to claim rights among residents (including contradiction, fragmentation, and particularism (b); these struggles are situated in two main contexts at once: spatial and capital accumulation of the city. As struggle is a key of this approach, social movement and participation are two aspects that can hardly be separated from this approach. And thirdly (c), the notion of rights. Types of right entails the right not to be marginalized in decision making, nor to be channeled into certain political discussions or decision-making process and into others on the basis of one s similarity to or difference from other individual or group (McCann 2002; 78 as cited in Cohen and Margalit 2015). Furthermore, city citizens rights are considered as fundamental rights, and a valid end in itself. Because only by acknowledging this, as Harvey suggests the right to claim some kind of shaping power over the process of urbanization, over the ways in which our cities are made and re-made and to do so in a fundamental and radical way (2012:5). This research applies the third approach in the study of urban citizenship to understand two cases of rights among the urban poor community. 3. Findings and Discussion In order to answer the above-mentioned questions which sets out to understand the impacts of vertical housing policies for the poor in Jakarta and its relationship with sociospatial reconfiguration of the city, researchers combine two main methodological approaches: quantitative and qualitative methods, in two cities (Jakarta and Yogyakarta), within two time frames: before and after the relocation as well as the short and long term experience in 33

44 Chapter II: Political Economy adapting in vertical housing. This study focus in Jakarta and Yogyakarta as both cities have witnessed and experienced rapid development in the last 10 years. This indicates that both cities actually share similar exposure toward neoliberal market force. Hence, instead of comparing the difference and similarities between Jakarta and Yogyakarta, it will be more productive to highlight the various ways of intervention of neoliberal force in the two cities while at the same time not being entrapped in excluding the unique characteristic of each city. In other words, Jakarta and Yogyakarta are depicted in this study to illustrate the operation of neoliberal force. To conduct research activity, this proposal proposes three locations of area of research in Jakarta and three locations of area of research in Yogyakarta. Small survey is executed in the two cities, with survey sample of 179 spread in three rusunawa (Dabag, Juminahan and Banguntapan/Projotamansari 3), and 300 samples in three rusunawa in Jakarta (Rawa Bebek, Pesakih and Muara Baru). Designating a broad and holistic picture of socio-spatial transformation in the two cities requires both quantitative and qualitative methods, which complement each other ontological and epistemological strengths and weaknesses. Quantitative method will be utilized here to collect general information of rusunawa residents to highlight the changes before and after relocation as well as short and long term experience in adapting in vertical housing.. The instrument to conduct this activity is a questionnaire that will be equipped with baseline data such as family background, socio-economic conditions, and access to public facilities. In relation to quantitative method, qualitative method will be used to explore and interpret various degrees of narratives emerging from the rusunawa grounds. This activity will be conducted through FGD and in-depth interview. Although there are two cities as our research areas, it is not meant to have a strict comparison between the twos. The two cities have completely different characteristics economically, socially, politically, and spatially. Thus, it is not an apple-to-apple comparison. However, we argue, our understanding on how thing works, will be be"er if we also have other case to as a point of reference compare. Therefore, the two case studies of cities will be used to qualify our explanation on vertical housing policies we attempt to understand. 4. Conclusion There are four main findings in this research explored as below: 1. Housing provision for the poor is part of spatial politics in urban se"ing 2. Vertical social housing through eviction has impoverished the poor. 3. Housing is a political project in the urban context aiming at the poor partly to create modern city. 4. To create this modernity among the poor, various strategies to disciplines them are at work: in terms of distance, design, and welfare program. 5. Despite this government strategy to discipline poor population in urban context, they have ways to respond it as part of urban poor daily tactics. 5. Acknowledgement Researcher team thanks to three parties as follows: Fisipol UGM for research grant; survey enumerators in Jakarta (residence at Rawa Bebek, Pesakih, and muara baru, and last to UPC/ JRMK in Jakarta for their support. 34

45 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 REFERENCES Badan Pusat Statistik, Kepadatan Penduduk , from h!ps:// linktabledinamis/view/id/842 Accessed Bank, T. W. (2013, August 2013). Which Coastal Cities Are at Highest Risk of Damaging Floods? New Study Crunches the Numbers. Retrieved October 15, 2017, from The World Bank: h!p:// Accessed Glaeser, Edward. (2011). Triumph of the City. Penguin Press, New York. Graham, Stephen (2010). Cities Under Siege: The New Military Urbanism, Verso, London. Graham, Stephen (2016). Vertical: Looking at the City from Above and Below, Verso, London. Harvey, David. (2001). Spaces of Hope. University of California Press, California. Harvey, David. (2008). A Brief History of Neoliberalism. Oxford University Press, Oxford. Lembaga Bantuan Hukum Jakarta (2016). Seperti Puing: Laporan Penggusuran Paksa di Wilayah DKI Jakarta Tahun 2016., from LBH Jakarta: h!ps:// Rogers, Dennis (2012), Infrastructural violence, in Ethnography, Vol 13, Issue 4, Wang, Ya Ping and Alan Murie. (2000). Social and Spatial Implications of Housing Reform in China, International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 24. 2,

46 Chapter II: Political Economy Assembling Land for Capital Accumulation: Internal Territorialisation and Land Dispossession Under Merauke Food and Energy Estate (MIFEE) in Papua Province Of Indonesia Nanang Indra Kurniawan a,*, Muhammad Najib b, Rachael Diprose c.1, Kate MacDonald c.2, Muhammad Djindan d.1, Indah Suryawardhani d.2, Ayu Diasti Rahmawati e, Devy Dhian Cahyati d.3 a Lecturer at the Department of Politics and Government, Fisipol UGM b Lecturer at the Department of Sociology, Fisipol UGM c School of Social and Political Sciences, Melbourne University d Researcher at the Research Center for Politics and Government (PolGov), Fisipol UGM e Lecturer at the Department of International Relations, Fisipol UGM Abstract This article discusses the effort of the state to establish and expand its control over people and resources in an indigenous area. Drawing on a field study of Merauke Integrated Food and Energy Estate (MIFEE) in Merauke, Papua Province of Indonesia, we explore the process of large-scale dispossession of indigenous lands for palm oil, industrial forestry, sugar cane plantation, and mega rice project. By investigating how land dispossession are connected not only to capital accumulation but also formation and consolidation of state, we seek to understand the phenomenon of internal territorialisation. This paper provides a critical review of some influential literatures that have sought to analyse internal territorialisation as a state-driven process. We use the concept of assemblage to analyse the construction of land as commodity, and how it affects land dispossession and internal territorialisation. The analysis is conducted by exploring four dimensions of assemblage: relations, materialities, technologies, and discourses. The main argument of this paper is that state s internal territorialisation in Papua appears th rough a complex assemblage of actors and practices that constitute the state s control of indigenous space. Keywords: territorialisation, land dispossession, indigenous land, assemblage, Papua, Indonesia 1. Introduction This article is an effort to explore the process of internal territorialisation the process of including and excluding people within particular geographic boundaries, and of controlling what people do and their access to natural resources within those boundaries (Vandergeest and Peluso, 1995) - in Papua. The main question is: how does the state continuously maintain and expand control over people and natural resources in area claimed as indigenous area in a context of emerging nationalist mobilization with secessionist demand? To understand the contemporary process of internal territorialisation in Papua,we draw on the case of Merauke Integrated Food and Energy Estate (MIFEE) in Merauke District, 36

47 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 Papua Province of Indonesia; a project which allocated 1.28 million ha of land - mostly in area claimed as indigenous land - for palm oil, rice field, cane sugar plantation, industrial forestry ( Three Years of MIFEE, 2013). This project itself was initiated in 2010 by the national government as a result of a coalition of interests among actors at local, national, and international level involving corporate actors, central government, and local elites (Ito, et.al.,2014).the project has sparked land conflicts as companies claimed large area of indigenous land of the Marind Anim tribe, the biggest tribe lives in Merauke district, and the Papuan local government granted location permits to companies neglecting Marin Anim s customary laws and practices who rely on their land for their survival (Dewi 2016). This article challenges dominant literatures which see internal territorialisation as a state controlled process by exploring the networks of state and non-state actors in the MIFEE project. As we show here, internal territorialisation under MIFEE project is a complex process of formation of heterogenous networks which works through negotiations, compromises, as well as conflicts. By exploring this case we intend, first,to highlight the interplay between formation and normalisation of the state and capital accumulation; second, to demonstrate how internal territorialisation works through assemblage of actors mobilised around common territorial objective (Cavanagh&Himmelfarb 2015) and how it becomes the vehicle of non-state actors to get access and control over resources in the indigenous area. Internal territorialisation, as we show, is the effect of the assemblage of both state and non-state actors and practices which constitute state control over people and resources. This argument is supported in four sections. First, we review works on common enclosure and how it connects with the process of internal territorialisation. Second, we outline an assemblage framework for analysing internal territorialisation. Third, we explore the emergence of MIFEE project in Merauke, Papua in a context of special autonomy. Fourth, we explore the role of non-state actors mainly indigenous community in the establishment of MIFEE. Research Question How does the state maintain and expand control over people and resources in Papua through MIFEE? Research Framework To fully comprehend the interlink between land dispossession and internal territorialisation much can be gained from concept of assemblage. As highlighted by Anderson and McFarlane (2011) assemblage has been increasingly used in geographical scholarship as an alternative analytical approach to conceptualise the constitution of entities and constructs. Current works on assemblage have been much influenced by Deleuze and Gua"ariwho define assemblage as a mode of ordering heterogeneous entities so that they work together for a certain time (Deleuze and Gua"ari, 1980 as cited by Müller#2015:28). It is a constellation of components that have been selected from a milieu, organised and stratified, in which stability, disruption, uncertainty, non-linearity, and agency are part of the processes (Anderson and McFarlane 2011). In Li (2007) words, assemblage is the on-going labour of bringing disparate elements together and forging connections between them. Throughout this article we employ Li (2014) which put emphasis on materialities, relations, technologies, and discourses to analyse assemblage. 2. Research Methods This research use a qualitative approach by combining interview, observation, and documentary methods for data collection. The field research was conducted on August 2017 to observation and interview some key actors, such as, The local official, local politician, NGO, indigenous community and activist. 37

48 Chapter II: Political Economy 3. Findings and Discussion Feed Indonesia, then feed the world. This MIFEE slogan has illuminated the vision of the mega-scale project in Merauke District, Papua Province. It is a discourse which seek to justify state s effort to establish and maintain capital accumulation in Papua and to align various actors in MIFEE. Through MIFEE the government produce a discourse about the potential role of Indonesia to address the coming global food crisis. Even though the project has been created political complications and raised conflicts both between among state and community-- due to allocation of area, forest area conversion, as well as its ecological and socialimplications to the community within and surrounding the projects the construct of land as commodity has been gradually emerged. Figure 1. Map of Papua and Merauke District (Awas MFEE, 2013) The emergence of MIFEE project can not be separated from previous project called Merauke Integrated Rice Estate or MIRE. This project was established as part of government s strategy to develop Merauke as main rice producer in Eastern Indonesia and to achieve rice self-sufficiency. This area is dominated by flat land of forest, savannah and swamps. The idea of to develop rice estate in Merauke came from the former head of Merauke District, Johannes Gluba Gebze, who at his second office in MIRE was established not only for resuscitatingrice cultivation in Merauke region which was initiated during colonial period but also part of his political project. Prior to the launching, MIFEE had been a part of the political instruments used by local elites the during political campaign. Our research found that the state was not a monolithic actor in delivering MIFEE. The lack of the central government to consolidate the actors and agencies in conducting this megaproject had opened opportunities for corporate actors, local elites, and non- governmental institution to pursue their own-interests using MIFEE issues. The process of transforming land into a resource for global investment under MIFEE has become more complex with direct and indirect involvement of Papuan elites in the initiation and implementation of the project. This process has been possible with the special autonomy enjoyed by Papuans since Special Autonomy has opened space that delivered opportunities for Papuan to negotiate their interests to the central government, including MIFEE project. Large scale land use for MIFEE has sparked criticism from various actors. In responding to the area allocation by the government that divided it into 10 clusters spreading out in 16 districts, a coalition of civil society organisations consists of both local and national NGOs- - claimed that MIFEE project run on land occupied and used by the Malind people and other indigenous peoples (Ito, Rachman, and Savitri, 2011; Franky, 2014; People s Coalition for Food Sovereignty, 2015). They argue that the project will create serious environmental and social problems due to its potential ecological destruction and lack of recognition to indigenous rights. From our discussion with some activists they do not reject the project as long as it is 38

49 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 based on environmental friendly procedures and recognition of indigenous rights. Despite the complexities and various obstacles, this network of NGOs continues to challenge the MIFEE project and widen its advocacy network to international level. The implementation of MIFEE since 2010 has led to massive indigenous land dispossession particularly among Marind-Anim tribe. While dominant works on MIFEE see this dispossession as a state-driven project, in fact, as shown here, it also involves local indigenous elites and institutions. Dispossession is also the effect relations between actors within indigenous Papuan people. This process has been possible with national political setting changes since 1990s which has created a more complex relations not only between state and indigenous communities but also within communities. The implementation of MIFEE since 2010 has led to massive indigenous land dispossession particularly among Marind-Anim tribe. While dominant works on MIFEE see this dispossession as a state-driven project, in fact, as shown here, it also involves local indigenous elites and institutions. Our recent investigation in Merauke finds that adat-based actor such as LMA and DAP have an ambiguous views with regard to the development in Papua. The head of Merauke s LMA, for example, brought the issue that there are a lot of companies in rural Merauke that operate without an adequate adat-license and thus expressed his disgust to the way these companies marginalized the indigenous community. On the other hand, he also pinpointed that the LMA Merauke is more than ready to facilitate the investors to comply with adatrequirements in acquiring land through adat mechanism. Despite the conspicuous rentseeking motive, these statements show that the organization is more than capable to act as an actor instead of merely as an instrument for other interests in the contestation This is where the role of the adat arena becomes crucial to explain the processes of converting land into a commodity in Merauke. The understanding that indigenous land cannot be sold is then contested in the adat arena and the final conclusion was that despite its unsellable status, it can still be rented. This conclusion, to some extent, is a manifestation of the benefit that adat-organization leaders and local communities can enjoy from the land conversion processes in Merauke. Despite the short term benefit, we all noted that this potentially harm the indigenous communities in the longer term. 4. Conclusion Throughout the article we have discussed the process of the state to maintain and expand its control over people and resources in the area claimed as indigenous space. MIFEE case shows how the ideas and practices of commodifying indigenous lands for capital accumulation involve various of actors ranging from national and local government with its elites, national and global corporations, as well as Papuan indigenous elites shaped by not only compromising and negotiating different interest but also conflicts. The case of MIFEE shows how the production of uniform territory, or internal territorialisation, itself also work through dispersion and realignment, assembling and disassembling, deterritorialisation and reterritorialization of materialities, relations, technologies, and discourses.internal territorialisation thus is not merely as a state project but also the effects of these complex relations. We expect that the use of assemblage approach in the case of MIFEE to analyse the process of internal territorialisation will contribute to the way we understand not only the complex process of internal territorialisation but also the concept and practice of state 5. Acknowledgement This research would never happen without research grant from Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada and support from School of Social and Political Sciences, The University of Melbourne. We would also like to thank Poppy S. Winanti who has given insightful comments for this research. Also Riska Agustin and Yerikho Adi for their support in secondary data collection. 39

50 Chapter II: Political Economy REFERENCES Anderson, B., & McFarlane, C. (2011). Assemblage and geography. Area, 43(2), Cavanagh, C. J., & Himmelfarb, D. (2015). Much in Blood and Money : Necropolitical Ecology on the Margins of the Uganda Protectorate. Antipode, 47(1), Dewi, R. (2016). Gaining Recognition Through Participatory Mapping? The Role of Adat Land in the Implementation of the Merauke Integrated Food and Energy Estate in Papua, Indonesia. ASEAS Austrian Journal of South-East Asian Studies, 9(1), Franky, Y.L Mega Proyek MIFEE: SukuMalindAnim Dan Pelanggaran HAM Referensi HAM. ELSAM. suku-malindanim-dan-pelanggaran-ham/. Ito, By Takeshi, Noer Fauzi Rachman, and Laksmi A Savitri Naturalizing Land Dispossession : A Policy Discourse Analysis of the Merauke Integrated Food and Energy Estate Global Land Grabbing. Energy, no. April. Ito, T., Rachman, N. F., & Savitri, L. A. (2014). Power to make land dispossession acceptable: a policy discourse analysis of the Merauke Integrated Food and Energy Estate (MIFEE), Papua, Indonesia. Journal of Peasant Studies, 41(1), Li, T. M. (2014). What is land? Assembling a resource for global investment. Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, 39(4), Müller, M. (2015). Assemblages and actor-networks: Rethinking socio-material power, politics and space. Geography Compass, 9(1), Vandergeest, P., &Peluso, N. L. (1995). Territorialization and state power in Thailand. Theory and society, 24(3),

51 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 Geo Literacy : North Sulawesi as Maritime Frontier Cornelis Lay a.1,*, Purwo Santoso a.2,, Theresia Octastevani a.3, Nur Azizah a.4, Azifah R Astrina b.1, Ignasius Juru b.2, Wisnu M Adiputra c, Atin Prabandari d, I Made Andi Arsana e, Agung S Nugroho f, Wegik Prasetyo b.3, Abner S Tindi g,1, Fian R g,2, Aldila P. Harnida h a Lecturer at the Departemnt of Politics and Government, Fisipol UGM b Researcher at the Department of Politics and Government, Fisipol UGM c Lecturer at the Department of Communication Sciences, Fisipol UGM d Lecturer at the Department of International Relation Sciences, Fisipol UGM e Lecturer at the Geodetic Engineering, UGM g Student of Department of Politics and Government, Fisipol UGM h Student of Department of Communication Sciences, Fisipol UGM * conny@ugm.ac.id Abstract This article intends to see how far geo-literacy operates in the two outermost islands of North Sulawesi Province, namely Sangihe and Talaud as frontiers areas. This study is guided by the main question: How does geo-literacy affect constrained constellations in Sangihe and Talaud as frontiers areas? This question is then elaborated through three elements of geo-literacy, namely interaction, interconnection and implications. Interaction and interconnection will explain how frontier, as a process was established in the daily practice of society; implications will highlight the frontier as an institution. To understand frontier as an institution, it is necessary to explore how the knowledge of space is institutionalized in border policy. This article argues that border policy has tended to ignore the knowledge of space owned by the community. The policies generated by the state precisely put forward the mental maps that focus on the dimensions of territorialism. Keywords: borders, frontiers, geo-literacy, Sangihe, Talaud, sea connectivity 1. Introduction Sangihe - Talaud as a Frontier areas were established through a long historical process since the colonial times and repeatedly reproduced by various state policy interventions. Before becoming a frontier area, Sangihe -Talaud was known as a commercial crossing route that contacted Maluku as the herbs and spices hub with China and the Philippines to the north and Malacca in the western part of the archipelago. The spatial function inherent in this region makes this area an important path that has economic and political advantages. Those who control this region means controlling trade route to the Maluku region. This condition encourages the European nations to seize control and influence over this region. In tension to seize influence and power over this region, the Netherlands, through the VOC, succeeded in becoming a colonial power that controlled the economic and political processes of the Sangihe-Talaud region. Dutch control of these two areas became an important point 41

52 Chapter II: Political Economy in explaining the transformation of space in Sangihe -Talaud. The Dutch presence with all its colonial interests has made these two areas a border region that serves as a frontier separating the territories of the Netherlands and Spain in the Philippines. This process undergoes a more complete consolidation form when the decolonization process makes the Sangihe -Talaud region a part of Indonesian territory. This study comes as the need to fill the scarcity of border studies that seriously look at the frontier constellation from a geo-literacy point of view. So far, border studies in Indonesia have been heavily influenced by historical, ethnographic, and discourse perspectives. The perspective contributes to explaining the borders as arenas that are contingent, liquid and fragmented. However, such approaches have often failed to see one of the most fundamental aspects of frontier study, namely, the understanding of space. Moreover, empirically, this study is a response to the gap in border governance, which has neglected the aspects of community space knowledge. This is reflected in the various policies that are not sensitive to spatial practices that have long been developed within the community. The policy, which dates back to the colonial period to the present day, has reproduced the reason of territorialism in constructing the frontier at Sangihe-Talaud. However, the aspect of territorialism that consistently represents the mental maps embedded within the state, has always been challenged by the awareness and knowledge of spaces that have historically been sedimented in such a way in society. The debate that then comes is how Sangihe and Talaud operate as frontiers can tangle and affect the construction of national borders (fixed border), or it can be contradictory and not related at all (Eilenberg, 2014). Research questions How does geo-literacy affect constrained constellations in Sangihe and Talaud as frontiers areas? Research framework This paper is based on two main concepts of frontier and geo-literacy. It is important to understand that frontier itself as a term and a concept contains a variety of meanings. Frontier is sometimes understood as a discursively constructed space entity (Eilenberg, 2014). In addition, frontier is sometimes interpreted as a moving zone (Curzon, 1907). However, in this paper the frontier is understood as both institution and process (Malcolm, 1996). As an institution, frontiers are shaped by political decisions and regulated by legal texts or various legal rules. Thus, frontiers become the basic political institutions that organize and regulate limitations of border practices. As a process, frontier has four aspects: first, frontier as the instrument of state policy. In this aspect, frontier serves the interests of the state. Second, frontier as a part of a vulnerable state entity and is a subject to change. Third, frontier as identity marker. And fourth, frontier as a discourse. As a discourse, frontier is determined by various meaningful practices. The definition of frontier as an institution and process is a broad and open definition. Through these theoretical constructs, the authors not only limit themselves to understanding frontier in one aspect only, but can explore the various aspects that determine the existence of frontier. As already noted, this article aims to understand the frontier through geo-literacy lenses. Geo- literacy as the concept of space, formed by three major components, namely interaction, interconnection and implications (Edelson, 2014). Interaction refers to the understanding of the natural and human systems and analyzed at the functions and interactions between the two. Interconnection means seeing relationships between regions (historical and geographical relations) on a different scale, from local to global. Implication refers to the realization that every decision in spatial awareness always has a broad systemic impact. Deep elaboration of the three components of the Geo-Literacy will determine the frontier constellations from both aspects; institutional and process. 42

53 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days Research methods Methodologically, the identification of the three elements of geo-literacy is done through interviews that are divided into three main regions. First, is the Talaud Islands District, with whom we interviewed local fishermen from Indonesia and the Philippines, ship workers, customary leaders, district and village government officials. Secondly, the District of Sangihe Islands, with whom we interviewed former cross-border traffickers during the Old Order and the New Order era, the current cross-border traffickers, fishermen from the sub-district of Tinakareng, the custom leaders and the local community. Third, the City of Manado, with whom we interviewed former Chief of BNPB Sangihe, staff of Bakamla, local political actors. We considered Manado as a strategic source of information to get insight of the border management that has been developed in North Sulawesi. 3. Findings and Discussion 3.1. The proximity of Sangihe-Talaud society to nature has long been institutionalized in the tradition amongst fishing communities, especially to the Marore Islands community, known as the tradition of Badaseng. The meaning of Badaseng is derived from the mobility habits of the fishermen who engage in sedentary activities on the islands, whether inhabited or not, located around their fishing grounds. In addition, the richness of this Badaseng tradition lies in the ability to understand the natural cycle through the meaning of the circulation of the moon and stars, which in Sangir society is known as batiang, or calendar system. This tradition also contains knowledge of fishermen on the pa"ern of fish migration, the currents, the depth of the ocean and the catching areas (Ulaen, 2003). The tradition of Badaseng is still an interesting illustration depicting the mobility of the Sangihe community. Badaseng can be interpreted as; first, the community s understanding of nature has impacted on wider moving space (Ulaen, 2003), or in other words can be defined as resource based mobility. Second, temporary residence activities have become part of the networking process, first it was transit, then settled and married, and formed as se lements (Ulaen, 2003). Third, fishing as a basic livelihood, making the fishermen play as the main cross-border actors. (Ulaen, 2003), Badaseng suggests that sea activities created by those fishermen can be categorized as unconscious trans-national practices The central government uses the checkpoint logic in managing the sea border of the North Sea region of Indonesia, where the border strategic points are determined based on the proximity to its neighboring land. The same imagination used when imagining the land border, where one checkpoint can work while the other space is fenced in. This is inversely proportional to the logic of the sea border, where cross-border actors understand space as a liquid zone. As it is wri"en in the tradition of Badaseng, for the people of Sangihe-Talaud, checkpoint is located almost on every island. Border crossers who are labeled as illegal, do not use check border station as entrance and exit, but use dark lane, pelabuhan tikus, or be"er known as taxi ancestor seludupe, in Manado (Pristiwanto, 2014). 4. Acknowledgements The Research Team would like to share a gratitude to the Faculty of Social and Political Sciences of UGM for the research grant, and also to Yayasan Dian Rakyat Indonesia and Balai Pelestarian Sejarah dan Nilai Budaya Manado for helping us during our field research. 43

54 Chapter II: Political Economy REFERENCES Anderson, Malcolm (1996). Frontiers: Territory and State Formation in the Modern World. Cambridge: Polity Press. Austin, D. (2009). Fatty acids, breastfeeding and autism spectrum disorder. E-journal of Applied Psychology, 5(1), Retrieved from h!p://ojs/lib.swin.edu.au/ Brown, W. (2010). Walled State Waning Sovereignty.. New York: Zone Books. Curzon, G. (1907). Frontiers. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Edelson, D. (2014). Geo-Literacy: Preparation for 21st Century Decision Making. National Geographic Education. Eilenberg, M. (2012). At The Edges of States. Leiden: KITLV Press. Eilenberg, M. (2014). Frontier Constellations: Agrarian Expansion and Sovereignty on the Indonesian-Malaysian Border. The Journal of Peasant Studies. Galani, Lia (2016). Geo-Literacy as the Basis of the Building of Cultural Identity. European Journal of Geography, Vol. 7, Number 1:17. Gritzner, Charles, F. (2003). Why Geography? Journal of Geography, 102:2, DOI: / Ishikawa, N. (2009). Between Frontiers: Nation and Identity in a Southeast Asian Borderland. Singapore: NUS. Kolossov, V. (2014). Border Studies: Changing Perspective and Theoretical Approaches. Geopolitics, Lapian, A. B. (2009 ). Orang Laut, Bajak Laut, Raja Laut: Sejarah Kawasan Laut Sulawesi Abad XIX. Depok: Komunitas Bambu. Migdal, Joel, S. (2004). Mental Maps and Virtual Checkpoints: Struggles to Construct and Maintain State and Social Boundaries. Dalam J. S. Migdal (Ed.), Boundaries and Belonging: States and Societies in the Struggle to Shape Identities and Local Practices (hal. 3-26). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Lay, C., Triadi, E., Hiariej, E., Putra, I. G., Haryono, E., Endaryanta, E.,... Adityo, B. (2015). Rethinking The Border: In Search of Border Governance Concept. Yogyakarta: Research Centre for Politics and Government (PolGov). Malcolm, A. (1996). Frontiers: Territory and State Formation in the Modern World. Cambridge: Polity Press. Massey, D. (2005). For Space. London: Sage. Negri, Antoni, & Hardt, M. (2000). Empire. Massachuse!s: Harvard University Press. Pristiwanto. (2014). Pelintas Batas Indonesa-Philippina di Kabupaten Sangihe. Yogyakarta: Kepel Press. Pristiwanto. (2015). Mobilitas Undocumented Citizen di Wilayah Perbatasan Indonesia dan Filipina. Yogyakarta: Kepel Press. Rijanta, R. (2013). Literasi Geografi dan Kecerdasan Spasial Dalam Pembuatan Keputusan Rasional. Prosiding Pertemuan Ilmiah Tahunan XVI, Ikatan Geograf Indonesia, p Salindeho, W., & Sombowadile, P. (2008). Kawasan Sangihe-Talaud- Sitaro: Daerah Perbatasan, Keterbatasan dan Pembatasan. Yogyakarta: FUSPAd. Schmi!, C. (2006). The Nomos of the Earth in the International Law of the Jus Publicum Europaeum. New York: Telos Press Publishing. Susilawati, A. S. & Arozaq, Miftahul (2013). Kontribusi Geoliteracy terhadap Bencana pada Pembentukan Peserta Didik yang Berkarakter di Sekolah Menengah. Prosiding Pertemuan Ilmiah Tahunan XVI, Ikatan Geograf Indonesia, p Ulaen, A. J. (2003). Nusa Utara: Dari Lintasan Niaga ke Daerah Perbatasan. Yogyakarta: Penerbit Ombak. 44

55 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 Vaughan-Williams, N. (2009). Border Politics The Limits of Sovereign Power. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Zid, Muhammad & Setianingsih, A. I. (2013). Geography Literacy (Kajian Terhadap Sikap Cinta Tanah Air Siswa SD, SMP, SMK di Kecamatan Entikong Kabupaten Sanggau Kalimantan Barat. Prosiding Pertemuan Ilmiah Tahunan XVI, Ikatan Geograf Indonesia, hal

56 Chapter II: Political Economy Behind the Mask of Virtue: An Appearance Of Indocement CSR in The Plan of Cement Factory in Pati Yuyun Purbokusumo a.1, b.1, *, Arif Novianto b.2, Kurnia C. Effendi b.3 a Lecturer at the Department of Public Policy and Management, Fisipol UGM b Researcher at Institute of Governance and Public Affairs (IGPA), MAP UGM * yuyun@ugm.ac.id Abstract Discourses on Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) are generally understood as goodwill and social virtue. The founding of this research on Indocement CSR in Kabupaten Pati is something different. The Indocement CSR implemented in Pati since 2012 was not motivated by business ethics or corporate social virtue. Using political economy analysis, we found: 1) Implementation of Indocement CSR in Pati was in order to facilitate their capital expansion which got strong resistance from the local community who reject the cement factory. 2) Almost 90 programs of Indocement CSR during five years were not able to empower the community or it can be called failed programs. There are two reasons: first, Indocement CSR engaged to village elites and the village elites knew that they are used by Indocement CSR for their capital expansion goals, in that way, the local elites turned take advantage to use fund from Indocement CSR. Second, initial goal of Indocement CSR in Pati was building consensus to provide a red carpet for capital expansion, so that the goal of empowerment becomes non-essential. Third, although Indocement CSR failed in terms of empowerment program, but they have been able to split the movement of cement factory rejection by funding disbursement of CSR program. Keywords: CSR, social virtue, capital expansion, social conflict. 1. Introduction Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) is generally interpreted as the company s social and environmental responsibility, a result of the impact from its production activities. In that context, discourses about CSR are seen as business ethics, goodwill, sincerity, to be called virtues. CSR is constructed as a god who helps selflessly or as the saying just given no hope back. If we refer to this concept of CSR, there is something different happened in Pati District, Central Java. At the end of 2012, various Indocement CSR programs started in Pati District, especially in Tambakromo and Kayen Subdistricts. In this area, the PT Indocement s plant has not been established and is not yet in operation. Meanwhile, PT Sahabat Mulya Sakti (a subsidiary of PT Indocement) is struggling to manage their licenses in Tambakromo and Kayen sub-districts due to strong resistance from the local community. This research starts with the effort to questioning and testing the concept of CSR that has been accepted as business ethics and social virtue. With the Indocement CSR case in Pati District, this research demystifies the ideological interests surround the reality and uncovers hidden phenomena or surpasses the assumptions on CSR paradigm. The results have been able to show the real face of Indocement CSR in Pati which has been trying to cover with a mask of virtue. 46

57 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days Research Methods This research used a post-positivism approach to emphasize the argumentative nature of critical method, as well as its more deliberative - discursive style, a continuous openness to criticism and anti-criticism as a continuum move toward deeper truth. The post-positivism approach is supported by qualitative methods such as ethnography, participant observation, semi-structured interviews, group interviews, informal interviews, and policy review. Researchers were living and spending for 40 days (20 days in community who received Indocement CSR and 20 days with community who refused cement factory) both Tambakromo and Kayen sub-districts, Pati regency. This ethnographic approach is used in data collection as an a!empt to develop ethnographic sensitivity, considered to Yanow explanation to understand actions and actors as far as possible from within their own frame of reference, from their understanding of the situation. For 40 days researchers fed together, slept together, and worked with communities in conflict areas of PT SMS development. There were 59 people we interviewed on semi-structured and 5 group interviews. By prioritizing data triangulation, there were several informants we visited 2 to 3 times to interview with follow-up questions, clarify, re-check data, or confirm the discrepancies in answers with other source information. 3. Findings and Discussion The effort of building a cement factory in Pati District started from 2006 until The period of there was a capital expansion from PT Semen Gresik (now PT Semen Indonesia) in Sukolilo subdistrict which was failed after receiving strong resistance from the community. They lost the Supreme Court decision in 2010 and they replace their cement factory from Pati to Rembang. Not long after that case, PT SMS (a subsidiary of PT Indocement) a!empted to expand to Tambakromo and Kayen Sub-districts (next to Sukolilo Subdistrict) in 2010 until now. The plan to build a cement factory from PT SMS was getting a massive opposition from the public. In , there was hegemonic powers (economic and political rulers) executing a coercive strategy to dampen the movement that rejects cement factory by incorporated to JMPPK (Jaringan Masyarakat Pegeng North Mountains). They committed acts of intimidation, interception, and acts of violence with the aim of disciplining society to behave normally according to the will of the hegemonic power (Novianto, 2016). This coercive power in its development was not able to stem the resistance of society. The community whose reject the cement factory to reversed the strategy by applying discipline at the grassroots level. They seek to establish hegemony by expelling and providing social sanctions (excommunication) to citizens who were considered being pro to the cement plant. In the year , there were seven village heads (from eleven villages as ring one of plans) was approached by the masses to sign a declaration of rejection le!er on the cement factory (ibid). In that context, PT Indocement has adopted another strategy for regeneration. They began to organize Indocement CSR programs and began running by the end of 2012 (together with the split of the community movement which rejects cement factory within the internal JMPPK until emerged the LIKRA). Indocement CSR initially runs through a discursive power mechanism. CSR Indocement always made-up with discourses of goodness and social virtue. Its strategic was done by Indocement CSR in order to direct the people follow the will of power hegemonic. But in fact its strategic did not able to stem the political awareness of masses at the same time they were massive proceed disciplining their ideological interests. Indocement CSR has been used a stealthy and clandestine strategy since 2012 for running their programs. It was their preventive strategy because if people knew that were programs from Indocement CSR, then the actions of destruction, obstruction, expulsion, and social sanctions were very likely to occur. Indocement CSR relies on their relationship with the village elites whose they connected. Through these village elites who helping pave the way Indocement CSR get acquainted with people who were potential to receive Indocement CSR. 47

58 Chapter II: Political Economy PT Indocement also set up a special organization to recruit people to follow group pro-cement factory with an allowance. Thus Indocement CSR party began to socialize the goodness and virtue of their mining plan and build discourse and negative campaign against the movement which refused cement factory. This secret and covert step was often accompanied by undemocratic and manipulative acts. For example, it happened when Indocement CSR runs agricultural and livestock programs, they distributed farming tools, goats, conducted skill training, and other programs facilitated by government. It was not openly from the start that this program was Indocement s CSR program. After the community accepted the program, then CSR Indocement publishes as its program, then when the public knews that it was from CSR program, such this circumstances often being trigger conflict at the grassroots. In some case of the implementation of infrastructure development programs, Indocement CSR was trailing on citizens dues. This strategy becomes the main strategy of Indocement CSR so their programs are used by the public and also its program could not to be damaged by the community which rejected the cement factory (due to the citizens dues of local residents). The case that Indocement CSR followed to citizens dues happened in Bangunrejo, Karanganom and Kertajaya villages. It happened by utilizing the program implementers and being unnoticed by the community who participated in the self-help. By the undemocratic and manipulative strategic, Indocement CSR could conduct similar program in the field which has strong resistance of the cement factory. Tarmin who was the first person to dare received the Indocement CSR in his village, admitted the irrationality of Indocement CSR. Almost a year in , he conducted a programs with total amount 200 million rupiahs from Indocement CSR without making program proposal. He knew Indocement CSR had a purpose and its interest was the cement plant would be built, even though when he receiving the program he did not have to sign black on white for being part of cement-pro-factory. There was not successful story of programs Tarmin conducted because he did not able to empower the community and his successful program was physical tangible buildings. Tarmin experience was also similar to others CSR program recipients. They knew the existence of interest of Indocement CSR so they responded by utilizing Indocement CSR funds. Even in some cases Indocement s CSR recipients are requesting funds for their personal and family needs, it is beyond the program. By taking advantage of social relations and with an substantial funds, Indocement CSR was also able to attract people who used to reject the cement factory to accepting Indocement CSR. When it was early, the representative of group who refuse cement factory accepted Indocement CSR through the back track, it means he already accepting but there was an agreement that the representative s name not to be published by CSR Indocement. In order to make person to be published, Indocement CSR runs a barter program strategy. Indocement CSR party would give him the program again but little by li"le until he was led to open to the public that has received Indocement CSR. Almost five years ( ) Indocement CSR running in Pati district, there is not a single CSR program that can be sustainable in terms of community empowerment. In its 2006 annual report, Indocement CSR claims that Koperasi Ambararum and SSB Kusuma Bangsa were only two program of 90 programs that sustained. However, in our field research, it showed that both institutions are well established and able to walk independently even before Indocement CSR comes in (although both of this institutions admitted that Indocement s CSR funding supported them being fast track). One of advisor of Ambararum Cooperative refused the arrival of Indocement CSR because it was considered only to lay its program and then published it as if the cooperative was advanced as a result of Indocement CSR contribution. 48

59 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days Conclusion - Business ethics, social virtues, and goodwill through implementation of Indocement CSR in Pati district, Central Java is not proven, because the CSR program is motivated by the interests of capital expansion of PT Indocement Tunggal Prakarsa tbk. - Indocement CSR becomes a trojan horse with their discourses of virtue by opening the way for PT SMS expansion (a subsidiary of PT Indocement) in the North Kendeng Mountains, Pati. - Indocement CSR in terms of program has failed to empower society, it was influenced by two: 1. Indocement CSR used the village elites to run the program,meanwhile the village elites know that they were being used by Indocement CSR, so they take advantage of CSR funds 2. The main objective of Indocement CSR in Pati is to seek consensus approval in order for their capital expansion to proceed. The most important and the most primer are the political goal of this CSR and both of the goal of empowerment and creating prosperity are only a mask of virtue. - During the period , Indocement CSR has failed to empower the community in Pati district, but by politically they had been able to split the cement factory s refuse movement. - Study of Indocement CSR in Pati District s case shows that CSR theory is problematic. Theoretically CSR becomes a trojan horse that looks good when viewed, however there is in its hold the main interest of the capital accumulation. 5. Acknowledgement Our gratitude to the 2017 FISIPOL Research Grant which trusted us to conduct research on Indocement CSR in Pati. We also thank to the informants in the field and Bung Danan Adi Master student who helped in the process of data retrieval. This research for hegemonic power may be considered unnatural, as our findings criticize the mainstream CSR view and criticize the workings of PT Indocement in running their CSR. If so we are awaiting autocratic criticisms for this research and about how to make better lives should be fought for. REFERENCES Banerjee, S. B Voices Of The Governed: Towards A Theory Of The Translocal. Organization, 18(3), Dale, Cypri Jehan Paju Kuasa, Pembangungan & Pemiskinan Sistemik: Analisa Kontra- Hegemoni Dengan Fokus Studi Kasus di Manggarai Rakyat, NTT, Indonesia. Labuan Bajo: Sunspirit Books. Foucault, Michel Governmentality, dalam G. Burchell, C. Gordon dan P. Miller (ed), The Fouccault Effect: Studies in Governmentality. University of Chicago Press. Chicago. Harvey, David. 2005a. A Brief History of Neoliberalism. New York: Oxford University Press. Harvey, David. 2005b. Imperialisme Baru: Genealogi dan Logika Kapitalisme Kontenporer. Resist Book. Haufler, V Public Role for the Private Sector: Industry Self-Regulation in a Global Economy. Carnegie Endowment for Peace. Washington, DC. Harvey, David Neoliberalisme dan Restorasi Kelas Kapitalis. Yogyakarta: Resist Book. Harvey, David The Enigma of Capital and the Crisis of Capitalism. New York: Oxford University Press. Inc. 49

60 Chapter II: Political Economy Li, Tania Muray The Will to Improve: Perencanaan Kekuasaan dan Pembangunan di Indonesia. Tangerang Selatan: Margin Kiri. Novianto, A Perlawanan Rakyat: Analisis Kontra-Hegemoni Dalam Ekonomi Politik Kebijakan Pembangunan Pabrik Semen di Pati. Yogyakarta: jurusan manajemen dan kebijakan Publik FISIPOL UGM. Skripsi tidak diterbitkan. 50

61 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 Politics Against Market: The Practice of Decommodification on No Classes Hospital Policy at Kulonprogo Regency, Indonesia Tauchid Komara Yuda a, *, Irwan Harjanto b, Pinto Buana Putra c a Undergraduate Student of Department of Social Development and Welfare, Fisipol UGM b Undergraduate Student of Department of Politics and Goverment, Fisipol UGM c Undergraduate Student of Department of Public Policy and Management, Fisipol UGM * tauchid.komara.y@mail.ugm.ac.id Abstract Decommodification becomes an important aspect to measuring the extent of the state commitment to relinquish citizen from dependence on the institution or the market norms in accessing social-welfare, by making its a right of every citizen should be obtained. One of them in the field of health. The health should be given to all citizens regardless their capabilities to access it. In Indonesia, although everyone have ensured by National Health Insurance (JKN), but the health facilites that they get, its still depend on contributions they pay. It occourred because the most health services still organized in step with the logic and norm of market system. Otherwise, the case of Kulon Progo in removing classes stratification in health sector is bring about the hopes to make the health security affordable for everyone. Demanding to the Universal Health Coverage as basic rights to creates prosperity, the analysis of this paper would be going into critical writing way, especially in taking the views of politics against market to the stage. This paper will explores: (1) the operational of power within the formulation of the national health system; (2) identify the clashes ideas that framing policy-making process and its political network that figured; and (3) explain the pattern of the no-classes hospital policy that represented by Kulon Progo government, and can be resorted for health policy recommendation in national level. Keywords: decommodification, health policy, national health assurance, politics against market, welfare state 1. Introduction Politics Against Market is term was introduced by Gøsta Esping-Andersen (1985) in his books entitled Politics Against Market: The Social Democratic Road to Power. This term is important to understands the characteristic of political regime in order to controlling market institution as basis for develop a welfare state. Welfare state having interelation with social risk. By these mean, the emerges a welfare state are form of political commits to define the social risk, subsequent manage its as well. Risk always understood as something happens that having negative impacts because it would arise destructive effects for society. So, the risk is the actualization of impact damage or loss of either physical or psychological, material, in a society that will affect their future while negative externalities arise (Giddens in Hanif, 2008:76). At the national policy level, welfare system management approaches still dominated by market logic. Where ability to pay used to get risk deduction, rather than the needs itself. It is most apparent on the health services system, which is it has still segmented to social classes. 51

62 Chapter II: Political Economy Actually, in the ratification of the UN Convention, the health services is a basic human right, so the State should initiate a universal health system, fair, and equitable. Thabrany (2014:104) refer to it as egalitarian equitas. Indeed, in the concept of National Health Insurance in Indonesia (JKN), the distribution logic of health service almost appropriate with the Universal Health Coverage (UHC) model. So everyone deserves afforadable health service based on you get what you need, not you get what you pay for (Thabrany, 2014). But, unconsciously, actually the reason the built system has not fully reached JKN equity principle of egalitarian. The reason, the class system therein asserted: while handling the disease is no longer based on ability to pay, but the facilities offered (class 1, class 2, class 3) remain on how much dues paid. Ideally, the egalitarian equity can only be realized, when discrimination class in the handling of the disease, as well as supporting facilities are no longer found in the health services. As information and education, any person has the right to get it unconditionally. Even Health as one of the elements of the common good, should be realized through various health efforts in health development thoroughly integrated and supported by a national health system. In article 34 paragraph (3) of the Indonesia Constitution states: the State is responsible for the provision of health care facilities and facilities decent public services. In additions, legal protection of the right to healthcare is contained in Act No. 36 of 2009 about health. Article 4 States everyone has the right to health. Discrimination applies only in terms of the financing or contribution, where those who have more resources to pay or contribute more. This is done in order to cross-subsidies or income redistribution that everyone, whether they are rich or poor, young or old, productive or unproductive, can enjoy the best service. The process of the expansion of benefits based on the equity of egalitarian in the studies of political science, public policy, social policy, social welfare, sociology, called the de-commodification process (see: Esping-Andersen in Torheim, 2013:22; Esping-Andersen, 1990; Joedadibrata, 2012; Tribowo and Bahagijo, 2006). Decommodification is the political commitment of the regime to remove the dependence of the society to market norms in well- being through social policy provided by the State. As the Government does Kulon Progo, Hasto Wardoyo period. The local Government decided to remove the class room services at all hospitals in the district. So the poor can get the room and service equal with class 2 to 1 in all hospitals in Kulonprogo. The bureaucracy also makes it easy for everyone who needs. If they do not have health coverage, they just show their inhabitant/citizenship card or family card, then they are guaranteed to be serviced professionally. Such policies have led to one of the hospitals in Kulon Progo, namely RSUD Wates is currently one of the United Nation recipient nomine Public Service Award This phenomenon is interesting to explore in order to look at the social and political aspects of the enclosing decommodification of health services efforts in Kulon Progo. Socio-political aspects of that question is the reason/logic underlying politics, relationships and contestation interesting actor in the process of decommodification. This papper would be organize into the third of main part of ideas such as follow: (1) Mapping the political logic that includes the ideology contestations was appointed as a national health policy framework concept. (2) The description of the relationship and the contestation of the interesting actors in the setting of social, economic, and politics in the production a no classes hospital policy (3) Identify pa$erns of implementation of no classes hospital policy as a role model for purposes of management of health policy recommendations at the national level. 1 h$p:// 2 h$p://regional.kompas.com/read/2015/12/16/ /bupati.kulon.progo.hapus.kelas.di.rumah.sakit.unt 3 h$p://indonesiaberinovasi.com/read/2015/03/300/bupati-kulon-progo-memberikan-pelayanan-bagi-pasiengakin-rsud-wates 4 h$p://www2.jawapos.com/baca/artikel/14392/inovasi-hasto-wardoyo-bupati-kulon-progo-daerah-istimewajogjakarta 52

63 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days Research Methods This research uses the qualitative descriptive method. The process of collecting data in the field is used by way of observation, in-depth interviews and discussions with stakeholders in the sector of local governance in this respect the Government health institutions and Kulon Progo Regency. In addition, secondary data from online and print media researchers also consider as a means of comparison and clarification in order to construct an argument in a discussion. 3. Findings and Discussion Based on the problems, the Kulon Progo Goverment would removing the room class at the goverment hospital for equallity where it consist of two model. First, in Wates Hospital model. In this hospital, we have found the system of class are still prevailed, but not in its implementation. If the lower class is not availaible, the patient with lower class insurance automatically would get services on the middle or first class (depend the availaibelity) without additional cost. Secondly, Nyi Ageng Serang Hospital. In this hospital we cannot found the class of the health services. What have done by Kulon Progo Goverment reflect how market norms which prevailed on the health facilities in Indonesia are against by the goverment, which its as citizenship right based on needs, rather than contributions. Then, there is no reason for patient particulary for poor patients or patient with low classes rejected by hospital caused room availibelity for them are full. In addition, this commitment is enforced by Kulon Progo Goverment also responsible upon those have not insurances, by give them subsidies amount of Rp. 5 milion per citizens. The bureaucracy for get it is very easy, just showing Kulon Progo inhabitant cards, then they can access the health as need they are. If the cost for services are overlimits, the goverment add the excess through province budgeting schemes. Citizenship right in this context reflect how politics upon welfare state idea appeared, despite its not totally yet. At least, the spirit and value that encompassed in, implictly, has against the market logic that seeks to suboordinate social policy fits with market imperatives (Jayasuria, 2006 cited in Hanif, 2009). The case of the policy implementation of no classes hospital by the Hasto has represent of the efforts to creating social security for all citizens. Nevertheless, in further discussion, what is the motive behind it? is this really a form of de-comodification? Examining at the case can understand that the prevailing of no class hospital policy is the political ways of the government to carry out of the decommodification of the health insurance system that has been dominated by market interests. According to research results of the PolGov Research Center, health insurance in Kulonprogo then becomes a ba!le arena between local government authorities and BPJS institutions (PolGov, 2017). More precisely, there is strong pressure from BPJS in Kulonprogo, while BPJS also seeks to control the health insurance system in Kulonprogo by entering at sub-district levels. 4. Conclusion The health, as well as the following aspects, encompassed is a public good that every citizen must enjoy it without exception. Thus, the practice of decommodification upon it reflects the commitment of citizenship politics appeared in society to fulfill the social rights of its citizens. The social rights of citizenship in this context reflect how politics on the welfare state notions arise, though not yet fully. At least, the enthusiasm and value encompassed by a!empts to reduce the market logic have been shown in the research finding. However, institutional contestation between BPJS and Jamkesda as the institution of health financing guarantor has raised its problems for its policy continuations in Kulon Progo. Therefore, the jointly regulatory system between BPJS and Jamkesda Kulon Progo should be started immediately so that this good system can continue. 53

64 Chapter II: Political Economy 5. Acknowledgement We would like to thanks for all those who were contributed of this project, particularly Hibah Riset FISIPOL was supported of this project. We also benefited from the remarkable discussion with POLGOV Research Centre which help us to understand the research logic comprehensively. REFERENCES Aspinal, E Health care and democratization in Indonesia, in Democratisation Published online 26 Februari DOI: / Deacon, Bob Global Social Policy and Governance. London: Sage Publication Esping-Andersen, Gøsta (1985). Politics Against Market: The Social Democratic Road to Power. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press. Esping-Andersen, Gøsta (1990). The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism, Cambridge, Polity Press. Gough, Ian (2013) Social Policy Regimes in the Developing World. In: Kenne!, Patricia, (ed.) A Handbook of Comparative Social Policy. Cheltenham UK: Edward Elgar Publishing Ltd. pp Gustomy, Rachmad. (2010). Negara Menata Umat. Yogyakarta: POLGOV UGM. Gramscy, Antonio. (1986). Selections from Prison Notebooks (Eds. Quintin Hoare dan Geoffrey. N. Smith). London: Lawrence and Wishart. Hanif, Hasrul (2008). Mencari Wajah Politik Masyarakat Risiko (Risk Society): Sub-Politik, Demokrasi, dan Proses Kebijakan Deliberatif. Jurnal Mandatory Edisi 4/Tahun 4. Indrawan, Nanang Kurniawan. (2009). Globalisasi dan Negara Kesejahteraan: Perspektif. Institusionalisme. Yogyakarta: Laboratorium Jurusan Ilmu Politik dan Pemerintahan FI- SIPOL UGM Joedadibrata, Dinnia. (2012). A Study of the Shift towards Universal Social Policy in Indonesia. Thesis. Hague: International Institute of Social Studies. Martono, Ucu. ed. (2008). Sketsa Teoritik dan Problem Kebijakan Sosial dalam Kebijakan Sosial dan Kesejahteraan. Yogyakarta: FISIPOL UGM. Kusujiarti, Siti. (2012). Pluraristic and Informal Welfare Regime: The Roles of Islamic Instituion in the Indonesian Welfare Regime. dalam Keskin, Tugrul.ed. The Sociology of Islam: Securalism, Economy and Politic. UK: Ithaca Press. Petring, Alexander et.al. (2012). Welfare State and Social Democracy. Berlin: Friedrich Ebert- Stiftung. Savirani, Amalinda dan Edi Saedi Juggling While Claiming Rights: The Urban Poor Community in North Jakarta dalam The Politics of Citizenship. Jakarta: Yayasan Obor Indonesia. Schartau, Mai-Brith The Road to Welfare Plurarism: Old Age and Care in Sweeden, Germany, and Britain. Paper presented at IPSA XXI World Congress of Political Science in Santiago, Chile, July Suharto, Edi. (2011). Kebijakan Sosial Sebagai Kebijakan Publik. Bandung: Alfabeta. Sulastomo.(2011). Sistem Jaminan Sosial Nasional: Mewujudukan Amanat Konstitusi. Jakarta: Kompas. Thabrany, Hasbullah (2014). Jaminan Kesehatan Nasional (edisi kedua). Jakarta: PT. RajaGrafindo, Persada. Interview with Aris Syarifudin was took with PolGov Research Centre (dalam program Power, Welfare, Democracy) pada 26 September 17 Torheim, Ramadhani. (2013). Foundation of Welfare Regime: The Case of Indonesia. Master 54

65 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 Thesis. Oslo: Department of Political Scienes University of Oslo. Tribowo, Darmawan and Bahagijo, Sugeng. (2006) Mimpi Negara Kesejahteraan. Jakarta: LP3ES. Wilmsen, Brooke., Kaasch, Alexandra., Sumarto, Mulyadi The Development of Indonesian Social Policy in the Context of Overseas Development Aid. New Directions in Social Policy: Alternatives from and for the Global South. Working Paper No. 5 UNRISD. Wisnu, Dinna. (2012). Politik Sistem Jaminan Sosial: Menciptakan Rasa Aman dalam Ekonomi Pasar. Jakarta: Gramedia. Media Online <h!p:// <h!p://regional.kompas.com/read/2015/12/16/ /bupati.kulon.progo.hapus.kelas.d. Rumah.Sakit.untuk.Layani.Warga.Miskin> <h!p://indonesiaberinovasi.com/read/2015/03/300/bupati-kulon-progo-memberikan- pelayanan-bagi-pasien-gakin-rsud-wates> h!p://www2.jawapos.com/baca/artikel/14392/ inovasi-hasto-wardoyo-bupati-kulon-progo- daerah-istimewa-jogjakarta <h!p://ekonomi.kompas.com/read/2017/05/23/ /tunggakan.iuran.peserta.bpjs.kese hatan.tembus.rp.3.4.triliun (diakses pada 10 Oktober 2017)> 55

66 Chapter II: Political Economy Agrarian Conflict: Capacity Development of Parangkusumo People in Demanding the Rights of the City Mawaddatush Sholiha a.1, Ahmad Naufal Azizi a.2, Cut Khairina Rizki a.3, Maria Angelica Christy Aka a.4, M. Rizki Kuncorojati a.5, Anindhiya Thifal Putri S b.1, Bagas Adhi Kumoro c.1 a Undergraduate Student of Department of Politics and Government, Fisipol UGM b Undergraduate Student of Department of Social Development and Welfare, Fisipol UGM c Undergraduate Student of Faculty of Forestry, UGM Abstract This research is intended to discuss the capacity building of community eviction with a case study in Parangkusumo Sand Dunes area. The sand dunes in Parangkusumo, Bantul Regency, Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta is one of the geological uniqueness in the world. Its uniqueness becomes a tourist attraction and local people s residence. The people of Parangkusumo take its rare benefit by building homes and semi-permanent buildings around sand dunes for daily life. On the other side, its uniqueness makes geologists eager to make it as an observation area so that appears a discourse to restore this sand dune. This case gives rise to agrarian conflicts at the local level. As the result, in 2016 the eviction had done for a restoration. Unfortunately, the policy was not accompanied with fulfillment rights to local people that affected by the District Government of Bantul Regency. From those explanations, this research will focus on the government s responsibility in fulfilling rights to local people that affected. The research methodology used is a qualitative method with triangulation technique which combines data, observation, and interview. This research found that people of Parangkusumo had an awareness of rights to their city, but they still need the external supports from alliances and other movements. Keywords: responsibility, city rights, community capacity building. 1. Introduction One of the rarest sand dunes types is barchan (crescent-shaped) because there are only two barchans in the world, one of them is in Parangkusumo Sand Dunes. Nonetheless, from year to year, the existence of Parangkusumo Sand Dunes has begun to disappear, due to population growth and Beach Sea-Oak planted by Nature Conservation Agency. Habitats and vegetations became an obstacle for sand dunes formation which required sea bree ze movement. The disappearance of barchan form in Parangkusumo Sand Dunes urged Baksoturnal (now Geospatial Information Agency), Bantul Regency, and Faculty of Geography UGM to cooperate in building Geospatial Laboratory (now Parangtritis Geomaritime Science Park) to protect Parangkusumo Sand Dunes. The discourse to protect Parangkusumo Sand Dunes led to act of doing restoration which aimed to restore sand dunes formation and its function as a deterrent to tsunami waves and reservoirs of rainwater. The realization of restoration required lands purges from habitations and Beach Sea-Oak. 56

67 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 The restoration was supported by a privilege regulation of Yogyakarta, manifested in The Act Number 13 of 2012 about Yogyakarta Law of Privileges which claimed that all unencumbered land was Sultan Ground, making the land should be taken by sultan anytime. Forced evictions by security apparatus of Bantul Regency was done by the end of 2016 when they had received a warrant from the provincial government. Tens of houses (23 heads of families) were forcibly demolished without any guarantee for their life necessities. The government only provided 7x7 meters of improper land to live because of it was inundated by water. Disassembly money which promised by the government for Rp has not been received by people affected until the end of April The unfulfilled rights which should be acquired by affected people are the impulse of this research. David Harvey, in his article Right to The City, explained that humans reserve the right to create and rearrange their city. In this case, the government policies have never given benefits to the people affected. Although there have been many actions and demonstrations by people to claim their rights, the government still ignored their responsibility to fulfill people s rights. This research aims to identify movement efforts that have been done by the community and the aspects which need to be improved in strengthen people s capacity in claiming their rights to the city. By using case study method with a non-positivist approach, it is expected from researchers might know the social reality which basically capacity building comes from the individual itself. 2. Research Methods This research is using the non-positivist method, which ontologically the source of social behavior is based on the actor. Which means, in fact, social reality consciously and actively, built by itself by each individual, so each of them can give special meaning for what they have done. Next, researchers used qualitative methods, because for elaborating explanation about the impacts of evictions as an effort of Parangkusumo Sand Dunes restoration for local communities, needs a deep and wide analysis, which cannot be quantified. Based on Devine, one of the powers of qualitative research makes the researchers were spotted in a social se"ing, which becomes a goal of the research and can observe people by themselves in the daily situation and take apart with people. Therefore, qualitative research oblige the researchers for direct interaction with their social realities, because qualitative methods need personal contact, so the researchers directly interact with their subjects and objects of research, though in effort of getting knowledge about respondent s social problem, McFracken said that researchers are expected to flexible and reflective, but still keep the distance between them (Brannen, 1997). Meanwhile, for the discussion, this research is using case study approachment. According to Yin (2003), generally, a case study is a better strategy for using questions like how and why when the researcher has small chance to control the facts that real in the scope and when the focus of the research is on the contemporary phenomenon of real life. 3. Findings and Discussion 3.1. Parangkusumo Sand Dunes: Between Restoration and Economic Interest The problem of the Parangkusumo Sand Dunes restoration plan is actually not as simple as restoring the ecosystem to its original form. The sand dunes restoration keep their great secret behind the discourse between rulers. The truth is nothing good in this restoration plan, each actor already having different political-economic interests from the beginning. Seeing that the Parangkusumo Sand Dunes area is a potential land for future business investment, ge"ing rid of the people who live on it is the first thing to do. Thus, on behalf of the restoration and Yogyakarta Law of Privileges, any political actor and businessman will certainly win the ba"le. Eviction that happens in Parangkusumo is the beginning of the incoming capital wave. In this case, we can see that there are two actors who seem alike but are actually different interests. Parangtritis Geomaritime Science Park and other academics argue that the sand dunes must be restored for the good of nature, preventing the occurrence of 57

68 Chapter II: Political Economy major disasters that may arise next. However, local governments have another agenda, they were preparing a big project that starts with the construction of the Jalan Jalur Lintas Selatan (JJLS) a major road which will cross the core zone of sand dunes. This road will connect the southern part of Java Island and soon will become a very profitable money-maker. Hence, we can see that this territory is being contested by two different actors with each of its own interest. Evicting the people of Parangkusumo and then giving them compensation is not a big deal for the huge profits that will be gained soon They Who Broke the Promise All this time, the restoration had been done without an official announcement to the people of Parangkusumo. The only notice they got was from the security apparatus whom suddenly gave them warning letters that contained promises so that the people would leave the core zone of the sand dunes. There are at least three (3) points of agreement between the local government and the people of Parangkusumo before the eviction. First, the government would provide gazebos as a replacement for their business s place. But it turned out that there was an uncertainty about the function of the gazebos itself because, in reality, it existences did not benefit their economic sector. The gazebos also caused polemics between the Parangtritis Geomaritime Science Park and academics because it was low enough to affect the restoration process which needed the sea breeze movement. Second, the Bantul Government has promised to provide flats as a relocation site for the evicted people. However, they only provide approximately 50 m 2 empty land for each family which not worth living. Third, the compensation money as much as Rp for each family has not been fully received by the evicted people of Parangkusumo. The agreement above came from the people, the government, academics, Parangtritis Geomaritime Science Park, ARMP (the people s alliance refused eviction), and Yogyakarta Legal Aid. It shows us that the government is still not ready with the restoration plan which sacrificed the people without any fulfillment of promises. The evicted people admitted that in the bargaining process, the government offered promises to simplify the eviction and the people trust those promises without a written agreement. Hence, for gaining what should they have, the evicted people with Yogyakarta Legal Aid redemand their rights to Bantul Government Strengthening Capacity and Awareness to City Rights At the beginning of demanding the rights that should be fulfilled by the government, the evicted people were supported by many alliances like agrarian student alliances, community organizations, environmental activists, ARMP, and Yogyakarta Legal Aid. But as time goes by, the evicted people supporter diminish gradually which made several people retreat in demanding their rights. Currently, ARMP and Yogyakarta Legal Aid still remained with people to demand their rights until the blood has been run out and fought to the death. Yet, in this point, the capacity building was so needed to fight for their rights and lifetime guarantees. This struggling process has built and enhanced the capacity of people by rising an awareness. In the process, people were transformed from simply knowing of their necessary until they had an eagerness to struggle for their living rights. Although they have not had fully political awareness yet, people are trying to develop their capacity through knowledge and understanding in fighting rights. The people of Parangkusuomo s awareness tends to fall into the bo$om-up level of capacity development. Initially, people believed to the government that would not put their citizen into misery, and now, they start re-questioning it by raising awareness that they are not a citizen who can only rely on to the government. After all, the internal awareness of people which affected by the eviction in Parangkusumo becomes one of the earliest factors in capacity building. It helps them in developing their ability to move collectively, identify problems, and determine the best decision. They are required to make their own decision properly, it causes to their improvement of capabilities because of learning by doing is one of the effective ways for long last memory of capabilities. People

69 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 are aware of the rights they are fighting for, whether they do it individually or collectively. ARMP as an institutionalized action becomes one of the bases for people s development. They are giving support and encouraging each other through this collective movement. Their sense of belonging also tends to increase, so that the movement will have the power to grab their goals, having the rights that they have been fighting for. 4. Conclusion As a part of the terminology of cities, Parangkusumo arguably failed to establish itself as a place for the fulfillment of the rights of citizens. Rather than present prosperity, the sand dunes becoming a fight interest arena of actors. The different goals between the academics and the government in sand dunes restoration plan give a polemics impact. Citizens who do not have the power to have a dwelling, in the end, have to expelled from their hometown. In this part, although the citizens do not have enough power, they continue to gather, collaborate, to shout out loud about their rights are taken away in the name of development. In the early period of the resistance, agrarian student alliances, community organizations, environmental activists, ARMP, and Yogyakarta Legal Aid gathered into one force which builds up. However, when the polemics are scrolling and have not found an answer, one by one alliance of citizens are diminishing. They resigned and gradually left the area. At this part, strengthening the capacity of the community to encourage their spirit is being desperately needed. Recently, the people who are still demanding their rights should develop their capacity through knowledge and understanding in fighting rights and re-questioning the government promises. 5. Acknowledgement We gratefully thank the Faculty of Social and Political Science Universitas Gadjah Mada for giving us the opportunity to do this research. Because of the financial support from FISIPOL this research can be completed. We are deeply indebted to our informants, Yogyakarta Legal Aid, Security Apparatus of Bantul Regency, Government Tourism Office of Bantul Regency, and Mr. Sunarto as academics of Faculty of Geography Universitas Gadjah Mada that give us the important information. And last but not least, special thanks to ARMP and the people of Parangkusumo that have given us space to be able to get involved in the conflict so that we can analyze the process of capacity development in Parangkusumo. Finally, thanks to the incredible teamwork that we also do for finished this research. REFERENCES Books Brannen, J., Memadu Metode Penelitian Kualitatif & Kuantitatif. Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar. Harrison, L., Metodologi Penelitian Politik. Jakarta: Kencana. Yin, R., Case Study Research: Design and Method. California: Sage Publications. Journal Alam, A. S. & Prawitno, A., Pengembangan Kapasitas Organisasi Dalam Peningkatan Kualitas. Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan, Volume 2, p. 94. Nawawi, H., Metode Penelitian Bidang Sosial. Yogyakarta: Gadjah Mada University Press. Neuman, W. L., Metode Penelitian Sosial: Pendekatan Kualitatif dan Kuantitatif. Jakarta: Indeks. Usman, S., Ilmu Sosial Modern: Perkembangan dan Tantangan. Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Politik, Volume 1, pp

70 Chapter II: Political Economy Online Kurbalija, J., diplo. [Online] Available at: h!ps:// development [Accessed 8 May 2017]. LenCD, n.d. Learning Network on Capacity Development. [Online] Available at: h!p:// org/learning/capacity-development [Accessed 8 May 2017]. Mutiara, Mutiara.s College FIles. [Online] Available at: fisip11.web.unair.ac.id/artikel_detail Pengembangan%20Kelembagaan-Pengembangan%20Kapasitas%20Organisasi%20 (Capacity%20Building).html [Accessed 4 April 2017]. Penabulu Alliance, jembatan3. [Online] Available at: h!p://jembatantiga.com/2015/02/ pemberdayaan-sebagai-proses-penguatan- kapasitas/ [Accessed 4 April 2017]. Trisulo, Badan Pendidikan dan Pelatihan Keuangan Kemeterian Keuangan. [Online] Available at: h!p:// [Accessed 15 June 2016]. UNDP, UNDP. [Online] Available at: h!p:// publication/en/publications/capacity- development/capacity-development-a-undp-primer/ CDG_PrimerReport_final_web.pdf [Accessed 26 September 2017]. 60

71 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 Political of Recognition Subitern Group: Struggle for Cultural Identity Lanting Home Community in Pahandut Seberang Districts, Palangka Raya City Juli Natalia Silalahi a, * a Master Program in Department of Sociology, Fisipol UGM * Julisilalahi9@gmail.com Abstract The demands politics of recognition of cultural and material identities are very difficult to achieve for subaltern (subordinated) groups. Whereas cultural identity becomes the main value that must be fulfilled as a basic right for every individual and group and its derivative is material identity. This article questions how subaltern groups such as lanting community can fight for their lanting house and keramba from the City Government s intentions to eviction, and why the municipality does not recognize the existence of the community. This paper uses a qualitative approach with case studies in Pahandut Seberang districts, Palangka Raya City. Based on 17 informants from the lanting community, found their way of fighting for their cultural identity, ranging from staying on the lanting / over the river, taking care of Land Ownership, demonstrations if something disturbs their livelihood / keramba, even they are committed to keep close with their keramba. Likewise with the reason the city government does not recognize the existence of the lanting community because their lives are nomadic and lanting is not standardized habitable home, and there is no principle of benefit. Keywords : lanting community, politics of recognition, cultural identity. 1. Introduction The presence of lanting home community that is widely spread in the Kahayan River of Palangka Raya City is giving positive benefits for economic development and administrative extension of the districts. Local people call them as makers of history and have great service for the development of Palangka Raya City. However, since the enactment of Mayor s Decree Number / 130/2016 about slum area in Palangkaraya City, Pahandut Seberang district where residential community of lanting home itself enter as slum area. Through the decree, a regulation system will be implemented that going to clean up the lanting home community and place them to a more appropriate place in the perspective of the Municipal Government of Palangka Raya. To realize the intentions, there are already special programs that perform cleaning (Palangka Raya City Municipal Administration), through city program without the slums (KOTAKU) and NUSP (Neighborhood Upgrading and Shelter Project). Starting from here, there is problematization to lanting home community are not only technical (physical arrangement planning) but to the stage of disrespect. 2. Research Methods The author uses qualitative research methods with an intrinsic case study approach according to Robert E. Stake (2006). A direct observation conducted to the existence of a lanting 61

72 Chapter II: Political Economy home community on the fringes of the Kahayan River in Pahandut Seberang and Palangka Raya Municipality. Then study of the secondary data to find out the social relations form Palangkaraya City Government to the community through KOTAKU and NUSP Program, the result of Memorandum of several SKPD of Palangkaraya City, and the Spatial Detail Plan of Palangka Raya City in The authors also conducted in-depth interviews with actors representing the Kotaku Program, NUSP, lanting house communities, staging houses, Headman, RT heads, RW chiefs, indigenous Mantirs, as well as some prominent public figures in decision-making over the existence of the community. 3. Findings and Discussion In the present days condition the lanting home community are part of the society in Pahandut Seberang districts which has anxiety. Cultural identity that has been maintained, both lanting and their keramba has become planning by Palangka Raya City Government to be a normalization project. The political demands of recognition by the community are not unfounded, and even provides very adequate political articulation. The presence of lanting house communities in the waters of the River Kahayan greatly provide a great service to the development of the city of Palangka Raya. The occurrence of Pahandut Seberang districts extension formerly incorporated with Pahandut districts can occur due to the contribution of the population of lanting houses which is adequate and responsible in the obligation as the society. Then, lanting house community is very meritorious in providing the largest supply of fish in the city of Palangkaraya about 75%. However, Palangka Raya municipal government policy by using instrumental ratios (to borrow Honneth s term) wishes to make Pahandut Seberang area previously remembered as slums (lanting and keramba) so sterilization must be done to support RPJMN center and RPJMD Palangka Raya city. In addition, the plan of the Palangka raya City Government wants to make the Pahandut Seberang area as a water front city, culinary tourism, hotel on the water, and the ultimate goal is to provide stimulus for investors to support sustainable development. Therefore everything that hampers the development process must be cleaned including the existence of lanting house community. To strengthen the cleaning process, the Palangka raya City Government emphasized that Lanting House is not recognized because it is not in accordance with standardization of habitable home, therefore both people and lanting must be cleaned, except something useful like keramba. Until now, lanting house community still fight for cultural itself identity either on subjective, objective or collective territory (to borrow Honneth s term). In the subjective area, the lanting home community build confidence with their fellowman that they will stay in lanting and keep trying to fish in keramba. In the objective area, this is where the lanting home community start busy take care of land ownership, including letters of use rights over lanting and keramba over the river. In the collective area, the lanting house community still wants to be close to the river, has a lanting house atmosphere, and can still work in the keramba freely without any discrimination and loss. 4. Conclusion Lanting home community gets injustice and discrimination on planning of Palangkaraya City Government to replace their philosophical space become center of culinary tourism area, water front city, and floating hotel tourism. This condition reinforces Honneth s conceptualization that the Palangkaraya City Government represented as a modern society in making policies using instrumental ratios in order to create sustainable capitalism. On the basis of that policy has made the inequality and suffering for certain groups, Palangka Raya City Government policy are based on the loss of critical power of rationality. Palangka Raya City Government on planning for the fate of lanting house community is too technical, not even paying a"ention in terms of socio-cultural impact on its planning. 62

73 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 Therefore, until this moment has been a lot of struggle by the lanting home community. This study reinforces Honneth s argument that the lanting house community is a representation of the subject and the community that has been abandoned for recognition so that the lanting home community is striving to regain their honor, as the struggle in a subjective, objective, and collective territory. The condition of lanting houses and keramba today is still lacking regularity, but it will be more civilized if the lanting house community is not deprived of its philosophical roots. The lanting house community will gain more recognition if its cultural identity is noticed and preserved, managing irregularities without having to clear them from its identity will look more civilized and elevate the cultural philosophical value of the lanting home community. If the politics of recognition accommodated by the Palangka Raya City Government, it will provide moral and material support for the development of lanting home community and Kota Palangka Raya. 5. Acknowledgement Juli Natalia Silalahi of the Sociology department, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Gadjah Mada University (FISIPOL UGM) prepared this journal article based on the report (Political of Recognition Subaltern Group : Struggle for Cultural Identity lanting home community in Pahandut Seberang districts, Palangka Raya City). This work has been funded by FISIPOL UGM under programme of 2017 Research, Publication and Community Engagement Grants. The opinions expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of founding agency. REFERENCES Aminah, Siti Konflik dan Kontestasi Penataan Ruang Kota Surabaya. Masyarakat : Jurnal Sosiologi, 20(1):59-79 Badri, Ahmad Ibrahim. Politik Pengakuan sebagai modus politik multikulturalisme. h"ps:// multikulturalisme. Diakses tanggal 01 Juli 2017 Bungin, Burhan Analisis Data Penelitian Kualitatif. Jakarta: PT Rajagrafindo Persada. Damen Peta Lokasi Kawasan Kumuh dalam Profil Ringkas Kawasan Kegiatan Peningkatan Kualitas Lingkungan Permukiman. Palangka Raya : Neighborhood Upgrading and Shelter Project (NUSP) Denzin, Norman K dan Yvonna S. Lincoln Terjemahan buku asli Handbook of Qualitative Research. Yogyakarta : Pustaka Pelajar Dinas Pariwisata dan Ekonomi Kreatif Kota Palangka Raya Laporan Akhir Rencana Induk Pembangunan Kepariwisataan Daerah Kota Palangka Raya. Palangka Raya : Pusat Studi Pariwisata Universitas Gadjah Mada Dinas Tata Kota Bangunan dan Pertamanan Rencana Detail Tata Ruang Kota Palangka Raya tahun Palangka Raya : Pemerintah Kota Palangka Raya. Fraser, Nancy dan Axel Honneth Redistribution or Recognition? A Political-Philosophical Exchange. London : Verso Gutmann, Amy (Ed) Multiculturalism : Examine the Politic of Recognition. Princeton : Princeton University Press Honneth, Axel The Struggle for Recognition The Moral Grammar of Social Conflicts. Great Britain : The MIT Press Recognition or Redistribution?. Changing Perspectives on the Moral Order of Society, Recognition and Difference. Politics, Identity, and Multiculture, Scott Lash dan Mike 63

74 Chapter II: Political Economy Featherstone (eds), London : SAGE Publications Pathologies of Reason (On the Legacy of Critical Theory). New York : Columbia University Press. Madung, O!o Gusti,2011. Politik Diferensiasi Versus Politik Martabat Manusia?. Maumere : Ledalero Madung, O!o Gusti Filsafat Politik Negara dalam bentangan diskursus filosofis. Maumere : Ledalero Novitasarie, Actavia, Politik Pengakuan : Memperjuangkan Kepentingan Kelompok Difabel (Tunanetra) Kota Surabaya. Jurnal Politik Muda. 4 (1):61-70 Patianom, JID, H.J. Ulaen Sejarah Sosial Palangka Raya. Jakarta : Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan Direktrorat Sejarah dan nilai Tradisional Proyek Inventarisasi dan Dokumentasi Sejarah Nasional Program Kota Tanpa Kumuh Memorandum Program Kolaborasi Target Penanganan Kumuh Kota Palangka Raya. Palangka Raya Rahmanasari, Rossalinda Profil Kelurahan Pahandut Seberang Tahun Palangka Raya : Kelurahan Pahandut Seberang Save Our Borneo Movement Penduduk Kalimantan dulu dan sekarang. h!p://soborneo.blogspot.com/2006/04/penduduk-kalimantan-dulu-dan- sekarang.html. Diakses tanggal 16 Juni 2017 Silalahi, Juli Natalia Studi Survival Mechanism : Pemanfaatan Modal Sosial Masyarakat Rumah Lanting Pahandut Seberang Kota Palangka Raya dalam Menanggulangi Subsistensi di Kehidupan Sosial. Skripsi tidak dipublikasikan, Palangka Raya : Pustaka FISIP UPR S. Muhammad Rasyid Ridha, Sukirno, dan Sri Sudaryatmi Pengakuan Perkawinan Masyarakat Penganut Kepercayaan Lokal Agama Djawa Sunda dalam Perspektif Teori Multikulturalisme (Studi Kasus Pada Masyarakat Paguyuban Akur (Adat Cara Karuhun Urang) di Kecamatan Cigugur, Kabupaten Kuningan, Jawa Barat). Diponegoro Law Journal, 6(1):1-19. Spivak, Gayatri Chakravorty Can the Subaltern Speak?, h!p://abahlali.org/files/can_ the_subaltern_speak.pdf. Diakses tanggal 23 Juli 2017 Stake, Robert E Multiple Case Study Analysis. London : The Guilford Press Sugiyono, Memahami Penelitian Kualitatif. Bandung : Alfabeta Suhono, Andreas Direktorat Jenderal Cipta Karya Kementerian Pekerjaan Umum dan Perumahan Rakyat. Pedoman Umum Program Kota Tanpa Kumuh. h!p:// kotaku.pu.go.id/pustaka/files/modul2/peldas2016/paparan%20kebijakan%20k OTAKU/ SE_DJCK_No_40_2016_KOTAKU.pdf. Diakses tanggal : 11 Oktober 2017 Syahminan Dokumen Rencana Tindak Penataan Lingkungan Permukiman (RTPLP) Kelurahan Pahandut Seberang Kecamatan Pahandut Kota Palangka Raya. Palangka Raya : Kota Tanpa Kumuh (Kotaku) Syahrun Laporan Pertanggungjawaban Pembangunan Jalan Titian Kayu. Palangka Raya : Neighborhood Upgrading and Shelter Project (NUSP). Taylor, Charles, K. Anthony Appiah, Jurgen Habermas, Steven C. Rockefeller, Michael Walzer, Susan Wolf, Edit & Introduce Amy Gutmann Multiculturalism Examinining The Politics of Recognition. New Jersey : Princeton University Press Reply and Re-Articulation, dalam : James Tully (Ed.), Philosophy in an Age Of Pluralism. The Philosophy of Charles Taylor in Question. Cambridge Rahayu, Mustagfiroh Keragaman di Indonesia dan Politik Pengakuan (suatu tinjauan kritis). Yogyakarta. Jurnal Pemikiran Sosiologi, 4(2) : Wagito Laporan Pendampingan Sosial KUBE Direktorat Penanganan Fakir Miskin Perkotaan Bulan Juli Palangka Raya : Dinas Sosial Kota Palangka Raya 64

75 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 Wa!imena, Reza A.A. Multikulturalisme dan Politik Pengakuan Memahami Pemikiran Axel Honneth. h!ps://rumahfilsafat.com/2010/11/21/multikulturalisme-dan-politik- pengakuan/. Diakses tanggal 02 Juli

76 Chapter II: Political Economy Ummatan Wassatan in the Land Below the Wind: Indonesian Moderate Islam in the Eye of the Global Society After Aksi Bela Islam Ajeng Chandra a.1,*, Dendy Raditya b, Obed Kresna c, Novrima Rizki a.2, Selma Theofany a.3 a Undergraduate Student of Department of International Relation, Fisipol UGM b Undergraduate Student of Department of Public Policy and Management, Fisipol UGM c Undergraduate Student of Department of Po litics and Government, Fisipol UGM * ajengchndr@gmail.com Abstract The purpose of this research is to examine how the international media frames the image of Indonesian moderate Islam post Aksi Bela Islam in late Given the long known image of the country as a moderate, tolerant, and democratic Muslim country, Aksi Bela Islam raises questions among the international media if Indonesia s moderate Islam reputation is failing. This article will analyze the international media s framing of Aksi Bela Islam, as well as how it would affect Indonesia s identity among the international society. Keywords: moderate islam, aksi bela islam, ummatan wassatan 1. Introduction Indonesia, the biggest Muslim population in the world, has been acknowledged by the international society as a moderate Muslim country (Umar, 2016). The given image of Indonesian Islam is a result of the campaign done by the Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs to construct the identity of Indonesian foreign policy (Umar, 2016). However, the discussion on the weakening of moderate Islam in Indonesia has recently arose among the international society, following the Aksi Bela Islam in late The international media, as a part of the global society, also have a big role in opening the political discourse about Aksi Bela Islam, which is deemed to be the biggest rally in the reformation era Indonesia (Varagur, 2017). The discourse about moderate Islam in Indonesia became widely discussed by local Muslim communities, mainly Nahdlatul Ulama, after the 1998 reformation (Bakti, 2005), and got more popular after the Bali bombing incident in 2002 (Umar, 2016). Jamhari Makruf (2011) briefly described moderate Islam as a value in Islamic movements that commits to democracy. It refers to the writings of Abdurrahman Wahid, one of the most prominent Muslim scholars in Indonesia, who stated that a moderate Islam movement rooted in both local cultural heritage and Islamic theology would ensure the purity of national ideology and the indivisibility of the constitution. (Wahid, 1985). Nurcholis Madjid, another essential Muslim scholar in Indonesia, added that moderate Islam also promotes inclusivism and pluralism as its values (Bakti, 2005). Later on, moderate Islam is associated with the accommodative, tolerant, non-violent, and flowering stream of the religion (Bakti, 2005). This image has been long known as a part of Indonesian Muslims identity. In October 2016, the international public was surprised by mass protest in Jakarta, later known as Aksi Bela Islam (Defending Islam Movement). Aksi Bela Islam is a series of rallies, 66

77 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 held once in a month and lasted until May 2017, organized by GNPF MUI and FPI to protest the then-governor of Jakarta, Ahok, who has been accused by both groups for blasphemy after quoting a Quran verse. The two Islamic organisations are known as radical conservatives, carrying reputations of being intolerant and violent, mostly towards non-muslim communities and actions that they perceive as immoral (Burhani, 2016). The protest reached its peak in November 4 th 2016 when over 200,000 people marched on the streets of Jakarta. They mainly demanded the imprisonment of Ahok in the charge of blasphemy (McKirdy, 2016). This rally garnered much attention from the international media, and has been considered a culmination of rising extremism in post-reformation Indonesia (Varagur, 2017). 2. Research Methods This research was conducted in a qualitative manner through data collection from books, journals, online article, and mainly news covered in international media. We selected BBC, CNN, Times, Al Jazeera, and The Diplomat all online media, considering that online media is more easily accessed than the offline media. Those online news media have good coverage of information on how international society sees the recent political dynamic in Indonesia and wide range of readers. Also, the five online media come from different regions in the world, which may represent various view on certain issues. We use media framing analysis method by Gamson and Modigiliano (1987) to examine how the international media frame the news about Aksi Bela Islam. According to Gamson and Modigiliano, framing is an approach to understand media perspective on certain issues. The meaning of one phenomena is constructed by a set of idea, known as frame (Eriyanto, 2002). There are two tools used in the framing analysis process. First is framing devices and second is reasoning devices. The choice of words, graphics, photographs, and picture accentuation are categorised as symbols that represent certain idea or thoughts towards the issue. While reasoning devices can be traced by seeing the coherence and cohesiveness of the text that refers to the main idea of the writings (Eriyanto, 2002). The media framing analysis then will be continued by intersubjectivity-constructivism analysis. We underline the thought by Chernoff (2008) and Reus-Smit (2005) that international politics is constructed by an intersubjective social structure. This idea is supported by Wendt s thesis that interaction between countries in the global politics is very much affected by domestic condition of each countries (1995). This theory will help us to explain our argument on how the portrayal Aksi Bela Islam in the international media has impact in Indonesia s identity and reputation in the global politics. 3. Findings and Discussion 3.1. Analysis: How the International Media Perceives Moderate Islam in Indonesia after Aksi Bela Islam The five international online media serves similar perspective about Aksi Bela Islam, yet one can be slightly different to another. During November 2016, TIME published five related articles: 1) Thousands of Hard-Line Muslims Rally Against Jakarta s Governor for Alleged Blasphemy, 2) Jakarta s Christian Governor Named a Blasphemy Suspect After Islamists Demand His Indictment, 3) Jakarta s Christian Governor Will Face Charges of Blaspheming Islam in Court, 4) Jakarta s Governor Was Questioned for Hours by Police as Part of a Blasphemy Probe, and 5) Indonesia Reaches Racial Milestone With Chinese Governor of Jakarta. In most of their articles, TIME highlights that Aksi Bela Islam was conducted by radical conservative Islamic groups and it was a series of violent protests. The racial and religious sentiment based movement was perceived as a threat to Indonesian democracy. TIME even recalls the 1998 Jakarta chaos several times to underline that Aksi Bela Islam has the same potential of violence as the past one. 67

78 Chapter II: Political Economy Between November-December 2016, CNN America s most prominent online-tv media published three articles about Aksi Bela Islam. Those are: 1) Indonesian President cancels Australia trip after violent protests, 2) Indonesia: 200,000 protest Christian governor of Jakarta, and 3) Blasphemy protests: Indonesian police investigating Christian governor. Similar to TIME, CNN also points out that Aksi Bela Islam was a violent movement, judging from the headline of their first article about the protest. The title gives a short explanation that Aksi Bela Islam caused a crucial chaos, resulting in the cancelation of Jokowi s state visit to Australia. CNN tries to emphasize how chaotic the protest was by describing the clash between the police and protestors. Meanwhile, The Diplomat only have two opinion articles related directly to Aksi Bela Islam. Is Indonesia s Vaunted Secularism under Threat? was published in 21 December 2016, and the second article, Packed Lunch Protesters: Outrage for Hire in Indonesia, was published in 3 February The two articles have statements mentioning that Aksi Bela Islam is a serious challenge for Indonesian plurality in politics. Furthermore, it is also stated that Aksi Bela Islam is not only an attempt to imprison a certain actor, but also opening a public discourse to make an effort in changing Indonesian constitution to the Islamic sharia. A little contradiction, however, is found in Al-Jazeera. The Qatar-based media is perceived as a representative of Muslim countries to cope up with discourses given by western media (Al Jazeera online). In the case of Aksi Bela Islam, despite providing their own perspective toward the protest and Indonesian Islam in general, they more likely to use the same frame as western media. As delivered by CNN or BBC, Al Jazeera considers Aksi Bela Islam as a violent action conducted by conservative group which endangers tolerance level and democracy in Indonesia, also incompatible with Indonesia s ideology. In the context of BBC, it is clear enough to see mainstream western construction and view in Islam where the given nuance is about violence, intolerance, and incompatibility with democracy. An example is given here: They are wearing brightly-coloured headscarves and stand out in a sea of white-robed men yelling hang the blasphemer. The sentence shows a glimpse of violence spotted in the movement. Analyzing BBC s released articles about Aksi Bela Islam, it is clear that the media aims to picture how conservative Islam groups successfully crash down democracy and tolerance in Indonesia. This is seen from BBC news which uses and shows keywords like Islamic group, conservative group, hardline Islamist, Islamist group, and demonstrator/islamic group. The way international media perceives Indonesia after Aksi Bela Islam shows how the Indonesian identity is constructed within the international community. According to Reus- Smit (2005), international community is an arena where actors construct their identities and interests, and affected by the inter subjectivity of social structure along the process. In this construction process, the state is not only positioned as an agent, but also as the structure (Wight, 1999). Here, constructivism as an approach to see phenomena in international relations provides explanation on how reality is constituted and constructed through social phenomena such as the process of interaction. The idea of moderate Islam as an identity itself is very relative and relational, to the extent that it always constructs and is constructed by many factors, both domestic and international. It is constantly in the process of being formed and reformed. Thus, inter subjectivity also applies to the case of moderate Islam in Indonesia as an identity. Aksi Bela Islam is mainly framed by international media as a threat to Indonesian pluralism and moderate Islam identity to an extent that it was portrayed as an example of a failing democracy. Negative phrases used by the media is caused by the clash between Aksi Bela Islam as a material with the ideas, values and norms of moderate Islam in Indonesia. This shows that the image of Indonesia as a moderate Islam country in the eye of international media is a reflection of Indonesia s identity construction. Indonesian government has created and been maintaining its image among the international society by continuing to uphold liberal democratic values and reconciling it with Islam, mainly in its foreign policy. Indonesia has tried to gain international recognition as its subjective national interest. Therefore, Islam and democracy are recognized as soft power in good image and identity making through public diplomacy (Sukma, 2011). Both Islam and democracy have their respective strengths and coincide with the 68

79 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 universal value. In Indonesia, Islam has domestic strength which is gained by the number of Muslims in the country. It is also one of the religions which have an enormous number of followers throughout the whole world. In the other hand, democracy is a prominent political value in the world politics, even perceived as the most effective political system in the history of mankind. Therefore, the clash between Islam and democracy draws a big international a!ention, considering the two elements of politics have been a long discussed material among the world society. 4. Conclusion Aksi Bela Islam has gained considerable attention from the international media. A number of released news has opened a new discourse about the contested image of Indonesia as a moderate, tolerant, and democratic Islam country, given the fact that right-wing Islamist groups are rising. Knowing that media has a big role in shaping public opinion, this view would risk Indonesia s reputation, if not political position, in the existing international order. However, we find it too soon to judge if moderate Islam is Indonesia is failing. The fact that Indonesia is an agent and also structure in this forming and reforming identity process should be recognized very well by Indonesian government. The government should play an active role in maintaining Indonesia s long known image as moderate democratic Islam country. So far, Indonesia has been actively involved in various negotiation forums, such as related to Rohingya and Qatar issues, as well as building good relationships with both western countries and Muslim countries throughout the world, and those actions have proved that Indonesia is playing an important role in world peace. Through strategic foreign policy, Indonesian government should be able to preserve and improve Indonesian position in the future global politics. 5. Acknowledgement The finalization of this research entitled Ummatan Wassatan in The Land below The Wind: Moderate Islam in Indonesia After Aksi Bela Islam required a lot of guidance, assistance, and support from many people. In this valuable chance, the gratitude and appreciation are expressed to the Department of International Relations, Department of Politics and Government, as well as the Department of Public Policy and Management in Gadjah Mada University (UGM) which provide the scientific root for this research. In the other hand, this research would not have been possible without Darmanto, for his help and advise in understanding media studies, as well as Aldo W. Foe, for his assistance in proofreading our writings and giving substantial comments. The team also thank the Institute of International Studies (IIS) UGM and Galih Kartika for their help and support in publishing this research. Finally, we would like to thank everybody who was important to the successful realization of this research, especially for Faculty of Social and Politics Sciences UGM. This research is dedicated for social and political studies, yet it is still far from perfect. Therefore, constructive thoughtful suggestions and critics are very much welcomed. REFERENCES Bakti, A. F. (2005). Islam and Modernity: Nurcholish Madjid s Interpretation of Civil Society, Pluralism, Secularization, and Democracy. Asian Journal of Social Science, 33 (3), Burhani, A. N. (2016). Aksi Bela Islam: Konservatisme dan Fragmentasi Otoritas Keagamaan. Jurnal Maarif, 11 (2), Chernoff, F. (2007). Theory and Metatheory in International Relations: Concept and Contending Accounts. Springer. 69

80 Chapter II: Political Economy Eriyanto. (2002). Analisis Framing: Konstruksi, Ideologi, dan Politik Media. Yogyakarta: LKiS Yogyakarta. Gamson, W. A. and Modigliano, A. (1987). The changing culture of affirmative action. in R. G. Braungart and M. M. Braungart (eds.) Research in Political Sociology. vol Greenwich: JAI Press. Makruf, J. (2011). Islam, Democracy, and the Road to Moderatism: Testing the Political Commitment of Indonesian Muslim Activists. Islam and Civilisational Renewal, 2 (3), McKirdy, E. (2016, November 5). Indonesian President cancels Australia trip after violent protests. Retrieved June 22, 2017, from CNN: islamistgovernor-protest/index.html Reus-Smit, C. (2005). Constructivism. in e. Scot Burchill. Theories of International Relations. 3 rd ed. Palgrave Macmillan. Sukma, R. (2011). Soft Power and Public Diplomacy: The Case of Indonesia. In S. J. Lee, & J. Melissen (Eds.), Public Diplomacy and Soft Power in East Asia (pp ). New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Umar, A. R. (2016). A Genealogy of Moderate Islam: Governmentality and Discourses of Islam in Indonesia s Foreign Policy. Studia Islamika, 23 (3), Varagur, K. (2017, February 14). Indonesia s Moderate Islam is Slowly Crumbling. Retrieved May 10, 2017, from Foreign Policy: h!p://foreignpolicy.com/2017/02/14/indonesias- moderateislam-is-slowly-crumbling/ Wahid, A. (1985). Religion, Ideology, and Development. Archipel, 30 (2), Wendt, A. (1995). Constructing International Politics. International Security, 20(1), Wight, C. (1999). They shoot dead horses don t they? Locating agency in the agent-structure problematique. European Journal of International Studies, 5 (1),

81 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 Designing a Framework for Democracy Assessment Focusing on Pro-Democracy Actors 1 Willy Purna Samadhi a,* a Doctoral Program in Department of Politics and Government, Fisipol UGM * willy.purnasamadhi@gmail.com Abstract This paper a!empts to introduce a framework for democracy assessment that focuses on the political capacity of pro-democracy actors. The framework is important to see how pro- democracy actors interact with, and respond to the ongoing process of democratization. T he framework is also expected to illustrate how democracy and democratization are viewed from the perspective of pro-democracy actors. The assumption underlying this assessment framework is that the choices of actors on the agenda and strategies for fostering democratization are closely related to their political capacity. The greater the political capacity of the actor, the more likely the actor influences the democratization process. The smaller the political capacity of the actor, the less likely the actor influences the democratization process. The ability to influence the democratization process is characterized by the success or failure to formulate and develop the agenda and the strategy. There are three variables of political capacity used in this framework: 1) the capacity to use various political spaces, 2) the capacity to develop inclusive politics, and 3) the capacity to politicize issues and interests. Keywords: democracy, democratization, assessment, actors, political capacity 1. Introduction Various studies on democracy and democratization in Indonesia tend to be influenced by the perspective of electoral democracy that focuses on aspects of institutions and procedures (party, elections, representative institutions, development of government systems). Such studies leave several important questions: what is the role of pro-democracy actors in democratization process? Why are the actors of the pro-democracy movement unable to influence the process of democratization? Is the whole process of democratization only influenced by political elites while alienating the frontliners of pro-democracy movement? What about the power relations among the actors, including between the elite and the masses? This paper seeks to develop a democratic assessment framework that focuses on the performance and political capacity of democratic actors. Such a framework is important to see how pro-democracy actors interact with, and respond to the ongoing process of democratization. Once it is completed, the framework will be used in the follow-up study of Reflections on the Agenda and Strategy of Pro-democracy Actors in Indonesia. 1 Proceeding material for manuscript of the same title. The full text (in Bahasa Indonesia) is pending approval for publication in Jurnal Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik published by Universitas Airlangga of Surabaya. 71

82 Chapter II: Political Economy 2. Research Methods This paper is an early part of the research process entitled Reflections on the Agenda and Strategy of Pro-Democracy Actors in Indonesia. The research will utilize the data that has been available from several surveys previously undertaken by several institutions. While this paper is produced through literature study. 3. Findings and Discussion 3.1. The Existing Frameworks Foweraker & Krznaric (2000, p.776) examines there are at least 45 assessments of democracy; the number can increase in the present moment. However, the various varied approaches in general differ only in the choice of focus of assessment. Some put it on aspects of rights and freedoms, some are more concerned with election issues, party politics, and government performance. In addition, some are highlighting more specific issues, such as about women s politics, the environment, or the relationship of democracy with culture. Another aspect that is also often the focus of assessment is the process of formulation and implementation of public policies and public services. International IDEA classifies six democracy assessment frameworks based on the focus of each assessment: (1) comprehensive human rights, (2) good governance and election, (3) democratic index, (4) strengths and weaknesses of democratic application in various dimensions, (5) economic and social conditions, and (6) quality or performance of democratic institutions (Beetham, Carvalho, Landman, & Weir, 2008). Andrew Roberts (2010) also observed six assessment categories. First, studies that emphasize aspects of civil rights, participation, and effective competition (e.g. Altman & Perez-Linan 2002). Second, the study focuses on the fulfillment of human rights, law and citizenship, accountable government and representation, popular participation and civil society (Beetham, Bracking, Kearton, & Weir, 2002). Third, the study of legal sovereignty, participation, competition, vertical and horizontal accountability, freedom, equality and responsiveness (Diamond & Morlino, 2005). Fourth, a study approaching democracy from aspects of political equality, including women s representation, electoral participation, public satisfaction with democracy, corruption eradication, and cabinet performance (e.g. Lijphart 1999). Fifth, election studies, governmental and legal performance, judicial system, state institutions, social development and human rights (eg O Donnell, Cullell, & Iazzetta, 2004). Sixth, the study of Putnam et.al. (1994) who examined the influence of the civic community tradition in Italy on the process of policy formulation and enactment. Priyono (2014) makes a simpler classification, firstly, a simple dichotomous approach between dictatorship versus democracy, and a polychotomist approach approach that provides an open spectrum range between the dictatorial and democratic poles. In the midst of the spectrum there may be various regimes, such as free-country and democracy-disabled. By referring Bryce Gallie (1956), Priyono says that it is because basically... democracy itself contains essentially contested concepts... therefore... any attempt to assess the descriptive situation of the reality of democracy, must be contained therein hiding some prescriptivenormative aspects. (Priyono & Hamid, 2014, p xv) Pu!ing Focus on Pro-Democracy Actors Foley & Edwards (1996), as quoted by Priyono (2010), divides civil society into two paradigmatic groups. The first group emphasizes the aspect of civil society s ability to build apolitical citizenship associations. The orientation is to build network, norm, and trust as the core in order to develop social capital. They argue that civil society must remain politically independent and free from any political group intervention. Instead, the second group views civil society as an independent state of action from the state and has the ability to fight against state intervention.

83 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 Therefore, this second group assumes that social actors need to have the ability to mobilize politics. Civil society associations must be developed to counter state power. This second type of paradigm that Santoso (2015) suspected dominated Indonesian CSOs in post-1998 era. Both paradigms show different views on civil society. The first group of apolitics tends to be non-partisan and, of course, antipolitics. The strength of civil society is characterized by the success of maintaining autonomy, independence, and non-partisan attitudes. This view is very much influenced by Putnam s notion of civil society capable of resisting social cleavage, bridging social and political differences, and promoting broad cooperation (Putnam, Leonardi & & Nanetti, 1994). Therefore the thing that should be the agenda of civil society is to make civil society autonomous from political power. The second group thought otherwise. Civil associations should be encouraged to take political action as an organized counterweight to the state. Then, how civil society in Indonesia? In Santoso s observation (2015), there is a tendency for CSOs to carry out political roles and functions. In fact, however, they become politically marginalized. This emerges a series of questions about how their political character and function in democratic political order. Whether they should turn into political power or persist in non-partisan civil action? If civil society is assumed to be autonomous, does autonomy mean being a-political and non-partisan? When, and under what conditions, civil activities become politics? (Priyono, 2010) The debate appears to be rooted in a deeper distinction regarding the view of the role of civil society. It is at this point that I find the importance of placing civil society, or pro-democracy actors, as the focus The Assessment Focuses on Pro-Democracy Actors Democracy is not sufficiently developed through elitist institutionalization, the promotion of civil society through civil and political freedoms, let alone by simply relying on economic liberalization. Moreover, democracy requires a change of power-relation structure. Democratization does not require preconditions as advocated by sequencing of democracy, such as a"aining an adequate level of economics or education. Democracy can work and democratization can begin with even minimal institutions, along with the will and capacity to make changes. Hence, democratization is not impossible in the context of the Global South. That is the core argument of transformative democratic politics. In Indonesia, this approach was first developed by Törnquist and Demos in by creating an alternative framework for conducting an assessment of Indonesian democracy. Using such a framework, they challenged the theory of democratic transition by showing that there is a mutual relationship between the development of democratic institutions performance and the balance of power relations among actors involved in the utilization of democratic instruments. It also serves as a critique of conventional mainstream theories of democracy. For Törnquist and Demos, the most important work is to see what problems are faced and the opportunities available to tackle those problems. This work should be supported through studies on national state, including on political processes at the local level, and thematic studies of interest-based social movements and civic-politics, in addition to comparative studies. Broadly speaking, the framework of transformative democratic politics has three main pillars (Stokke & Törnquist, 2013, p.9). The first pillar is the examination of how the major actors build relationships with democratic institutions. Second, how is the political capacity of the main actors in developing transformative democratic strategies. And third, how dynamic political processes in different political contexts can produce solutions to democratic problems. The political capacity of actors can be measured by looking at three main aspects: 1) the capacity to use various political spaces, 2) the capacity to develop inclusive politics, and 3) the capacity to politicize issues and interests. 73

84 Chapter II: Political Economy 4. Conclusion Democracy assessment is a common practice to find out the actual situation of democracy and the ongoing democratization process. Various assessments of democracy are influenced by the underlying democratic perspectives. In general, however, the various assessment frameworks tend to place a focus on the performance of democratic institutions. They are less concerned with the dynamic aspect of the democratization process because it ignores how pro-democracy actors interact with and respond to the democratization process. The framework proposed in this article is intended to complement existing democracy assessment methods, paying a!ention to the political capacity of pro-democracy actors. The three main variables used to look at the political capacity of the pro-democracy actor are 1) the capacity to use various political spaces, 2) the capacity to develop inclusive politics, and 3) the capacity to politicize issues and interests. By knowing the capacity of pro-democracy actors, we can at once examine how actors interact and respond to the democratization process. In turn, knowledge of the dynamic aspects of the democratization process is useful for re-use by pro- democracy actors as a material for the evaluation and subsequent drafting of the democratization agenda. 5. Acknowledgement This article is part of a research entitled Reflections on the Agenda and Strategy of Pro- Democracy Actors in Reformasi Indonesia. The writing of this article is funded by the Faculty of Social and Political Sciences UGM under programme of 2017 Research, Publication and Community Engagement Grants. The author is solely responsible for the content of this article. REFERENCES Beetham, D., Bracking, S., Kearton, I., & Weir, S. (2002). International IDEA Handbook and Democracy Assessment. The Hague, London, New York: Kluwer Law International. Beetham, D., Carvalho, E., Landman, T., & Weir, S. (2008). Assessing the Quality of Democracy: A Practical Guide. Stockholm: International IDEA. Diamond, L., & Morlino, L. (2005). Assessing the Quality of Democracy. Baltimore: The John Hopkins University Press Foley, M. W., & Edwards, B. (1996). The Paradox of Civil Society. Journal of Democracy, 7(3), Foweraker, J., & Krznaric, R. (2000). Measuring Liberal Democratic Performance: An Empirical and Conceptual Critique. Political Studies, 48, Gallie, W. B. (1956). Essentially Contested Concepts. Aristotelian Society, (pp ). Priyono, A. E. (2010). Posisi dan Peranan Politik Masyarakat Sipil dalam Demokratisasi Indonesia Pasca Orde Baru. Priyono, A. E. (2014). Demokratisasi Indonesia dan Paradoks-paradoks Reformasi. In A.E. Priyono, & U. Hamid, Merancang Arah Baru Demokrasi Indonesia Pasca-reformasi (pp.ix-li). Jakarta: KPG. Priyono, A. E., & Hamid, U. (2014). Merancang Arah Baru Demokrasi: Indonesia Pasca-reformasi. Jakarta: Kepustakaan Populer Gramedia. Putnam, R. D., Leonardi, R., & Nanetti, R. Y. (1994). Making Democracy Work: Civis Tradition in Modern Italy. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Roberts, A. (2010). The Quality of Democracy in Eastern Europe: Public Preferences and Policy 74

85 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 Reforms. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Santoso, P. (2015). Civil Society as Hindrance to Participation: Lessons from Discourse on Democratization in Indonesia. Paper presented at International on Political participation in Asia: Defining and deploying political space Stockholm University, Sweden, November Stokke, K., & Törnquist, O. (2013). Transformative Democratic Politics. In K. Stokke, & O. Törnquist, Democratization in the Global South: The importance of Transformative Politics (pp.3-20). New York: Palgrave Macmillan. 75

86 Chapter II: Political Economy Political Economy of Broadcasting Policy Implementation in Post Reform Indonesia ( ): Case of Digital Television Broadcasting Rahayu a, * a Lecturer at the Department of Communication Sciences, Fisipol UGM * rahayu@ugm.ac.id Abstract Broadcasting Act number 32 of 2002 is a milestone of democratization of broadcasting system in Indonesia. Unfortunately, even though the act has been set for almost 17 years, many media activists have considered that the implementation of the act has not fulfilled their expectations. If the act has been legalized in order to form Indonesia s broadcasting system to be democratic and decentralized why the implementation of the policy has not run properly in the context of political change towards democracy. This study a"empts to investigate the problem of the broadcasting policy implementation and to understand factors influencing the implementation. Referring to the case of the digital television broadcasting policy and employing the text of policy analysis and field research, this study demonstrates that substances of some government regulations, ministerial regulations and ministerial decisions are different and even contrary to the act. Moreover, problems of transparency, accountability, and openness are also founded in the implementation. This study suggests that the political economy interests of actors, especially political elites and established television capitalists, play a significant role in influencing the implementation of the act. Keywords: policy implementation, broadcasting, political economy interests 1. Introduction Broadcasting Act number 32 of 2002 was born in the Indonesian post-reform era. This act is assessed by media experts and civil society activists as one of democratic communication regulations after the 1998 reform (Rianto et al., 2014). Although the pros and cons accompanied the forming of the act in the parliament, ultimately the law was successfully formulated and enforced (Wahyuni, 2006). Since the enforcement of the act, problems had been arising that indicate irregularities in the implementation of the act. A number of studies have provided evidence of the law s implementation problems (Nugroho et al., 2012; Rianto et al., 2014; Judhariksawan, 2013; Armando, 2011; Mutmainah, 2012). The number of problems in the implementation of the broadcasting policy encouraged the researcher of this study to examine the issue, whether this was because the law was not clearly set, or was there a systematic a"empt by the government to deliberately take political actions so that the implementations deviated from the law? The argument of this research was the political economy interest of the actors influencing the implementation of television broadcasting policy in post-reform Indonesia. Such interests were evident in the relationships between actors, such as lobbying, negotiation, compromise and political action. As a result, the implementation deviated from the objective of the law to realize a democratic and decentralized 76

87 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 national broadcasting. In general, how was the implementation of television broadcasting policy in post-reform Indonesia? So far, political economy interests in the implementation of broadcasting policy have not been much studied by researchers. In investigating policy implementation, many scholars focus on policy factors, especially the implementation outputs that manifest in the form of laws or other regulations, rather than focusing on the interests of agents or implementers. Based on the literature review of studies on policy implementation, the researcher of this study agrees with Sabatier and Mazmanian (1980) that in viewing implementation problems most scholars focus on policy issues, i.e. clarity of content and consistency of objectives, and on non-policy factors such as public support, policy target a!itudes, implementation commitments, and so on. The lack of a!ention to actors interests created distances from the fact that agents may or may act on the basis of their interests. As stated by Grindle and Thomas (1989) that implementation is a process full of political interests, not only in the process of formulating policy, but also in the implementation process. Relationships among agents may also contribute to implementation issues. Herman and Chomsky (2002), for example, showed how political economic interests, seen in the compromise of capitalists with regulators, lead to policy implementation no longer being neutral and siding with the public interest, but biased against the interests of capitalists. 2. Research Methods The study was conducted using a qualitative approach by applying data collection techniques, such as in-depth interviews, policy text analysis and document analysis. The interview was conducted for six months (from March to August 2017) involving 48 respondents in Jakarta, Yogyakarta, Makassar and Denpasar. The respondents consisted of officers of the Ministry of Communication and Informatics, of the Central Indonesian Broadcasting Commission (the central KPI/KPI-Pusat) and of the Regional Indonesian Broadcasting Commissions (the Regional KPIs), of private television broadcasters, of local governments, members of national parliament, members of local parliament, broadcasting activists and observers, and former officials who used to serve in government, parliament and broadcasting regulators. In-depth interviews were aimed at exploring data about the views of respondents related to broadcasting policy implementation issues. Policy text analysis was conducted over three months (June to August 2017), which was intended to obtain evidence of whether or not there is any deviation in the implementation of laws such as government regulations, ministerial regulations, and ministerial decisions. Document analysis is done by tracking a number of documents such as institutional archives, reports, news and opinion articles in the media to find relevant data in explaining the presence or absence of political economic interests in policy implementation. 3. Findings and Discussion This study shows that the digital terrestrial television policy is not explicitly regulated in the 2002 Broadcasting Act. However, in the explanation of the law there was a statement that the law was drafted based on a number of key ideas, among others, anticipating the development of communication and information technology, especially in the field of broadcasting, such as digital technology. Unfortunately, none of the articles in the law governing the process of the digital migration. This absence of digital television arrangements in the law seemed to be exploited by the Ministry of Communication and Informatics in creating digital broadcasting policy. For example, each regulation about digital terrestrial television issued by the ministry always mentioned the Broadcasting Act in its consideration section, although the law itself was not clear about the issue. Between 2007 and 2016, there were 67 regulations on the organization of digital television broadcasting made by the government. Most regulations were issued by the ministry and 77

88 Chapter II: Political Economy most of the regulations (51 of 67) were issued in 2012 and 2013 as ministerial regulations and ministerial decisions. There was a very strong impression that the Ministry of Communication and Informatics pushed the legalization of those regulations before their term ended in Another finding was that none of the regulations on digital terrestrial television was made at provincial or regency level. All regulations were made by the central government, although they were dealing with the management or distribution of radio frequency spectrums located in provinces or regencies. Interviews with local governments, legislative members, as well as the Regional Indonesian Broadcasting Commissions (the Regional KPIs) revealed that these local stakeholders were also not involved in the drafting of these regulations. This showed the spirit of centralization in the digital television regulations. Based on the results of text analysis, it was found that the substances of many regulations were not in accordance with the directives of the Broadcasting Act and even contrary to the principles of democracy and decentralization. This discrepancy suggested a strong effort of the ministry in influencing the direction of broadcasting policy so that it deviated from the initial purpose of enactment of law. The implementation of the ministerial regulations was not as smooth as the government expected. There were legal suits for the regulations proposed by a number of parties, namely local broadcasters, associations, and civil society organizations. Some of these lawsuits were filed by the Chairman of the Institute for Policy Implementation of the Indonesian Government and the Director of the Institute of Community and Media Development (No. 33.P/ HUM/2012), the Indonesian Network Television Stations Association (No. 38P/HUM/2012), and the Local Television Stations Association of Indonesia representing 45 local television stations (No. 40.P/ HUM/2012). All the lawsuits submi%ed to the Supreme Court to conduct a judicial review of the Ministerial Regulation no. 22 of 2011 on the provision of digital terrestrial television. Of the three lawsuits, two of them were granted by the Supreme Court, which were proposed by the Indonesian Network Television Stations Association and the Local Television Stations Association of Indonesia. The suits of the Chairman of the Institute for Policy Implementation of the Indonesian Government and the Director of the Institute of Community and Media Development were not granted because the applicants were considered not to have interests impaired by the object of the judicial review. The Supreme Court s cancellation on the ministerial regulation No. 22 of 2011 did not discourage the ministry in its effort regarding the digitalization. This is shown by the legislation of the Ministerial Regulation No. 32 of 2013 which aims to replace the canceled ministerial regulations. The new ministerial regulation actually went further in pushing the ministry agenda. For example, there is a transitional provision (Chapter IX) which states: Private broadcaster which has been established by the ministry as a multiplexing institution based on the Ministerial Regulation No. 22 of 2011 [...] remains recognized, including but not limited to, the right to organize multiplexing broadcasting and the right to use the radio frequency spectrum that it has, and can continue to run its activities. The new ministerial regulation was illogical because the Supreme Court s decisions (No. 38P/HUM/ 2012 and No. 40.P/HUM /2012) states that the two ministerial regulations are illegal and to be revoked. Since the new ministerial regulation was substantially the same as the previous ones, there was strong resistance from various stakeholders in the form of judicial reviews to the Supreme Court. However, the Supreme Court did not accept the lawsuit because the court stated that the substance of the object of the lawsuit had been filed before. In other words, the ministerial regulation No. 32 of 2013 was seen as illegal as the previous regulations. There was also bias in the practice of policy implementation, which could be seen by how the ministry tended to side with existing large private broadcasters. The Ministerial Regulation No. 32 of 2013 and the Ministerial Regulation No. 6 of 2013 stated, private broadcaster that can manage multiplexing service is a private station which has a broadcasting permit, has adequate human resources and infrastructure, and is able to pay the security deposit, both bid bond and 78

89 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 performance bond which amounted to hundreds of millions of rupiah. Under this provision, the government had deliberately created a barrier to entry into the broadcasting industry because these requirements could only be met by a financially powerful private television broadcaster. Based on the selection criteria, it was proven that most of these institutions were major broadcasters and their affiliates who had been dominating the national broadcasting: RCTI, SCTV, Indosiar, ANTV, TV One, Trans TV, TV7 and Metro TV. Those findings indicated that the deviation of the implementation of Indonesian broadcasting policy was real. The interests of actors, which in this case were implementers and Jakarta-based private broadcasters have led to the deviation of the Broadcasting Act s in realizing democratic and decentralized broadcasting. These political economic interests were seen in the allocation and distribution of digital channels, the determination of requirements for digital broadcasters, negotiation processes in the formulation of various regulations, and mutual benefits between the implementer (both as institutional and individual) and the broadcasters. 4. Conclusion The findings of this study show how political economy interests among actors influenced the implementation of digital television broadcasting policy in Indonesia. The interest has prompted implementer to create subsidiary regulations in the practice of managing digital television broadcasting in which the regulation deviated from the act. These findings suggested the government s position in the policy implementation, which played an important role in determining the preferred stakeholders regarding facilities or resources allocation (Mitchell, Agle, Wooed, 1997). It also could be seen to whom the government was aligned. By prioritizing the allocation of broadcasting resources to private broadcasters particularly existing Jakarta-based stations, the government regarded those institutions as definitive stakeholders (Mitchell, Agle, Wooed, 1997), which had the power to impose their will. This power could be related to their monetary power and their ability to form public opinion. Therefore, the government thought it was feasible to provide them substantive policy (Schneider & Ingram, 1993) in the form of digital frequency management. 5. Acknowledgement I would like to express my gratitude to Prof. Dr. Yeremias T. Keban, MURP as Supervisor and Dr. Kuskridho Ambardi, M.A. as Co-Supervisor. Without their assistance, this paper would not be accomplished. REFERENCES Armando, A. (2011). Televisi Jakarta di atas Indonesia. Yogyakarta: Penerbit Bentang Anggota Ikapi. Fischer, F., Miller, G.J., & Sidney, M.S. (2015). Handbook analisis kebijakan publik: Teori, politik dan metode. Terjemahan Imam Baihaqie. Bandung: Nusamedia. Golding, P., & Murdock, G. (1997). The political economy of the media. Edward Elgar. Grindle, M. S. (Ed.). (1980). Politics and policy implementation in the Third World (pp. 3-6). Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Grindle, M. S., & Thomas, J. W. (1989). Policy makers, policy choices, and policy outcomes: The political economy of reform in developing countries. Policy Sciences, 22(3-4), Herman, E. S., & Chomsky, N. (2002). Manufacturing consent: The political economy of the mass media. NY: Pantheon Books. Judhariksawan. (2013). Kapita selekta penyiaran. Makassar: Qalam Insani. Mitchell, R. K., Agle, B. R., & Wood, D. J. (1997). Toward a theory of stakeholder identification 79

90 Chapter II: Political Economy and salience: Defining the principle of who and what really counts. Academy of management review, 22(4), Mosco, V. (2009). The Political Economy of Communication. Sage Publications. Mazmanian, D.A., & Sabatier, P.A. (1983). Implementation and Public Policy. New York: Harper Collins. Mutmainnah, N. (2014). Kontrol pemerintah dalam sistem media penyiaran studi ekonomi politik tentang upaya pemerintah mengembalikan dan menegakkan kewenangannya dalam peraturan perundangan di bidang penyiaran. Disertasi. Unpublished. FISIPOL-Departemen Ilmu Komunikasi, Universitas Indonesia. Nugroho, Y., Putri, DA., Laksmi, S. (2012). Mapping the landscape of the media industry in contemporary Indonesia. Report Series. Engaging media, empowering society: Assessing media policy and governance in Indonesia through the lens of citizens rights. Research collaboration of Centre for Innovation Policy and Governance and HIVOS Regional Office Southeast Asia, funded by Ford Foundation. Jakarta: CIPG and HIVOS. Pressman Jeffrey, L., & Wildavsky, A. (1973). Implementation. Berkeley. Rianto, P., Rahayu, Yusuf, I.A., Wahyono, B., Zuhri, S., Cahyono, M.F., Siregar, A.E. (2014). Kepemilikan dan Intervensi Siaran: Perampasan Hak Publik, Dominasi, dan Bahaya Media Di Tangan Segelintir Orang. Yogyakarta: PR2Media dan Yayasan Tifa. Sabatier, P., & Mazmanian, D. (1980). The implementation of public policy: A framework of analysis. Policy studies journal, 8(4), Sabatier, P. A. (1986). Top-down and bo%om-up approaches to implementation research: a critical analysis and suggested synthesis. Journal of public policy,6(01), Wahyuni, H. I. (2006). Indonesian Broadcasting Policy: The Limits of Re-regulation to Create a Democratic Broadcasting System. Media Asia, 33(3-4),

91 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 Moderation Discourse in PP Muhammadiyah: Study on The Role Of Civil Society Organization on Counter Terrorism Policy in Indonesia Yuseptia Angretnowatia a, * a Master Program in Department of Politics and Government, Fisipol UGM * yuseptia@gmail.com Abstract The aim of this research is understanding moderation discourse framing on Pengurus Pusat (PP) Muhammadiyah which affects Indonesia s counterterrorism and deradicalization policy in Indonesia. The main argument of this article is: several movement actors in Muhammadiyah are actively building networking to create events and construct certain discourse and being actualized in advocation policy, which is pivotal in understanding framing perspective on social movement. Research finding shows two motives behind PP Muhammadiyah Policy in producing discourse framing, i.e. objectively legitimizing its behaviour against deradicalization program and subjectively countering polemic whom reflects on existing conflicts with BNPT. Furthermore, in order to trace the implications of discourse framing in policy agenda, the researcher uses three variables to examine them, namely: problems stream, policies stream, and politics stream. Data for this research is obtained through qualitative approach with in-depth interview and participant observation which is held in Surabaya on March until September Keywords: PP Muhammadiyah, constructivism, framing, moderation discourse, deradicalization, counter-terrrorism, policy agenda. 1. Introduction In several years, counter-terrorism policies had been implemented by militaristic approach, such as United States War on Terrorism policy. But, this approach often considers susceptible of Human Rights violation. Thus, several countries such as Saudi Arabia, Yaman, Egypt, Mesir, Singapura, Malaysia, Colombia, Aljazair and Tajikistan use different methods, called deradicalization as policy in counter-terrorism. Golose (2009) defines deradicalization as an action to neutralize certain ideologies. Indonesia is one of these countries which use d=deradicalization as a strategy of counterterrorism. This action is implemented after Bali Bombing I in 2002, Indonesia gave formal reaction in terrorism crime by establishing BNPT (Badan Nasional Penanggulangan Terrorisme / National Counter Terrorism Agency) through Presidential Law No..46/2010. This Law designates BNPT as national agency which responsibles in formulating policies, strategies and national program in counter-terrorism. As observed by Zuhry (2017), there are polarization and difference in political participation inside societal organization as describes by PP Muhammadiyah and PB NU. One of interesting points in the existence of deradicalization policy is the constellation of certain actors in describing context. The implementation of deradicalization programs do not deny society participation (AS Hikam, 2016). PP Muhammadiyah choose not participating in deradicalization 81

92 Chapter II: Political Economy program which is held by BNPT and try to fight the issue by establishing various allies. This article will try to explain that: both of the State (Indonesian Government) and PP Muhammadiyah understand that terrorism is serious issue and has to be handled seriously, but each of them has different perspective and underlying methods. This article focused on how PP Muhammadiyah creates discourse framing and how far its strategy effects public policy. The study found that actors in networking movement, actively mobilize activities and construct discourses which are then socialized to counter deradicalization methodology run by government and BNPT as the instigator whom in charge of coordinating the deradicalization program holistically with other ministries and agencies. In order to construct an explanation, this paper refers to a theoretical framework, with critics of course, of social movements in a framing perspective (see Snow and Benford, 1998; Gamson, 1992). Also the theoretical study of John W. Kingdon (1995) which requires that the window of opportunity for change be opened when two or more streams are combined, ie problems streams, policies streams, and politics streams that are managed and determined by interaction between interested parties. 2. Research Methods This paper refers on qualitative data related to activities, debates and strategies of PP Muhammadiyah during the implementation of Government s deradicalization program policy since Data is collected during fieldwork in Jakarta and Yogyakarta from February to September This study uses information whom collected from a sample of five indepth interviews with leaders and movement activists in PP Muhammadiyah and institutions with similar ideological affiliation. The study also includes librarian research relating to its organizational documents. The analytical framework is carried out descriptively-chronologically starting from the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) implementation of BNPT with several Islamic organizations in 2010, as the beginning of deradicalization program policy until mid But the emphasis of events is focused on 2016 to 2017, Muhammadiyah actively evaluates the performance of BNPT and advocates Siyono s suspected terrorist death case in Klaten- Central Java. The wave of terrorism issues and human security discourse as well as its implications on domestic security policy, and political participation of civil society, especially various diverse Islamic organizations on the program of deradicalization, are discussed that show the linkage of political dimension in counter-terrorism policy in Indonesia. 3. Findings and Discussion Moderation Discourse Framing by PP Muhammadiyah In diagnostic phase, PP Muhammadiyah identifies the problem of handling terrorism with deradicalism is the wrong policy program choice. The radicalization presented by BNPT from the outset has a conceptual error. Starting with still unclear concept, this condition has serious implications on its outputs. Then PP Muhammadiyah also provides a solution (Prognostic stage) called moderation, which is a mainstreaming of special methods that focus on education. Education is considered effective since it is able to teach Islam the moderate way. Based on the offer, PP Muhammadiyah asked the Government to revise the deradicalization program. The goal is that good intentions of the eradication of radicalism (actually that is what is meant by extremism) is really running with a broad view, so it does not trigger the emergence of new acts of violence. And at this motivational stage, there is practice section and action of interpretation that has been exceeded in the diagnostic and prognostic stages. Thus, at this stage, we can see that all activities of PP Muhammadiyah movement proceed to the diagnostic and prognostic results that have been discussed previously. That the deradicalization program is ineffective and can lead to new violence issues, the solution is to revise the total program and use the path of moderating Islam through education. All 82

93 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 Muhammadiyah activities in counter-terrorism efforts are guided by these views. The actualization of this concept is clearly observed in some activities and Muhammadiyah s dakwah. Representation of the motivational stage is proven by research and book publishing. Moreover, PP Muhammadiyah is also very active in organizing seminars and public discussions who want to comprehensively discuss the issues of terrorism and its handling. Researcher also observe that there are networks of intellectual movements that do advocacy for several related cases. These actors, among others, have an ideological affiliation with Muhammadiyah such as Maarif Institute and Dean of Law in Muhammadiyah Universities Forum and any others which are civil society groups that have a common concern on terrorism issue. The civil society group is an independently formed Theoretical Case Handling Team aimed at evaluating the government s performance in handling terrorism cases. The independent team has thirteen members from various backgrounds including the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM), PP Muhammadiyah, KontraS, and several advocates. Two Face of Framing: Understanding Muhammadiyah moderation during Counter- terrorism Policy There are two reasons which lies behind PP Muhammadiyah activity in reating movements and discourses strategies. Objectively, legitimizing their policy against deradialization program. Subjectively, countering polemic which shows the existence of conflicts with BNPT. PP Muhammadiyah Moderation in Public Policy Agenda Furthermore, this research also tried to capture the effect of framing on the policy advocacy agenda by PP Muhammadiyah. The analysis in this section is coupled by multiple- stream theory which assumes that the window of opportunity for change will open when two or more currents are combined. These currents which are called problems stream, policy stream, and politics stream is a concept developed by John W. Kingdon (1995). First, problems streams increase public a%ention, although deradicalization programs are already underway but cases of terrorist bombing are common. Terror events are also not only considered from the aspect of intensity alone, the pa%ern of terror bombings that lately more often done individually has a%racted public a%ention and also observers of experts related to the dynamics of this terror threat. In addition, the suspected case of Siyono in Klaten, Central Java gave feedback effect that informs the performance of BNPT. Advocacy undertaken by PP Muhammadiyah is incapable of creating nodes of civil society networks whom concerned about terrorism issues, but also delegitimizing government officials involved in deradicalization programs and counterterrorism policies for potential human rights violence which is commi%ed during the process of legal action. Second, these policy streams are implemented in the legislation to process Revised Law no. 15/2003 on Combating Terrorism Crime. There is a persuasive effort made by PP Muhammadiyah against the current policy flow that is with their advocation steps. By establishing Dean of the Faculty of Law in Muhammadiyah Universities Forum, Muhammadiyah escorting the revision of this law by providing Problem Inventory List (DIM) as an effort to provide more comprehensive policy solution to handle terrorism problem in Indonesia. Muhammadiyah considered that the forerunner of the current law on terrorism now is Perppu No.1/2002, which the context of its formation is designed in urgent and hasty condition (after Bali Bombing I), so the rationalization is: the government needs to re-create the new law and not just laid on Revisied Law and creates patchwork some article because the current condition is conducive enough to do calm and clear thinking. Third, within the dimension of politics stream the opportunity of PP Muhammadiyah bring influence on agenda changing in public policy to push and evaluate the performance of BNPT. This is the momentum for PP Muhammadiyah to build the issue and deliver its counterparts. The communications link barrier between Muhammadiyah and BNPT was more open when the performance, the leadership figure in the body of BNPT and the Indonesian Police is mandated 83

94 Chapter II: Political Economy by Tito Karnavian. Tito Karnavian is known earned academic background in counter-terrorism, influences the pa"ern of relations between BNPT and Muhammadiyah, at this time is which often done by create collaboration in the study of terrorism problems academically. 4. Conclusion The struggle of PP Muhammadiyah againts State counter-terrorism domination is done to transform the change of counter-terrorism policy, which currently being handled by deradicalization approach. This is important, because deradicalization is now the dominant discourse in the handling of terrorism, and in Indonesia deradicalization is not just a concept but also as a policy program. Even if this policy gets the pros and cons and there is a public demand for performance evaluation of BNPT, when the program is still running. But from this struggle, PP Muhammadiyah also succeeded in forming the network, at least shows that the counter-discourse they launched pays public a"ention and creating several discourses. Furthermore, it also effects policy agenda in Revision of Law on Eradication of Terrorism Terrorism legislation process, which is still being discussed in Parliament RI. The issue of terrorism and radicalism is currently in a defining moment, has been securitized in such a way that the State has legitimacy to react, including presenting deradicalization programs and anti-terrorism laws as a form of political and legal consolidation, as imperative measures. Finally, the methodological debate on the model of handling the issue of terrorism and radicalism becomes a reflection again for all parties, especially the Government and the House of Representatives. Hopefully, the government are able to present deradicalization program as a policy with a grass-roots social approach in its implementation stage and becomes a concrete policy. 5. Acknowledgement The researcher would like to express gratitude for DR. Cornelis Lay, MA whom has given great assistance and patiently gives valuable recommendation and correction to the researcher. Appreciation and gratitude also given to Research Grant (Hibah riset) FISIPOL UGM 2017 whom had facilitated and provided several assistances to this research. The opinions expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of funding agency. REFERENCES Benford, Robert D., and Snow, David A Framing Processes and Social Movements: An Overview and Assessment. Annu. Rev. Social : Burhani, Muhammad Najib Muhammadiyah Berkemajuan: Pergeseran dari Puritanisme ke Kosmopolitan. Jakarta: Mizan. Darraz, Muhammad Abdullah (editor) Reformulasi Ajaran Islam: Jihad, Khilafah dan Terorisme. Jakarta: Ma arif Institute dan Mizan. Famela, Jely Agri. (2013). Pro dan Kontra Pelaksanaan Program Deradikalisasi Badan Nasional Penanggulangan Teorisme (BNPT). Skripsi. Departemen Kriminologi Fakultas Ilmu Sosial Ilmu Politik Universitas Indonesia Golose, Petrus Reinhard Deradikalisasi Terorisme: Humanis, Soul Approach dan Menyentuh Akar Rumput. Jakarta: Yayasan Pengembangan Kajian Ilmu Kepolisian. Hannah, Greg., Clu"erbuck, Lindsay., and Rubin, Jennifer Radicalization or Rehabilitation: Understanding the Challenge of Extremist and Radicalized Prisoner. Santa Monica, Calif: RAND Corporation, TR-571-RC. Jamil, Ahmad Gerakan Sosial dalam Perspektif Framing: Studi Pembentukan, Proses dan Pertarungan Framing pada Gerakan Sosial Sengketa Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi 84

95 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 (KPK) dengan Polri Tahun 2009 dan Disertasi. Ilmu Komunikasi Program Pascasarjana FISIP Universitas Indonesia. Kingdon, John W Agendas, Alternatives, and Public Policies. New York: Harper Collins Melucci, Alberto Challenging Codes: Collective Action in The Information Age. Cambridge University Press: NY USA. Porta, Donatella Della & Diani, Mario Social Movements: An Introduction. MA: Blackwell Publishing. Putri, Rima Sari Indra Anti-Terrorism Cooperation between the National Agency for Contra Terrorism and Civil Soviety: Study Case of Muhammadiyah Disengagement. Journal Defence Management Vol.2 Issue 4. Rabasa, Angel, Stacie L. Pe!yjohn, Jeremy J. Ghez and Christopher Boucek Deradicalizing Islamist Extremists. RAND National Security Research Division. Sukma, C. J. Rizal Contemporary Movement and Islamic Thinking in Indonesia. Jakarta: CSIS. Tarrow, Sidney. (1994). Power in Movement : Social Movements, Collective Action and Politics, Cambridge University Press. Umar, Ahmad Rizky Mardhatillah Melacak Radikalisme Islam di Indonesia. Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik (JSP) Vol.14 No.2. Vermonte, Philips Jusario. Isu Terorisme dan Human Security: Implikasi terhadap Studi dan Kebijakan Keamanan. Global. Vol.5 No.2 Mei Zuhri, Saefudin Deradikalisasi Terorisme: Menimbang Perlawanan Muhammadiyah dan Loyalitas Nahdatul Ulama. Jakarta: Daulat Press 85

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97 CHAPTER III PUBLIC POLICY AND ADMINISTRATION

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99 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 Why Would Whistleblowers Dare to Reveal Wrongdoings? An Ethical Challenge and Dilemma for Organizations Ilham Nurhidayat a, * a Doctoral Program in Department of Public Policy and Management, Fisipol UGM * ilham.nurhidayat@mail.ugm.ac.id Abstract This study is established based on several issues leading to the emergence of ethical dilemmas of whistleblower. First, there exists a phenomenon of conspiracy and permissive a!itude toward corruption-related crimes and other wrongdoings. Second, the act of whistleblowing involves an inherent risk. Third, there exists a need to strengthen the legal protection of whistleblowers in Indonesia. This research analyses the rationalisation of an insider s courage in revealing wrongdoings despite all the inherent risks. This exploratory research employs the qualitative method and utilises a multi-case study in exploring the reality of whistleblowing cases in Indonesia. Data were acquired through in-depth interviews conducted with whistleblowers and other supporting informants. This study discovered several findings. First, the act of whistleblowing is driven by the intention developed in the whistleblower s attitude to defy the actions of wrongdoers. Second, such an a!itude can invoke courage in whistleblowers despite the subjective norms and perceived control that are internally prevalent in the organisation being non-conducive to such acts. This study a!empts to fill the existing gap in mainstream research regarding corruption-related crimes in Indonesia that, to date, focuses more on aspects relating to the perpetrators of corruption. This research, conversely, approaches the subject matter from the perspective of whistleblowers. The findings in this article are expected to guide the government in drafting a policy creating a more effective whistleblowing system (WBS) that protects whistleblowers and take into consideration the aspects of Indonesian local context, culture and ethics, which are different from those found in states that have already initiated the concept of whistleblowing. Keywords : a!itude, corruption crime, intention, whistleblower, whistleblowing, wrongdoing 1. Introduction This research is based on the dilemma experienced by insiders when confronted with the option of voice or silence upon discovering acts of wrongdoings at the work place. This is an interesting issue, considering that although whistleblowing has been regarded as a common incidence that has even become a long developing mainstream social phenomenon in USA (Magnus and Viswesvaran, 2005), it remains to be a concept difficult to construe (Adler and Daniels, 1992). In Indonesia, the case of an insider who decides to become a whistleblower is no easy ma!er. Internal corruption or fraud occurring in the organisation is difficult to overcome when parties involved are in an agreement to mutually conceal information or engage in a conspiracy. This is in line with the findings of De Maria (2006) that discuss corrupt behaviours 89

100 Chapter III: Public Policy and Administration in public organisations by using the concept of brother secret, sister silence, sibling conspiracies. The phenomenon found by De Maria is named joint conspiracy, which is a result of the synergy between the secret of corruption or other frauds and the act of silence from involving parties that is known as strategic integration. This research is also aimed at filling the research gap on corruption-related crimes that have been commi!ed in Indonesia. This study focuses on the behaviours of individuals revealing corrupt acts, which are uncommon in relation to currently prevailing mainstream studies that focus more on the aspect of corrupt or fraud perpetrators behaviours that are directly acquired from the whistleblowers. This research is part of an a!empt to address basic empirical and theoretical queries on why and how insiders have the courage to voice their concern and take down/reveal corruption or other frauds in situations, in which the moral standing position of the organisation is collectively unpredictable and the state is absent in terms of sufficient legal protection for whistleblowers in Indonesia. 2. Research Methods This research employs the exploratory qualitative approach and applies a multi-case study (Bogdan et al.: 1998:62) as a method in exploring and presenting the realities of whistleblowing cases, which serve as the unit of analysis in this research. This method treats each whistleblowing case and ethical dilemma experienced by every whistleblower as a unique case orientation (Pa!on, 2002). The data collection was accomplished through in-depth interviews of whistleblowers and other supporting informants. It also involved combining the strategies of literature study and searching the documents and regulations. This study explores cases of whistleblowing undertaken by some whistleblower figures. The selection of the main respondents (whistleblower figures) was initially carried out by searching through mass media news, from which they were subsequently chosen based on assessment that satisfied several predetermined criteria or characteristics (purposive method- Pa!on, 1980; judgemental sampling- Hagan, 2006). These criteria cover two groups. The first group pertains to the whistleblowers profiles (whether they have directly conducted an act of whistleblowing and is a member or former member of the organisation in which the case took place). The second group of criteria pertains to the characteristics of the revealed cases, including cases that initially surfaced as a result of the whistleblower s initial blow, those that receive media coverage, those that occur with the potential of incurring loses to the organisation and/or the public, every whistleblowing case that raised differing issues of fraud and a whistleblower s gender representativeness. The five selected whistleblowers fulfilled the determined criteria and became our main research respondents. First is Khairiansyah Salman, a former auditor of the Audit Board of the Republic of Indonesia (BPK RI). Second is Murdiyanto, who is a civil servant teacher currently holding the position as a principal at a Public Junior High School in Sukoharjo. Third is Muchasonah, who is a civil servant teacher at a Public Religious Junior High School (MTsN) in Jombang Regency. Fourth is Andrea Amborowatiningsih (Ambar), who is a former honorary employee tasked as a tour guide at the Radya Pustaka Museum in Surakarta. Fifth is Vincentius Amin Sutanto, who is a former financial controller of PT. AAG. The data were then analysed by using the steps of interactive model proposed by Miles and Huberman (1992). This process consisted of data collection through in-depth interviews and data reduction by summarising and selecting data based on focal points and significant issues related to key themes. The final step involved data presentation and conclusion. 3. Findings and Discussion Whistleblowing: A Behaviour Oriented Toward and Based on Ethics Whistleblowing is an organisational behaviour saturated with ethical issues. Specifically, the act of whistleblowing is oriented toward and based on the values of honesty, openness, 90

101 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 protection of public interest and rejection of deviations from rules and codes of ethics. From an ethical perspective, every whistleblowing act contains a clash of values raging within each whistleblower. Such a condition compels whistleblowers to face a number of dilemmatic choices between prioritising self-integrity and loyalty as an organisational member or protecting a broader public interest. Intention of Whistleblowing: Actualisation of a Whistleblower s Aitude A strong will within an aspiring whistleblower is, therefore, a necessity for an individual to muster up the courage to voice one s concern. Such strong will is commonly referred to as intention. In theory of planned behaviour (TPB) perspective (Ajzen, 1991), the intention is influenced by three elements: attitude; subjective norms and perceived behaviour control. The relation between the three TPB elements and the intention of whistleblowing in connection to the reason action approach (Ajzen & Fishben, 2015) is illustrated in Figure 1. Figure 1. Whistleblowing Behaviour and the Intention Formation Process and Factors Source: The reality and findings of the five studied cases of whistleblowing are adjusted by adopting the principles of TPB (Ajzen, 1991) and TRA (Ajzen & Fishbein,1980, 2015). Based on the exploration results of whistleblowing intention acquired from the five whistleblowers, four significant points can be summarised. First, the element of a!itude is the strongest trigger in the formation of whistleblowing intention. The a!itude displayed by whistleblowers is considerably an actualisation or realisation of discontent (Withey and Cooper, 1989) or dissent (Taylor and Curtis, 2010). These a!itudes demonstrate disagreement, dissatisfaction, disappointment, disapproval or concern pertaining to acts of corruption, fraud and wrongdoing (Near et al., 2004; Kaplan et al., 2011; Kaplan et al., 2009), which are considered as crimes that must be opposed and thwarted. The attitude of them is formed by several basic factors, including self-integrity, self-confidence, passion for one s occupation, along with, according to Azwar (1997: 30-38), influences brought about by life experiences, culture, significant role model figures in one s life and mass media. Second, subjective norms in the organisation where the whistleblowers work at foster a non-conducive environment. This is demonstrated by the intensity of social pressure experienced by the five whistleblowers. The social pressure may be in the form of threat, terror and intimidation conducted explicitly by the wrongdoers or even by colleagues within the organisation. Third, the perceived behaviour control available in the organisation is deemed insufficient. This is proven by the difficulty encountered by the whistleblowers in reporting the malpractices they observed via internal reporting channels. The difficulties may be caused by the fact that the organisation they work at was unprepared to respond or address incidence of whistleblowing enacted by an insider. Fourth, the element of a!itude that whistleblowers display is a significantly dominating element that forms the intention, behaviour or act of whistleblowing. With the prevalent lack of norms and insufficient control found within the organisations, a firm attitude of dissent, objection and opposition toward every act of fraud 91

102 Chapter III: Public Policy and Administration can be a strong driving factor in forming the intention of whistleblowing. Factors Influencing the Formation of a Whistleblower s Aitude & the Courage of Voice Based on the exploration of the five cases, were identified several internal factors forming the attitude of whistleblowers. The first factor is self-integrity. It serves as the foundation of a whistleblower s behaviour. There is, however, an anomaly found in terms of integrity in the case experienced by Vincent. The second is self-confidence. Self-confidence does not instantaneously appear; rather, it is established through life experiences and habitus over a long period of time (Azwar, 1998). The third constitutes professionalism and passion for one s occupation. This factor contributes in forming commitment and in stimulating the spirit to work and perform at a high level in accordance with the agreed upon work regulation and code of ethics. At the individual level, the attitude and courage of voice every whistleblower possess are influenced by one or a combination of the internal factors mentioned above. Dilemmatic Facts of Whistleblowing Cases in Indonesia The he study have proven the prevalence of such a dilemmatic condition, as summarised: Table 1. Cases of and Responses to Acts of Whistleblowing No Name Reported Cases Positive Respons Negative Respons 1. Khairiansyah Salman Bribery proposed by the KPU commissioner Integrity Award from International Transparency Received a warning from the top leadership of BPK and dismissed from his position as PNS 2. Muchasonah Mark-up in probationary regional government officers accumulated salaries 3. Murdiyanto Extortion to the allowance of teacher certification 4. Andres Amborowati ningsih 5. Vincentius Amin Sutanto Statue forgery and larceny at the Museum Tax evasion scandal committed by Asian Agri Group (AAG) Received the News Maker award from the Harian Joglo Semar Award from one of the local mass media outlets Received parole for being a justice collaborator in the case of AAG tax evasion Discriminatory treatments: Reassigned to being a KUA administrative staff; obstructed from gaining promotion for years; avoided by some colleagues Interrogated by a team, under pressure and received threat of termination as a civil servant Under pressure, and threatened to be murdered; The murder of a fellow member in the factfinding team Terrorised and hunted by private detectives during escape in Singapore; He was given a prison sentence (12 years) for money laundering Based on the table 1, the general response afforded may be divided into two categories. The first category is the display of negative response in the form of rejection, protest, opposition, counter charges and even terror directed at the whistleblowers. A whistleblower who reported wrongdoings or internal issue to an external party (outside of the organisation) is labelled as a traitor within that organisation (Vinten,1994; Moberg, 1997; Hers, 2002). The second category is the demonstration of positive response afforded to them in the form of appreciation, support/awards despite the initial resistance/ opposition from the wrongdoers. The differences and varieties of response garnered from relevant actors are influenced by several factors. These include, on the one hand, the power relations that are prevalent between the whistleblowers with their proponents, and on the other hand, the power of the wrongdoers and those who oppose the whistleblowers action. Another causal factor is the lack 92

103 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 of moral clarity relating to the organisation of supporting or opposing actions taken by insiders which may be considered as creating a blemish on the organisation in the public sphere. We find that although the whistleblowers undergo a condition of irony, the presence of them is truly expected to contribute in upholding ethical values as well as improving organisational conditions from malpractices that are regarded as legally and morally wrong. A whistleblower may be likened to a person who is hated but missed at the same time. 4. Conclusion The whistleblower s attitude is a dominant element affecting intention or act of whistleblowing. This has been proven by the existing fact showing that although there is a situation of nonconductive subjective norms and insufficient control, the firm attitude of whistleblowers demonstrating concern and opposition against ongoing fraudulent acts can trigger the formation of one s intention to become a whistleblower. The formation of a their attitude is founded on several factors that originate from one s personal character or trait, demography and information. The act of a whistleblower is not positioned extremely as a hero or traitor. Support and retaliation occur simultaneously. The unclear response prove that there exists an ambiguity / ambivalence of organisation. The whistleblower is, therefore, comparable to someone who is hated but also necessary at a concurrent time and context. 5. Acknowledgement Ilham Nurhidayat and Bevaola Kusumasari prepared this journal article based on the report Why Would Whistleblowers Dare to Reveal Wrongdoings?: An Ethical Challenge and Dilemma for Organisations. This work has been founded by FISIPOL UGM under programme of 2017 Research, Publication and Community Engagement Grant. The opinions expressed herein are those of the authors and do not neccessarily reflect the views of funding agency. REFERENCES Adler, James N. & Daniels, Mark. (1992). Managing the Whistleblowing Employee. The Labor Lawyer, Vol. 8, No. 1: Ajzen, I. (1991). The Theory of Planned Behavior. Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes, 50, Ajzen, Icek, & Fishbein, Martin. (1980). Understanding Attitudes and Predicting Social Behavior. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Ajzen, Icek, & Fishbein, Martin. (2015). Predicting and Changing Behavior: The Reasoned Action Approach. Taylor and Francis Group LLC Azwar, Saifuddin. (1997). Metode Penelitian. Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar Azwar, Saifuddin. (1998). Sikap Manusia. Teori dan Pengukurannya. Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar Bogdan, R. & Biklen, S.K. (1998). Qualitative Research for Education. An Introduction to Theory and Methods. Boston: Allyn & Bacon. De Maria, William. (2006). Brother Secret, Sister Silence: Sibling Conspiracies against Managerial Integrity. Journal of Business Ethics (2006) 65: Hersh, M.A. (2002). Whistleblowers- Heroes or Traitors?: Individual and Collective Responsibility for Ethical Behaviour. Annual Reviews in Control 26: Kaplan, Steven E., Kelly Richmond Pope & Janet A. Samuels (2011). An Examination of the Effect of Inquiry and Auditor Type on Reporting Intentions for Fraud. Auditing: A Journal of Practice & Theory: November 2011, Vol. 30, No. 4:

104 Chapter III: Public Policy and Administration Kaplan, S., Pany, K., Samuels, J., & Zhang, J. (2009). An Examination of the Effects of Procedural Safeguards on Intentions to Anonymous Report Fraud. Auditing: A Journal of Practice and Theory, 28(2), Magnus, Jessica R. Mesmer & Viswesvaran, Chockalingam. (2005). Whistleblowing in Organizations: An Examination of Correlates of Whistleblowing Intentions, Actions, and Retaliation. Journal of Business Ethics, Vol. 62, No. 3 : Miles, B. Mathew & Michael Huberman. (1992). Analisis Data Kualitatif Buku Sumber Tentang Metode- Metode Baru. Jakarta: UIP Moberg, D. J. (1997). On employee vice. Business Ethics Quarterly, Vol 7: Near, Janet P, Michael T. Rehg, James R. Van Sco!er & Marcia P. Miceli. (2004). Does Type of Wrongdoing Affect the Whistle-Blowing Process. Business Ethics Quarterly, Vol. 14, No. 2 : Parmerlee, Marcia A, Janet P. Near & Tamila C. Jensen. (1982). Correlates of Whistle- Blowers Perceptions of Organizational Retaliation. Administrative Science Quarterly, Vol. 27, No. 1 (Mar., 1982): Patton, Michael Quinn. (2002). Qualitative Research and Evaluation Methods, 3 rd Ed. California, USA: Sage Publication Inc. Taylor, E.Z. & Curtis, M.B. (2010). An Examination of Workplace Influences in Ethical Judgments: Whistle-Blowing Likelihood and Perserverance In Public Accounting. Journal of Business Ethics, 93(1), Vinten, G. (1994). In Whistleblowing Subversion or Corporate Citizen. G. Vinten (ed.): 3-20 Withey, M.J. & Cooper, W.H. (1989). Predicting exit, voice, loyalty, and neglect. Administrative Science Quarterly, 34(4),

105 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 Readiness and Challenges in E Gov : Paradoks in Electronic/ Online Public Handling Complaint System in Kulon Progo Indra Pratama P S a,* a Master Program in Department of Public Policy and Management, Fisipol UGM * indrapratamaps29@gmail.com Abstract The era of democracy and advancement of information and technology (ICT) insist the consequences of changes in governance and public service as a whole, including at the local scale. But the questions of whether the transformation process has become a necessity at the local scale, comprehensive, useful, and worth to the public handling complaint channel system of electronic/online service in the future. This article discusses how the application in the electronic/ online public handling complaint service system in Kulon Progo, phenomenon, and its barriers, as well as the readiness of who at once became key fixes as one model of the development of electronic/online service system to the fore. The main argument of this article is practical of e-gov in government to citizen (G to C) context has not been able to capture the essence of the e-gov and still ignore the needs of the community. Keywords : e-gov, government, public service, public handling complaint system 1. Introduction The role of consummate good governance for the welfare of the community, one of which implements the system of electronic government (e-gov) in governance and public services. This condition is also done along with with the inclusion of instruments based on digital information and communication technologies such as mobile phones or hand-held, computer, internet, and social media (new media) are often used in intensity quite high at the moment. In fact, the rotation of the flow of information and communications on media based e-gov virtually unstoppable about openness. The intensity distribution is not limited. That is, the crack of the communication and the spread of information about various things including activities one of which rely on the media-the media-based e-gov is included in governance and public service activities within the framework of government relations with public (government-to-citizen or G to C). Also, the spread of literacy in the middle ranks of Government more quickly by having the system e-gov. Conventional public service transition towards e-gov is an a#empt revolution in information and communication technology (ICT), which is able to change the wheels of Government significantly through various means by the community in reaching out to Governments get information through a simple way, charging application or obtain a solution of the problem (Heeks, 1999; Reddick et al, 2014). Can not be denied that the purpose of the existence of bureaucratic governance capable of improvement is manifested through the e-gov-based instruments, especially with the condition system of service bureaucracy and governance in Indonesia that is still impressed yet the existence of sense full responsibility owned by agencies 95

106 Chapter III: Public Policy and Administration when serving the public complaint (Dwiyanto, 2013). In other words, society s complaint is still considered one eye and yet be a priority consideration in policy formulation as well as the work programme. Starting from these conditions, then it becomes a task of revamping for the Government so that governance and public services aimed at the public is becoming be!er and right on target. The adoption of e-gov itself acts gave rise to potentialities in bureaucratic problem sand improvement of public services such as; bring up the value of the periodic report of transparency (periodical), sharing information on regulatory and governance, as well as open the tap community participation in Sue by electronic mail or ( ). The effort is a shake-up of the bureaucratic resistance to measures that are often still stiff to be be!er when dealing with the public. The benefits of e-gov in the framework of a G to C was not a bit when the e-gov systems present in the middle of the interaction between the Government with the community, either by the Government or society. Some previous studies explained that e-gov in the context of G to C that applied the Government able to be pre-eminent in the strategy of transforming activity of government activities and to improve the quality of public services through alternative channel electronic access (Prybutok et al., 2008; Vasilakin et al, 2007). Another study indicates that e-gov is able to save budget and streamline public service programs (Garsons, 2004; Karunasena et al, 2011); give you an advantage in the form of a cheap cost, increase transparency, reduce corruption practices, provide a great opportunity in the transition to a society forward and reduces the gap (inequality) in making a be!er future for the Community (Schware, 2000; Wadia, 2000). In fact, the adoption of e-gov and information and communication technology (ICT) in indonesia has not been encouraging enough if viewed from the aspect of the overall value. Because, this condition can be seen through the ranks the results of a survey conducted by the United Nations E-Government Survey in the year As a result, the ranking of e-gov Indonesia under the number 0.5 shows failed. E-gov index Indonesia shows the numbers in the country by population highest in the world in a survey of United Nations E-Government Survey in Indonesia ranked 106 in the world and under the world average (0.4712). Although it was still in the position of India (ranked 118; with index e-gov ) with a population of 1.26 billion or 5 (five) times the total population of Indonesia, but Indonesia s ranking is still very much under United States (rank 7; with an index of e-gov ) and China (ranked 70; with index e-gov ) which is above the average of the world s e-gov index. In addition to the ranks of countries with the highest population in the world, ranking as well as e-gov index Indonesia also remained down position when compared to some countries in Southeast Asia through several of the indicators set out by the United Nation E-Government Surveys in the year In the context of Southeast Asia, the implementation of the e-gov index in Indonesia shows numbers and ranked 7. Of the 10 (ten) countries in Southeast Asia, the position of Indonesia is still at the bo!om 5 (five), Southeast Asia (Singapore, Malaysia was under the Brunei Darussalam, the Philippines, Thailand, and Viet Nam). On the level of Asia, Indonesia is still below the average Asia namely Based on the United Nations E-Government Survey 2014, Indonesia sign in the category of medium or both from below the lowest classification in the category development index figures for e-gov (EGDI) world. Through four (4) stages namely; a). Very High EGDI, > 0.75 (EGDI very high); b). High EGDI, between 0.5 to 0.75 (EGDI high, between 0.50 to 0.75); c). Middle EGDI, between 0.25 to 0.50 (EGDI medium, between 0.25 to 0.50); d). Low EGDI, between 0 to 0.25 (EGDI low, between 0 to 0.25), Indonesia belongs to the category of intermediate EGDI through several indicators which have been set out in the implementation of the survey conducted by EGDI in In the local context, the practice of channel utilization of e-gov in Kulon Progo realized one of them through the opening of public complaint-based Canal electronic/online. But unfortunately, the Canal of the complaint indicate data that are less satisfactory. In the site system complaint Community (SEMAR), during the there are 794 public complaints noted. Of the total, a public complaint resolved as much as 564 reports, but there are still unresolved report

107 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 In other words, almost every public complaint 3 enter, 1 of which isn t managed properly. The first assumption, not optimal responsiveness that is marked with the still unresolved in the reporting period of time long enough; The second assumption of responsibilities, accountability is still not fully implemented given, and; The third assumption, will potentially bad on trust (the trust) the public declining against the use of electronic-based services/online. This has given the third one early indication that the management of a public complaint through the Canal-based electronic/online hasn t been handled well and was able to become the instrument that delivers excellence in local scale, especially in Kulon Progo. Research Questions Researchers intend to understand and see how the implementation, readiness, as well as the obstacles that occur during the process of the management of the Canal through organized by applying some principles such as responsiveness, accountability, and the participation of the community. Site selection in Kulon Progo due from the entire innovation (14 programs), 9 (nine) program including program innovations is related to hardware-based electronic/online as well as closely connected with public complaints. That is to say, it will open up to people in Kulon Progo. But then, why would the fact that happened precisely the level of completion is still not optimal. 2. Research Methods Methods in carrying out this research study is a qualitative method and case studies. While in the analysis, the researchers examine in thematic related to the results found during research, studies, as well as the study of literature in the field. 3. Findings and Discussion 3.1. E-Gov : Is It Important? The novelty is not vision coupled with readiness as a novelty in Kulon Progo vision, vision to implement aspects of modernity the utilization of information and communication technology (ICT) has been utilized by the local government in the system of Government and governance public services. Rather, applied on the canal system of public complaint-based electronic/online local in scale. But unfortunately, in the middle of incessant deployment of e-gov in the Organization of the public, a more modern canal complaint not be declared successful and proven excellence in increasing participation, responsiveness, and accountability. This is evidenced by the existence of the data and facts that show not optimal. During the research progresses, many of the phenomenon showed the dilemma that occurs both in the aspect of preparedness and management of the Canal in the complaint, the complaint Manager and community, as well as obstacles to the challenge of improvement to be done. The readiness that is not matured into the initial cause of the existence of the optimal management of complaint No. The facts show the Canal electronic/online complaint has yet to become core (primacy) for the activities of officials in order to improve the quality of the public complaint. The symptoms appear from preparedness assessed weak starts from unserious in the project Canal electronic/online complaint related to the executor. The symptoms in the form of minimum number of personnel manager who has a human resources in the field of IT. The lack of such personnel not just on one or two electronic complaint channel Manager/online, but nearly all the managers in the Agency s in the structure of electronic complaint channel Manager/ online, especially the presence of a duplicate post of which occurred in official provider of the information and data (PPID) in the Canal electronic/online complaint and concurrently as the owner of a structural position in every department. The minimum number of managers is not proportional to the workload that had to be borne or exceed existing human resource capacity. Note that the existence of a duplicate position by an electronic complaint channel Manager/ online resulted in suboptimal work performed. The duplicate pa#ern this term makes a public 97

108 Chapter III: Public Policy and Administration complaint management less than optimal, especially in the management of the Canal electronic/ online complaint, required personnel have the skills and commitment of responsibility for IT. Preparedness in the form of budget constraints also be complaints in the process of management of a public complaint. The cost of the interaction that in fact is a budget requires the planning process, it turns out that there is no budget for the management of the complaint. Canal electronic /online complaint that requires the preparation of cost in the interact, in fact, complained of by officers in both the cost of pulses and pulse mobile internet modem. This occurs when the complaint process coordination with other agencies and answer the complaint of the community. In addition, the cost of software maintenance in ICT-based also doesn t exist. Budget problems have an impact when it should implement a public complaint management activities outside of working hours. Management of a public complaint related to the governance system electronically/online shows the processes that are still weak. The lack of a public complaint related data that focuses on the management of Canal electronic/ online complaint into a ma"er important enough to do improvements. The absence of data and of a public complaint management recap of the impact evaluation system is weak because the component into a strong basis in carrying out periodically evaluation. This evaluation is concerned with how to improve the service quality of the Canal electronic/online complaint to the fore. Publications and dissemination are not yet fully understood in an effort to promote the importance of ICT in the context of relations between the Government with the Community (G to C). It is only as a mere formality. Especially when delivered that has not been the existence of community satisfaction index measurement (IKM) about the existence of the electronic complaint channel service/online. This phenomenon demonstrates the still weak efforts to promote the advancement of ICT in Kulon Progo. In fact, local Government of Kulon Progo very optimistic when at the beginning of the high pass that user will potentially improve the quality of public services in Kulon Progo. A different perception of main and auxiliary Manager Manager impact the weak pa"ern of coordination and cooperation. This happened during the public complaint management processes within the Canal electronic/complaint online. On the one hand, the electronic-based public service is urgently needed and executed procedurally by the personnel manager. But on the other hand, the perception of different needs in the use of canals complaint into one constraint that weaken the system of coordination and cooperation. On the personnel manager that supports the existence of the Canal electronic/online complaint argues that the need for the utilization of electronic complaint channel will be able to create efficiency. However, in the opinion of the personnel managers who are less supportive of the opinion that the system imposed by the Canal electronic/online complaint is too convoluted and believed to be longer. Of the two, there is an outline should be considered. First, managers must understand the needs of the community, and; Second, the context of the problems must be understood clearly but do not rule out technical procedures in SOP Service Complaint. Regulation is SOP Service Complaint has not become the main reference point for technical and internal compliance basis in the management of public complaint. Although previously explained that the main managers coordinate with Office of segwayor related institutions in the handling of the complaint, but in fact the main electronic complaint channel Manager/online is very weak in the process of monitoring the extent to which the public complaint underway. The main Manager over on the decision in response to a public complaint on the service of the segway or the other relevant agencies and let go of the will which handles the complaint in the field. This kind of pa"ern will potentially undermine the system and focus which has been built up, namely in terms of the improvement of relations between the Government with the Community (G to C). Especially when the society in early delivering complaint through the electronic complaint/online, then the absence of a response from the provider of the Party shall be regarded as flawed because it ignored the complaint public. Consequently, the complaint is overlooked would be able to reduce the level of trust the community in the use of the Canal the Canal electronic/complaint online. 98

109 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 The tendency of societies that are more interested in utilizing the conventional form of canals that bring together community forums with Governors or staff directly show that the electronic complaint channel less interest. This trend is a result of the still-weak public complaint management and preparedness through the electronic complaint/online. It has been submi"ed that although the forum meeting held a complaint channel is still conventional, but in fact, this channel is capable of excellence over a canal electronic/complaint online. Comfort and discretion in the delivery of a public complaint were greeted with a positive appreciation of the conventional complaint forum Manager impact on society to prefer conventional complaint channel. Despite having to spend the cost and time consuming, but the public who report a public complaint through the conventional complaint forums do not count on it. Even the community ever accessing a different channel said his experience while delivering a public complaint that the satisfaction obtained in conventional complaint forum is much be"er. In addition, the experience of ge"ing answers in the form of solutions and the direction which is sure to be the strength of the chosen channel conventional complaint forum. 5. Conclusion In the project measures the utilization of hardware-based electronic/online on public services, local government and the Manager have to mean it is able to capture the essence of the e-gov itself. The fact that the tendency of the public who reported a public complaint using the conventional complaint channel must be able to be caught then pulled what was to become the basis of the community s choice. Note that the reason the public prefer the conventional channel namely due to the comfort and spaciousness in the submission of the complaint, the flavor is valued and appreciated, as well as a be"er experience when it delivered a complaint of the public through the device the conventional complaint. In other words, the local Government of Kulon Progo emphasized aspects of the efficiency of the submission of the complaint, the cheaper cost, and faster in the aspect of time. While the public is more likely to put emphasis on the effectiveness of the implementation of the complaint (the presence of interactions are intense), easier (in the technical delivery of public complaint), and more precisely in terms of decisions and directives received the community after delivering a public complaint, this condition shall be arrested by the local government to be adopted by the canal system of the electronic complaint/online. REFERENCES Dwiyanto, A. (2007). Kinerja Tata Pemerintahan Daerah di Indonesia. Yogyakarta : PSKK UGM. Garson, G. D. (2004). The Promise of Digital Government in Pavlichef, A and Garson, G.D. (Eds), Digital Government : Principles and Best Practices. Idea Group Publishing, Hershey, PA : Heeks, R. (1999). Information and Communications Technologies, Poverty and Development. Manchester : Institute for Development Policy and Management, University of Manchester. Karunasena, K., Deng, H. and Singh, M. (2011).Measuring the public value of e-government : a case study from Sri Langka. Transforming Government : People, Process, and Policy.5 (1): Prybutok, V.R., Zhang, X. and Ryan, S.D. (2008). Evaluating leadership, it quality, and net benefits in an e-government environment. Information and Management. 45 (3) : Reddick, C., & Anthopoulos, L. (2014). Interaction with e-government, new digital media and traditional channel choices : citizen-initiated factor. Transforming Government : People, Process, and Policy. 8 (3) : Schware, R. (2000). Information technology and public sector management in developing countries : present status and future prospects. Indian Journal of Public Administrations. 46 (3) : United Nations E-Government Survey

110 Chapter III: Public Policy and Administration Vasilakin, C., Lepouras, G. and Halatsis, C. (2007). A knowledge-based approach for developing multi-channel e-government services. Electronic Commerce and Research Applications. 6 (1) : Wadia, J. (2000). Welcome to Digital Democracy, Times Computing, Nov, 22. h!p://www. timescomputing.com/ /nws1.html. 100

111 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 An Advocacy Coalition Framework of Arrangement Selement Policy Riverbanks Winongo in Yogyakarta Zulfa Harirah MS a,* a Master Program in Department of Politics and Government, Fisipol UGM * zulfaharirahms@yahoo.com Abstract The basic idea of this research is to examine the policy advocacy process on Winongo settlement arrangement riverbanks in Yogyakarta. This study will focus to answering how the coalition framework was formed and how the coalition manage their belief system and resources. Through the theory Advocacy Coalition Framework and case study method, shows that there are two coalitions in structuring settlements the river Winongo. Both are proven to stand on two legs, as a member of coalition and as a policy broker. This shows that the policy is a political process that allows each actor to act politically. Keywords: advocacy, coalition, policy 1. Introduction Realized or not, the existence of se!lements along the river is a problem that has its own dilemma. On one hand, the existence of se!lements on the banks of the river used by the poor who are unable to reach a decent settlement. They remain live along the river because its location is considered strategic, close to where they earn a living. 1 But on the other hand, the area along the river is an area that needs to be protected from a variety of factors that could damage the ecosystem, including the existence of the se!lement itself. Controversy riverbank se!lements policy issued by the Government in fact raises the public spirit in advocating their rights. 2 The traditional understanding that relies on the concept of iron triangle that is limited to the administrative agency, the legislature at one level of government increasingly expanded with the presence of actors from various levels of government, such as NGOs, researchers, policy analysts, and the general public in the policy process. 3 In arranging se!lements on the banks of the river Winongo, the City Government of Yogyakarta showing the passive attitude. 4 This condition led to the initiative of non- governmental organizations to advocate and deliver policy alternative settlement arrangement along the river Winongo. There are two groups that play a role in the process of public advocacy Winongo riverbanks, the Architect Community Yogyakarta (Arkom) and Winongo Asri Communication 1 Reza Sasanto dan Syaifuddin Khair. Analisis Kebijakan Pemerintah dalam Penanganan Pemukiman Ilegal di Bantaran Sungai Studi Kasus: Bantaran Kali Pesanggrahan Kampung Baru, Kedoya Utara Kebon Jeruk. Jurnal Planesa, Vol 1 No 2, November 2010, page Look at Nur Fua ad. Diskriminasi Sosial Masyarakat Bantaran Sungai Jagir Wonokromo. Jurnal Paradigma Vol 3 No 2,2015. And also read Bambang Kurniawan. Penataan Bantaran Sungai Berbasis Komunitas sebagai Upaya Membangun Pemerintahan yang Partisipatif: Sebuah Analisis Pendekatan Penataan Bantaran DAS CIsadane. Jurnal Lingkar Widyaswara 1 No 4 Oktober- Desember 2014 Edition 3 Paul A. Sabatier dan Hank C. Jenkins-Smith. Policy Change and Learning An Advocacy Coalition Approach USA: Westview Press, pages Results of interviews with Tri Retnani of Bappeda Yogyakarta on October 11,

112 Chapter III: Public Policy and Administration Forum (FKWA). Both groups are in a different position and viewpoint. The FKWA framework is based on a negative stigma towards the existence of se"lements on river banks which are believed to expand the slum area. Moreover, the existence of se"lements on river banks clearly showed impression of shabby and chaotic, closely related to poverty, and cause damage to the ecosystem of the river. 5 While on the other side, people living on the river banks are believed to be trying to find a be"er life of urban areas. This condition is the underlying Arkom more see the arrangement from the direction of se"lement to the river, that the rights of people on the banks of the river become a priority that must be met first. In supporting the success of the advocacy process, FKWA and ARKOM forming a coalition with other groups. The formation of the coalition carried out by bringing other groups that have the same confidence to strengthen support in advocating the policy. Therefore, this study will focus on answering two things, how the coalition that formed the framework and how the belief system management, resources and strategies of each coalition. 2. Research Methods The answers to the above questions will be traced based on case study methods with observation techniques, in-depth interviews, and documentation. 6 In analyzing the data, the authors do data reduction, organizing data and interpretation of data in accordance with the theory used. 7 Through the case study method, this research will explore the case of advocacy conducted by FKWA and Arkom in planning policies Winongo se"lement on the banks of the river. The overall data obtained from the field will then be analyzed based on the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) theory according to Sabatier and Jenkins Smith 3. Findings and Discussion The spirit behind the rearrangement of Winongo river served by Winongo Asri Communication Forum (FKWA) with their coalitions. FKWA not the only key actors who advocate a policy, but there is also a Community Architect Yogyakarta (Arkom) who build the coalitions with the same belief system. 8 From the above presentation, it can be mapped that both these coalitions have different belief system. These beliefs influence their perspectives on an issue and affects the strategies to be used to push an idea that was brought. Track the Role of Brokers In this case, the broker in question is a third party mediating from the debate between two different coalitions of interest. Arkom and FKWA who became the main character in the battle of interests in the Winongo river basin management can not be separated from the various friction. The debates between the two groups met once again when Bappeda Kota Yogyakarta asked Arkom to become part of FKWA. The steps taken by the Bappeda of Yogyakarta City was triggered by the conflict that arose when the public was overwhelmed by the discourse that Arkom played about the eviction to be carried out by FKWA. Arkom showed river banks about the design proposed by FKWA which was made without involving the community. In the design of all villages on the banks of the river is not described and it became a green open space. This raises the question where are the existence of villages on the banks of the Winongo river based on the design of FKWA? This issue is then increasingly appalling to FKWA residents reported to Bappeda Yogyakarta. 5 Ambar Teguh Sulistiyani. Problema dan Kebijakan Perumahan di Perkotaan Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 5 No. 3 Maret 2002, page Hamid Patilima.2007.Metode Penelitian Kualitatif. Bandung: Alfabeta 7 Imam Gunawan Metode Penelitian Kualitatif: Teori dan Praktik Jakarta: Bumi Aksara 8 x Marsen Sinaga. Pengorganisasian Rakyat dan Hal-Hal yang Belum Selesai Yogyakarta:Insist Press, hlm

113 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 In this position, the Government seems to still put themselves as a neutral party even though the Government is basically on the same camp with FKWA. The City Government is the bridge between the conflict between Arkom and FKWA. Yogyakarta City Government then called them to come to City Hall. The solution given by the Yogyakarta City Government is by marrying them into an institution that will be legitimized by the Government. The Government s move to provide a solution to its dispute by combining Arkom into FKWA is not without reason. First, FKWA is a forum that gains legitimacy from the Government, so Arkom is asked to enter the FKWA structure so that there is no social jealousy about who is acknowledged and who is not. Second, this step is the Government s way to soften Arkom in order not to move to fight for the illegal society. This condition shows the ambivalence attitude of Yogyakarta City Government. When they portray themselves as State officials, the reasoning that plays is bureaucratic reasoning, protecting all parties and being in a neutral position. But at the same time, there is political reasoning that is also inevitable. It is evident that FKWA is a government formation, but in times of conflict, the Government seems to wash hands. 9 In other cases, the role of brokers was also show by Arkom when bridging the river banks with the Government of Yogyakarta. Arkom s commitment to defend community rights on the banks of the river, including illegal communities to participate in the policy process and obtain their rights has placed Arkom on two faces. In the process of advocacy done, Arkom often changing clothes. When dealing with the Government, Arkom put themselves as consultants and experts by using CV. Meanwhile, when dealing with people using the name Arkom back. This is done in order to facilitate the achievement of goals. Because the Government can not coo perate with non-profit institutions, but must be to experts. This effort became a form of strategy that Arkom played when he realized he would be faced with The scheme below which tries to wrap up the whole process of policy advocacy of se"lement arrangement of riverbank Winongo based on ACF theory. Source: The author s analysis results based on theory and data 9 The mention of brokers who pinned to the Government of Yogyakarta, some of the criteria brokers met by the Government of Yogyakarta. First, the broker is the party that is trying to find a middle ground over the conflict that occurred between the two coalitions. And the Government in this case is showing efforts to mediate the conflict that occurred. Secondly, a person becomes a broker because of his expertise. In this case, the Government s action to take over the settlement of the conflict is obvious because of its expertise and resources. 103

114 Chapter III: Public Policy and Administration 4. Conclusion It can be caught from the above reflection will provide answers to questions that had been submi!ed earlier research, namely: a. The coalition formed in the advocacy of the Winongo river basin se!lement policy settlement consists of two opposite coalitions, a coalition that focuses on the sustainability of the river and the coalition that focuses on the right to the city of river banks. Both are in a different angle to realize the idea of se!lement of se!lement problems on the banks of the Winongo River. The stance of mutual gallantry of the two coalitions, inevitably opened a new arena for the ba!le beliefs system among them. b. Management of resources and beliefs system carried out by the river coalition and the right to the city coalition affect their performance in their place and set the strategy. This is evident from the broker s role has been played by the City Government of Yogyakarta when mediating a conflict between FKWA and Arkom. On another occasion, the role of brokers was also portrayed by the current Arkom bridge communities along the river with the City Government of Yogyakarta. Arkom commitment to defending the rights of people on the banks of the river, bringing it to the two roles namely as CV and as Arkom own. Theoretical reflection From the research that has been described previously, this thesis shows that the policy process is a political process, not just a process of systemic and technocratic. It is shown from this case that in the policy subsystem the role and position of the policy broker assumed by Sabatier and Jenkins Smith as neutral actors acts as non- neutral actors. Sabatier and Jenkins Smith supposes is a policy broker neutral party to mediate on the conflict of two opposing coalitions. Broker is a third party that is not involved in the debates that took place, but has a role because of their expertise. This shows the limitations of the theory Advocacy Coalition Framework that can not necessarily be applied to cases in Indonesia. First, the problem lies in the differences in the policy conditions that occur in the European system, (where this theory is raised) to the condition of the existing system policy in Indonesia. Second, the theory s Advocacy Coalition Framework works with highly structured and systematic. In fact, the policy process is a political process that each actor in the policy subsystem will act politically. So it can be said that is not enough if they see and interpret a policy process within the framework of a rigid, systemic and technocratic. But the policy process needs to be understood also as a political process. Policy is a political practice! 5. Acknowledgement Zulfa Harirah MS of the Political and Government Departement, Faculty of Sosial and Political Science, Gadjah Mada University (FISIPOL UGM) prepared this journal article based on the report An Advocacy Coalition Framework of Arrangement Se!lement Policy Riverbanks Winongo in Yogyakarta. This work has been funded by FISIPOL UGM under programme of 2017 Research, Publication and Community Engagemnt Grants. The opinions ecpressed herein are those of the author and do nor necessarily reflect the views of funding agency. 104

115 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 REFERENCES Journal Ambar Teguh Sulistiyani Problema dan Kebijakan Perumahan di Perkotaan Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 5 No. 3 Maret 2002 Nur Fua ad Diskriminasi Sosial Masyarakat Bantaran Sungai Jagir Wonokromo. Jurnal Paradigma Vol 3 No 2 tahun 2015 Reza Sasanto dan Syaifuddin Khair Analisis Kebijakan Pemerintah dalam Penanganan Pemukiman Ilegal di Bantaran Sungai Studi Kasus: Bantaran Kali Pesanggrahan Kampung Baru, Kedoya Utara Kebon Jeruk. Jurnal Planesa, Vol 1 No 2, November 2010 Books Hamid Patilima.2007.Metode Penelitian Kualitatif. Bandung: Alfabeta Imam Gunawan Metode Penelitian Kualitatif: Teori dan Praktik Jakarta: Bumi Aksara Marsen Sinaga.2017.Pengorganisasian Rakyat dan Hal-Hal yang Belum Selesai. Yogyakarta:Insist Press Paul A. Sabatier dan Hank C. Jenkin Smith,1993. Policy Change and Learning an Advocacy Coalition Approach.USA: Westview Press 105

116 Chapter III: Public Policy and Administration A Literature Review: Trends, Research Variation of Networks in Public Administration Khuriyatul Husna a,* a Doctoral Program in Department of Public Policy and Management, Fisipol UGM * khuriyatul.husna@mail.ugm.ac.id; Abstract This study aims to provide an overview on the literature of networks research that has been developing in Public Administration studies over a period of 10 years ( ). Fragmentation and inconsistencies in the concept of network within public administration studies will cause disruptions in the continuation of networks research in public administration studies. It is, thus, necessary to examine the development of networks research by conducting a literature search or review pertaining to the concept of network. The articles collected were divided based on the streams identified by Ise! et al. which are: policy network, governance network, and collaborative network. Data collection was carried out by gathering articles on networks from journals indexed in SJR (Scimago Journal Ranking) in the field of Public Administration. Study results show that governance network is considered as the main stream that garners much discussion among scholars. Additionally, it is also shown that there is no consensus regarding the concept of network that is agreed upon by scholars when referring to Kuhn s pattern. This article also found a research variation relating to the dark side of network. Keywords: network, literature review, public administration 1. Introduction The development of research on network, which has progressed a great deal in public administration studies, is an ongoing process which is substantially dependent on enhanced clarity of the concepts and definition of network (Lecy, Mergel & Schmi", 2014: 657). All science depends on its concepts (Sir George Thomson, 1961: 4), and we live in a conceptual world (Bogason dan Toonen, 1998 :211). Researches on networks in public administration has been developing very rapidly up to a point where Agranoff and McGuire consider the current condition as the age of network (2001: 677). However, such development is not supported by a clearer orientation and understanding of what the concept of network in public administration is. Regarding networks research conducted by scholars in the past 20 years ( ), it has even been said that a coherent body of scholarship on networks has not been developed and common understanding of what networks are, has not been reached (Wachhauss, 2009: 60). This study intends to thoroughly examine variations of networks research in the period of This article provides an overview on research network in public administration studies and intends to indirectly prove that the concept of network in public administration remains fragmented and that there is yet to be a consensus on a general understanding of network. The assumption (epistemological) is established on the basis that public administration initially emerged as art not science, wherein the advent of public 106

117 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 administration was a necessity for resolving practical matters. An example would be the debate between Simon and Waldo concerning whether public administration should be considered as art or science, as well as in defining the concept of publicness which remain unclear as of current (Udo Pesch, 2005). Public administration has been developing by adopting theories from various other scientific disciplines, hence the concept of network is also utilized and accommodated according to its needs (Aggranof, 2007; Wachhauss, 2009). 2. Research Methods This study intends to provide an overview on the literature of networks research which had been developing in public administration studies in a period of 10 years ( ). Hence, one of the methods that can be carried out is by conducting a literature review. Analyzing the past to prepare the future: Writing a Literature review by Webster and Watson (2002) that is quoted by Muller (2015: 5). 3. Findings and Discussion The search for articles from 12 selected journals resulted in 216 research articles on networks that were published in 12 journals. A fluctuating networks research dynamics can be observed in Graph 1 below. Graph 1: Amount of network articles published in Wachhauss, in a literature survey he conducted on networks research in the top 10 public administration journals, observed an increase in networks research carried out by scholars in the year 2000, 2003 and a sharp increase in Similar results are also shown in Graph 1 wherein scholars interest in networks research continue to increase up to 2011, despite experiencing a drastic drop in 2014 and rising back up in 2015 and It should be highlighted that the distribution of network articles in the 12 journals were unequal (Administrative Science Quarterly: 21 articles, Journal of Policy Analysis and Management : 5 articles, American Review of Public Administration : 19 articles, International Public Management Journal : 13 articles, Administration and Society : 11, Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory : 29, Public Administration Review : 21, Journal of European Public Policy : 17, Public Administration : 43, Policy Studies Journal : 23, International Review of Public Administration : 11,Frontiers of Business Research in China :2). The distribution of network articles found in the 12 journals is very interesting to observe. In general, it is shown that the Public Administration Journal ranks the highest in terms of the number of networks research articles. Among the 12 journals, there were only 2, Public Administration and Journal of European Public Policy, that consistently publish networks research articles annually. It is assumed that the number of networks research that inconsistently appeared in some of the journals also contributed to the level of fragmentation in the concept of network within public administration. This means that there is a gap in networks research prevalent in public administration studies. As assumed by Wachhauss (2009), the result of the literature survey he conducted found only 1 researcher who consistently focused on networks research as proven with the publication of 11 networks articles written by a single researcher. Aside from that, there were many researchers who in a time span of only wrote one 107

118 Chapter III: Public Policy and Administration article on networks. This led Hummel (2007) in Catlaw to say that there has been a problematic convergence of public administration thought around networks Variations of Networks Research The networks literature was mapped out by dividing variations of networks research based on the topic and method used in the research carried out by scholars. The result shows that variations of networks research in public administration has been developing very rapidly. This is indicated by the variety of topics that emerged in the period of In this case, the research topics that appears are categorized based on the streams developed by Ise! et al. (2011). Ise! et al. mention, in their article Network in Public Administration Scholarship: Understanding Where We are and Where We Need to Go, that the focus of networks research is distributed into three streams, namely: 1) Policy Network; 2) Collaborative Network; and 3) Governance Network. It was found that in conducting their research, scholars often did not emphasize which stream they belong to, which made it a bit difficult in categorizing which stream to apply. The limitation of research scope often brushes upon the three streams. Borzel (1998) in Ise! et al. (2011) mentions that despite scholars having written and conducted studies within the three streams, they at times are still perplexed about their application. Additionally, research results show the appearance of topic relating to the dark side of network and research method with statistical models of network in the 2012 edition of Policy Studies Journal contributing to variation of networks research in public administration. The largely second dominant use of quantitative methodology shows that networks research carried out by scholars intends to provide more objective results. The scholars realized that there are sample limitations used in research rendering them apprehensive of boldly stating that their finding generally applies in the context of theory that is being developed regarding networks in public administration. Although the scholars employ approaches and methodologies that are expected to provide objective results, they have yet to witness a consensus achieved by scholars about the concept, definition, attributes, and standard of measures used in assessment of networks in public administration. This is akin to the research results presented by Blom- Hansen, 1997; Borzel, 1998; Damgaard, 2006; Hall and O Toole, 2002, 2004; Wachhauss, 2009; Ise! et al., 2011; Lecy, Mergel and Schmitz, This convinced Catlaw (2009: 480) to state that networks have been accepted uncritically in public administration without any examination in their underpinnings. An interesting subject emerged when variations of networks research relating to the topic showed research pertaining to dark side network. Of the 215 articles reviewed, there were 3 articles which discussed dark side network. Topics pertaining to dark side networks discuss terrorist networks (Bakker, Raab & Milward, 2012; Gardeazabal & Sandler, 2015) and corrupt government (Jancsics & Javor, 2012). Preliminary theory relating to dark side network was written by Bakker, Raab & Milward (2012) in their article entitled A Preliminary Theory of Dark Network Resilience which reports on how to address international crime and terrorist networks. In the same light is a networks research conducted by Gardeazabal & Sandler who examined the role INTERPOL database has in monitoring terrorist networks. As for Jancsics & Javor, they analyzed networks created by corruptors for perpetrating criminal acts within the government. The three studies used the study case methodology in their research Definition of Networks or Usage of The Term Network in Public Administration There is no general definition of network that is in use (Aggranof & McGuire, 2001; Borzel, 1998; O Toole, 1997 in Wachhauss, 2009: 60-61). Wachhauss study also indicates that there is no attribute or a set of attributes being used as a general a!ribute for network (2009: 67). Based on the conducted literature search, some usages of the term network in public administration studies were acquired as shown in Figure

119 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 Of the numerous understandings on networks, Ise! et al. (2011: i160-i161) divide the use of the term network in public administration into 3 perspectives, namely: Network as a metaphor or an organizing concept. The concept of network as a metaphor is a very useful and powerful means in understanding the social phenomenon happening within a social context. Catlaw (2009: 478) states that one of the most powerful and ubiquitous metaphors today is the network. In stream policy network, Pardomuan (2006) mentions that it is the case wherein a policy network is actually metaphorical in nature. The actors create a pseudo policy community and design elitist conditions in several stages of policy formulation. This is carried out because there are actors who possess the authority of excluding other actors by limiting their mobility based on the authority the actor has. Network as method or methodological paradigm. Social network analysis is a method often used in analyzing networks. This perspective, according to Ise! et al., focuses on development of tools, refinement of measures and the appropriateness of usages. Dowding (1995) asserts that social network analysis is the best means to use in analyzing networks. This is carried out in order to establish a standard measure for networks. Network as an approach or as a tool to understand public service provision. This perspective is a way for us to understand how networks operate in creating and providing coordinated services. This perspective, according to Isett et al., focuses on formal network. 4. Conclusion There is no denying that scholars of public administration are very interested in networks research. This is indicated with the rise in the amount of networks research that continues to climb year by year. The use of concepts, measures and theories from other scientific disciplines stresses that public administration is a multidisciplinary field and is difficult to stand alone as a normal science (Kuhn, 1962 in Riccuci, 2010). The emergence of new topics such as dark side network, statistical model network, is expected to enrich the body of literature on networks in public administration. Scholars need not feel limited by the issue of borrowing theories of other sciences outside of public administration as long as it is done to resolve public matters. 5. Acknowledgement Khuriyatul Husna of the Department of Public Policy and Management, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Gadjah Mada University (FISIPOL UGM) prepared this journal article based on the report Trends, Research Variation of Networks In Public Administration. This 109

120 Chapter III: Public Policy and Administration work has been funded by FISIPOL UGM under programme of 2017 Research, Publication and Community Engagement Grants. The opinions expressed here in are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of funding agency. REFERENCES Agranoff, R., dan McGuire, M. (2001), Big Questions in Public Network Management Research, Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory: J-PART, Vol. 11, No. 3: Blom, Hansen, J., (1997), A New Institutional Perspective on Policy Networks, Public Administration, Vol. 75, Winter : Bogason, Peter.,dan Toonen, Theo A.J., (1998), Introduction : Networks in Public Administration, Public Administration Vol. 76, Summer : Borzel, T, (1998), Organizing Babylon- On The Different Conceptions of Policy Networks, Public Administration, Vol. 76 : Catlaw, Thomas J., (2009), Governance and Networks at The Limits of Representation, American Review of Public Administration, Vol. 39. Issue 5 : Damgaard, N, (2006), Do Policy Networks Lead to Network Governing?, Public Administration, Vol. 84. No. 3 : Dowding, Keith., (1995), Model or Metaphor? A Critical Review of The Policy Network Approach, Political Studies, Vol. XLIII : Hall, T., dan O Toole, L., (2004), Shaping Formal Networks Through The Regulatory Process, Administration and Society, Vol. 36. No. 2 : Hay, C. and D. Richards. (2000). The Tangled Webs of Westminster and Whitehall: The Discourse, Strategy And Practice Of Networking Within The British Core Executive, Public Administration, 78, 1, Isett, K.R., et. al., (2011), Networks in Public Administration Scholarship: Understanding Where We Are and Where We Need to Go, Journal Public Administration Research and Theory, Vol. 21, Suppl. 1 : i157-i173 Lecy, J.D., Mergel, I. A., Schmi#, H.P, (2014), Networks in Public Administration : Current Scholarship in Review, Public Management Review, Vol. 15, No. 5 : Rhodes, R.A.W. (1990). Policy Networks: A British Perspective, Journal of Theoretical Politics, 2, 3, Wachhaus, Aaron., (2009), Networks in Contemporary Public Administration : A Discourse Analysis, Administrative Theory & Praxis, Vol. 31, No. 1 :

121 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 Policy Implementation Failure of REDD+ (Reducing Emission From Deforestation and Forest Degradation) in Central Kalimantan, Indonesia Nanik Lestari a,* and Ely Susanto b,* a Master Program in Department of Public Policy and Management, Fisipol UGM b Lecturer at the Department of Public Policy and Management, Fisipol UGM * naniklestari100@gmail.com Abstract Indonesia cooperates with the Government of Norway to implement the REDD+ Program (Reducing Emission from Degradation and Deforestation) (Fischer, et all., 2016). The program is implemented in several regions in Indonesia as pilot projects. One of them is in Central Kalimantan. Although, many resources are spent to support the success of the program in Central Kalimantan, it seems that the program does not successfully solve the problem. Therefore, this study aims to investigate the causes of failure in implementing the REDD+ pro gram in Central Kalimantan. This study applied a qualitative method. The informants in this study were government and non-government agents. This study found that there were two major problems causing failure of REDD+ implementation. The first problem was the community thought that the REDD+ program was a project based. As a project, The REDD+ program was not much different from previous projects so that the local community did not fully support. Moreover, this situation has produced the lower trust to government. This lower trust to government from the community hampered the implementation of deforestation and forest degradation prevention program. Furthermore, the practice of rent seeking behavior by bureaucracy, funding without empowerment, and the change of government commitment as the regime changes were the second major problem causing failure of REDD+ implementation. Keywords: implementation failure, REDD+, central Kalimantan 1. Introduction The United Nations Framework Convention On Climate Change (UNFCC) claims that as much as 12% of the total world greenhouse gases are caused by the diversion of forest land (UN, 2009). REDD + as an international program, comes with substantial funding support (Angelsen, et al, 2013). Norway is one of the largest donor countries for REDD + financing. Angelsen and Atmaja (2010) stated that as much as NOK 15 Billion or about (US $ 2.6 billion) was issued by the Royal Norwegian Government at the International Climate and Forest Initiative. Besides Norway, there are also some developed countries that become donor countries. Some of them are Australia and Germany. The Australian Government through the KFCP program donated 30 million euros, while the German government amounted to 20 million Euros used to finance Demonstration Activities (DAs) for seven years (HuMa, 2010). Indonesia became one of the country s forests in a dilemma. Indonesia s forest potential is ranked third in the world after Brazil and the Republic of Congo. Barbier (1993) explains that forest destruction in Southeast 111

122 Chapter III: Public Policy and Administration Asia is more worrying than in Amazonia and Central Africa. And the worrying thing about the greatest damage threat in Southeast Asia is in Indonesian territory (FAO, 2010). Some data published by WALHI and FWI mention specifically forest reduction from 2009 to 2013 period of 4.6 million hectares. REDD + programs implemented in Indonesia to address these issues are different. Central Kalimantan as one of the first pilot provinces of REDD + has also failed to stop deforestation. Suwarna et al. (2015) show that Central Kalimantan Province suffers from high degradation and deforestation. The release of forest areas continues from plantations, se#lements to mines. Environmental and forestry statistics from 2011 to 2014 show the highest rate of degradation and deforestation in Central Kalimantan, when compared to other provinces in Kalimantan Island. First, the release of forest area for the highest plantation is 263, hectares. Second, the widest province of forest area release for se#lements reached a total of 5, hectares. Third, total expenditure of forest use permits for mining and non-mining exploitation activities from 2011 to 2014 covers 48, hectares. It is that the implementation of REDD + Central Kalimantan has not been successful. This paper aims to answer the question why REDD + failed to be implemented?. 2. Research Methods This research is a qualitative research with case study approach. Stress case exploration, as Creswell (2015: 137) explains that case study research is characterized by identifying specific cases. This research was conducted in Central Kalimantan Province. The research was chosen for the specific reasons of First, Central Kalimantan is the location selected as the pilot project area of REDD + program. Second, in line with the implementation of the program, deforestation in Central Kalimantan is increasing. Data obtained from agencies/agents / personal related to the implementation of REDD + in Central Kalimantan both government agencies and NGOs both WALHI, Save Our Borneo, AMAN and Dayak Panarung Institute. Determination of research location and data collection is done by purposive. Researchers determine the informants based on research objectives and subjects considered researchers able to answer research. The validity of data is done with different data source kroscek. Data analysis was done by Miles Huberman interactive analysis. This analysis emphasizes data collection, data reduction, data presentation and conclusion. 3. Findings and Discussion Contextually REDD + implementation in Central Kalimantan consists of 4 actors: local government (street level bureaucrat), donor agencies, NGOs and project beneficiaries. They are incorporated in the Joint Secretariat of REDD + consisting of governors and related SKPD namely BLH, Forestry Service and Regional Secretariat of Central Kalimantan Province. The target group consists of: implementing groups ie NGOs and beneficiary groups ie affected village communities. Post-Provincial Central Kalimantan is selected as a pilot province, local governments sign an agreement. Implementation of REDD + in Central Kalimantan is largely implemented by several institutional components that lead to the Joint Secretariat of REDD +. In Sekber consists of the command of Central Kalimantan Governor at BLH of Central Kalimantan Province and Setda of Legal Bureau. They are included in the category of streetlevel bureaucrat or site level implementers. While in the non-government category consists of: First, the donor agency is a third party appointed by Norway to distribute REDD + incentives, namely UNDP and World Bank. Secondly, the community as project implementing partner, NGO and recipient community. This non-governmental category belongs to the target group of beneficiaries and REDD + implementers. 112

123 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 Sources: Document of Central Kalimantan REDD + Activity (2013) 3.1. Failure Causes REDD + is one of performance in the midst of the ongoing threat of forest degradation in Central Kalimantan. The finding of the causes of REDD + implementation failure reinforces the researcher's argument that internationally designed policies are inconsistent with the acceptance of the policy environment in Central Kalimantan. REDD + objectives for reducing emissions through degradation and forest deforestation are not achieved because the implementation process failed. The cause of the failure of the implementation process is because: trust implementor, project-based execution approach, and programs that are designed not to meet the objectives. This study finds the reasons for the failure of the REDD + implementation process in Central Kalimantan due to: a. Trust built low Disbelief has emerged since government development programs through REDD + only benefit certain parties. Save Our Borneo calls the government and companies the most beneficiaries of REDD + financing through the sale of forest carbon (Nordin, 2016). While local communities have difficulty accessing carbon finance. AMAN Kalteng also mentioned that external programs such as Green Carbon Forestry (GCF), McKnnsey), BRG and REDD + flocked to Central Kalimantan. Save Our Borneo discloses that deforestation as an issue is actually used as a "problem selling" (Nordin, 2016). The results of the interviews indicate that NGO support and street level bureaucrat on REDD + implementation are low. b. Incompatibility program with policy objectives There are five main activities undertaken in the context of REDD + implementation in Central Kalimantan. These activities include: MRV Non Carbon Ex-PLG trial, Fire prevention, Education for sustainable development, Citizen journalism and mainstreaming STRADA (regional strategy). Of the five REDD + programs in Kalimantan These are the prominent MRV Non Carbon trials program with 11 activities. Though substantially distorted. In addition, a rational program related to reducing deforestation is Fire Countermeasures. While Education For Sustainable and STRADA tends to be a preventive activity whose impact is only visible long-term. 113

124 Chapter III: Public Policy and Administration c. Deforestation reduced by project based The REDD + implementation report documents cease until the end of This is due to: First, the change of government regime causes REDD + institutions to change. Second, the program is implemented depending on the funding. Substitution of the regime makes the implementation of REDD + stalled. Tracking the various informant statements that researchers met in the field, both LDP and SOB suggested that REDD + has now changed and diverted its program into BRG or peat restoration as the government changes SBY to Jokowi (Saha, 2016). Implementation Failure of REDD in Central Kalimantan Low Trust Deforestation reduced by project based Incompatibility program with policy objectives 4. Conclusion The findings of the field reinforce the researcher's argument that internationally designed policies are inconsistent with the acceptance of the policy environment in Central Kalimantan. REDD + objectives for reducing emissions through degradation and forest deforestation are not achieved because the implementation process failed. The cause of the failure of the implementation process is due to the failure of interaction between street level bureaucrat and target group. Researchers found that in the interaction occurs distrust between implementors, programs implemented not by policy objectives and reduction of deforestation is interpreted as an unsustainable project. 5. Acknowledgement Researchers are thanking to Faculty of Social and Political Science, Gadjah Mada University that have funded this research in the scheme of the 2016 Student Research Grant. REFERENCES Angelsen dan S. Atmaja (Eds) Melangkah Maju dengan REDD+: Isu, Pilihan dan Implikasi. Bogor: CIFOR, hal Angelsen, dkk, Menganalisis REDD+: Sejumlah Tantangan dan Pilihan. Bogor: CIFOR. Barbier E. B., (1993). Economic Aspects of Tropical Deforestation in Southeast Asia. Global Ecology and Biogeography Leers, Vol. 3, No. 4/6, pp Berman. (1978). The Study of Macro-Micro Implementation, Public Policy,(26), pp Creswell, J.W. (2015). Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design : Choosing Among Five Approaches (4 rd ed). Thousand Oaks, CA : Sage. FAO. (2010). Global Forest Resources Assessment 2010: Terms and Definitions. Rome: FAO. Grindle, M. S. (1980). Politics and Policy Implementation in the third world. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Kiviniemi, M. (1986). Public policy and Their Targets : A Typology of the concept of Implementation, International Social Science Journal, (38). PP

125 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 Pasgard, M. (2015). Lost in translation? How project actors shape REDD+ policy and outcomes in Cambodia, Asia Pacific Viewpoint, Vol. 56, No. 1 Riggs, Fred W. (1988). Administrasi Negara-Negara berkembang: teori masyarakat Prismatis. Jakarta: CV Rajawali. Warwick, D. P. (1982). Bier pills: Population Policies and their Implementation in Eight Developing Countries. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Yin, R. K. (2002). Studi Kasus Desain & Metode. Jakarta: RajaGrafindo Persada. 115

126 Chapter III: Public Policy and Administration Designing the Risk Mitigation in Public Service: Leasons Learned from Public Services in the Campus Area at Umbulmartani Idham Ibty a,* a Doctoral Program in Department of Management and Public Policy, Fisipol UGM * idham.ibty@mail.ugm.ac.id; mail.idham.ibty@gmail.com Abstract Umbulmartani has developed dynamically in which the campus of UII lies. In the year 1980s, most of the people were marginally poor. Currently, the people have enjoyed the multiplier effects and yet the public services have not been enjoyed by most of the people. The concern is how public service risk mitigation oriented to the people. The research aims to identify the design of public service risk mitigation. This study employs the qualitative approach. Results of the analysis suggest that there are two at extreme risk level, seven at high risk level, eleven at moderate risk level, and four at low risk level. The extreme risk level is the most severe risk. The risk sources are death tolls in traffic accidents and maternal mortality. Sanitation, dumpsites, hemorrhagic dengue fever belong to high-risk level in addition to the land permit and poverty certificate for insurance of chronical diseases and maternal risk services. The study finds that public services have no risk mitigation scheme. The analysis is made in the Detailed Spatial Plan. Tis his the entry point for the designing of the public service risk mitigation. The lessons learned from this study are that The new paradigm of public service risk mitigation will significantly ensure the realization of public participatory process and deliberative analysis as long as it is coordinated and integrated with the multi-stakeholders. Further studies will be needed to develop the public service risk mitigation concept using the deliberative discourse with the multi-stakeholders in larger extents of study locations in Yogyakarta already having the Local Regulation of Detailed Spatial Plan. Keywords: risk mitigation, public services, detailed spatial plan, citizenshipparadigm. 1. Introduction Public service risk mitigation has not been known in the public service management policy. The concept of mitigation has been linked to vulnerability that can result in threats or casualties in natural disaster management. Location of studies empirically selected is Umbulmartani, which has been developing dynamically both in terms of economic, socio-cultural and the environment as a result of the presence of UII campus area.the village has an ecological footprint of springs and cultural artifacts of cultural heritage areas. In the 80s there was a spread of marginal land that was mostly poor. At this time the citizens expressed their derivatives impacts that can not be controlled and the benefits of public services is not optimally useful for the local residents. Critics of the risk management system for service irregularities, fraud and corruption, the threat and the risk of disaster victims and risk mitigation of public services becomes important because of the need of perspective and performance of the public service providers (Dwiyanto, 116

127 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 A., 2012). Its success can be the basis of the program for equalization of benefits or justice for the performance of public services that can be trusted by citizens. Martinovski, B., Mao, W., Bratch, J., Marsella, S. (2005)stated that mitigation has the substance of the human ability to perceive, measure their own ability and cognitive processes as well as processes and cognitive abilities of others. Mitigation is a form of stress relief and usually manifests in discourse. Mitigation involves argumentation, social judgment involved in the creation, maintenance and change of social institutions, including the concept of self. Yang, ZJ, et.al (2014) reported on the search for information risk and its management processes that have influences on the successful public support of climate change mitigation policy implementation. Organizational practices associated with quality; because there are systems in organizations, human behavior, and the influence of the environment, Sco#, WR (2003) and Suddaby, R. (2014) stated that element quality of organization has the characteristics of an open system, institutional work, effective and efficiency. In the aspect of risk management in the region that increasingly complex, civic orientation is needed. It is accordance with the trend of the planning approach as perspective deliberative of Habermas, who argued that the policy formation is influenced by discourses in society. In addition to the administrative authority (state) and economic power (capital) form a communicative power through public communication web of civil society. It is dangerous if states including public service providers in the region in formulating plans, policies and other important programs being authoritarian and exclusive. This is in line with the thinking of Besse#e, JM (2011); Gadot V.Cohen, A. (2004),De Tocqueville (2001),Harper, TL, and Stein, SM (1996). Therefore citizenship as the orientation is meaningful in assessing the achievements of public service. 2. Research Methods This study is the stage of action research, the problem of "how to mitigate the risk of public services in the region entitlement oriented citizens? The purposes of this phase of the research are: (1) to know the pa#ern of public service risk mitigation; (2) to assess the sustainability of the changes in the orientation of the interested parties in the region. The study used a qualitative approach. Study activities conducted secondary studies, local trainings, interviews and FGDs. Based on the need for a successful review of public service risk management, the following conceptual framework is required. 3. Findings and Discussion 3.1. The Role of Public Service and Its Risks The study identified the public services in the study area as follows: areas of safety, such as police services and public order (active citizens), fire (there is readiness of district firefighters), ambulances (from the health center and the nearest hospital); Field of transportation (village transport infrastructure is not working), environment such as road (district level is not good about 3km), water source (9 water springs have no water in dry season, small debit when rain 117

128 Chapter III: Public Policy and Administration and from river Kali Kuning), supply of clean water (the initiative of citizens for the Sapen Redjodani springs pipeline and Cilikan limited to citizens of RT, about 100 households served), sanitation and waste management (not concentrated), recreational facilities and sports (a field is available), community services such as conference hall (available), village libraries (available) and child services (PAUD at each sub-village), communication and information (still proposed as information independent village), resident services (births, ID cards and population mutations, marriage and death), supporting permission for the PBB land and building tax collection, business, transitional land use, building permit (IMB), environmental disturbances, SKCK (security license), SKTM (poor card), applying work, rush permission, supporting services of BPJS (helath insurance services board), Jampersal (maternal care insurance) and BTL (grand aid) for poor families as and data collection services and other government services as well. Village authorities are also active in the public health movement, preparedness of village facilities for siaga (maternal care) and promotion of nutrition and healthy children and elderly, as well as fogging and further prevention measures for outbreaks of Dengue Fever collaboration with Puskesmas. Public services that are a priority for citizens to be improved are services related to land, livelihoods, se"lements, health, education and the environment. While the key elements of the public service capacity of the organizers are institutional (related to the orientation of interests, the authority of the manager, the integrity of the governance, the understanding with all citizens and stakeholders); element of HR (related to integrity, competence and career system if possible there is a contract, element of supporting resources (especially SIM and integrated data and the updates informed by citizen); Study results found 2 levels of extreme risk, 7 high risk levels, 11 medium risk levels and 4 low risk levels. Extreme risk level is classified as the most severe risk for the loss of lives of citizens (traffic accidents, maternal). High level of risk because of the potential risk of becoming damages or casualties (outbreak of dengue fever and not centralized domestic sanitation, and waste management is not centralized). In addition springs that are dry or very small, (average discharge Ngemplak springs in the district is 140 liters / second, equivalent to mm / year for an area of km2 (SEA, 2013). For moderate risk include allotment of land, lots for the benefit of residential and business, land reservation that became the center of green open space (RTH: ruang terbuka hijau), publishing Poverty Card (SKTM) resulting in Jampersal and Jamkesda quickly run does not match its users, the withdrawal of additional funds by the School, the safety and security of the criminal such as motor vehicle theft, as well as the planning of services that are not participatory based on the RDTK basic data. While the level of low risk includes eternal rice field that the use of its land is changed, training skills are not appropriate and no further action, the practice of diploma detention by the School, and capital assistance for no further mentoring for micro enterprises. The results of empirical studies of the public services found root of the problem is there is no risk mitigation framework of public service that its design is based on Detailed Spatial Plan. The Detailed Spatial Plan review and its policy formation can serve as an entry point for the operational mitigation of significant public service risks for citizens trust and entitlements Case of Detailed Spatial Plan, Lesson of Participatory Process. Reviewed from the participatory process, RDTR amendments or adjustments for this is still at the level of community involvement in village include certain public figures, while among the youth such as the Youth Board, the Management Forum and other Empowerment Community Cadres untouched. Society as users want a change of the pa"ern of public services management, according idealized namely the fulfillment of eligibility of citizens and trustworthy. Interviews and a"ended a meeting with the stakeholders and focus group discussions in the Government, related approach is the Detailed Spatial Plan preparation / review and importance of public services risk mitigation, the parties recognize the importance of public participation. At the stage of drafting the Detailed Spatial Plan, according to the rules, it has been declared the 118

129 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 necessity of participation. But we realize the limitations. As widespread citizen engagement, the different types of risks and solutions discussed, the role of strong experts uses a technical and rational approach and method of education to the public. All this time has cost constraints, time, personnel, and organizing. Then a competent facilitator is needed and can accommodate various preferences, interests and facilitation of compromise between the parties. In addition, there is a fundamental issue of data that should be defined as a decision by the organizers as a basis for data usage, utilization and ready to play a role and with what legal basis. With the literacy of information technology and digital-based communication, it should be developed application that helps the parties, especially citizens widely in following data updates, following all review and Detailed Spatial Plan compilation process until set as policy and implemented. Further, party providers of public services can be used for the needs of the public services planning and implementing more accurate service management. Citizens can follow it even to seek information, complain and get feedback and can follow continuous improvement, innovation and service change. Likewise, the perspective of the parties became the focus of discussion. Based on the above analysis it can be shown the stakeholders seek a new understanding of the importance of meeting the basic rights of citizens in participation begin on detailed spatial planning through development plans. The results of the above discussion shows the orientation of citizenship may become mainstream in the participation, information disclosure and accountability as well as the fulfillment of accountability in public service delivery process, which puts citizens like subjects. This corresponds to risk analysis that if you view the results of the study of individual behaviors that can affect the ability of an organization for internally someone intend and undertake irregularities or even corruption or criminal acts more because of greed, inconsistent heart or labile moral so as not robust in the face of temptation, a small income and an immediate need or influence consumer lifestyle (Williams (2002); Martinovski, B., Mao, W., Bratch, J., Marsella, S. (2005).;CIPFA, (2012); The study found several important issues related to the performance of public services and risk types and its source, and the lessons that can be drawn from Detailed Spatial Plan review activities. First, the constituent elements of mitigation comes from institutional risk. This risk can be traced from(1) Points of view of the public service organization s leaders and its stakeholders. The tendency is penetration of interest, especially from a stronger market; (2) Attributive, action, and justification which shows the relationship between the interests of the public service providers. Impersonalization is meaningful for public service providers; (3) From the authority, standards and ethics of the organizers and their relationship with the parties, the implementation of social contracts and services, the role of front liners to solve the problems of the user directly and inclusive services for the disabled and the elderly, and collaboration with the parties for the success of public services. Second, related to risk mitigation infrastructure, which is taken into account in the management arena of public service providers. The promulgated formula has not been found besides risk management or part of the risk management program. What is important is the function can be run with a well-prepared since planning. It consists of (1) soft infrastructure such as policy implementation to SOPs that need socialization and policy support from management and standards of risk conscious cultural behavior. So it takes the process of learning together, education and edification well so that the form of behavior, speech and ethics that can minimize the irregularities that may occur. (2) Hardware such as work infrastructure. The most important is the Information Management System with Internet-based information and communication technology. In addition, integrated data can be used as a basis for integrated data base by stakeholders. Third, the lessons learned from the use of a formal approach in the Detailed Spatial Plan review are reflected into biases of interest and are dominated by technical aspects because they are not participatory. Deliberative approach starting from the representation of the people, choose the steps in identifying sources of risk until the risk assessment and find the root of the 119

130 Chapter III: Public Policy and Administration problem amicably requires a process organized as a series of meetings with a group of residents and elected phases of activities, including the activities of public consultation open to the public. The citizen s view of risk management becomes the main point of departure in the design of this process, keeping in mind the views of experts and stakeholders, while still reminding the importance of the orientation of citizens fulfillment. Facilitation efforts to formulate risks, risk mitigation solutions with a process of understanding and compromise are expected to be effective in structuring mutual views and agreements, thereby providing recommendations on mitigating public service risks. With civic-oriented process as above is expected to be formulated risk mitigation models of public services that can meet the entitlements of citizens. 4. Conclusion 1) The study found the elements and indications of risk-drafting concepts, particularly the stronger penetration of interest from the market. 2) The study has not yet obtained institutional formulation for the risk mitigation of public services structurally so as to have a Policy / Program Plan. Meanwhile, in the management of public services so far there has been no risk mitigation. 3) The study gained lessons from the detailed Spatial Plan review practice, which should serve as the basis for public service management and policy in an area. The baseline data on Detailed Spatial Plan should be integrated as a basis for mitigating public service risk. 4) Further studies need to focus on exploration Detailed Spatial Plan preparation process for formulating the pa#ern of risk mitigation in case of public service objectives are prioritized in this area, which can be fi#ed on the lessons learned from the implementation of Planning, Policy and Program from Detailed Spatial Plan Regulation in the city of Yogyakarta. REFERENCES Besse#e, J.M American Government and Politics, Deliberation, Democracy and Citizenship. Boston: Suzanne Jeans. Dwiyanto, A. (2012); Manajemen Pelayanan Publik; Peduli, Inklusif dan Kolaboratif; Gadjah Mada University Press Habermas, Jurgen.(2001). Legitimation Crisis. Boston: Beacon. Harper, T.L., and Stein, S.M. (1996). Postmodernist planning theory: The incommensurability premise. In Explorations in Planning Theory. Seymour J. Mandelbaum, Luigi Mazza, and Robert W. Burchell (Eds.). Rutgers: Center for Urban Policy Research. Martinovski, B., Mao, W., Bratch,J., Marsella, S. (2005). Mitigation Theory: An Integrated Approach. h#p://escholarship.org/uc/item/15r5s96s. Nabatchi, T, 2010, Addressing the Citizenship and Democratic Deficits: The Potential of Deliberative Democracy for Publik Stigli#z, J. E Globalization and Its Discontents. New York: WW Norton. Vigoda-Gadot, A. dan Cohen, A. (2004). Citizenship and Management in Publik Administration. Cheltenham UK: Edward Elgar Yang, K. and K. Callahan, 2007, Citizen Involvement Efforts and Bureaucratic Responsiveness: Participatory Values, Stakeholder Pressures, and Administrative Practicality, Publik Administration Review, Vol. 67, No. 2 (March- April), pp , h#p:// stable/ Diakses pada 26 Februari

131 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 The Effect of Personality as A Public Service Motivation Antecedent with Religiosity as the Mediated Variable Lindri Triyani Syarif a,* a Master Program in Department of Public Policy and Management, Fisipol UGM * Lindrisyarif93@gmail.com Abstract Public service motivation (PSM) aiming to increase working performance and solve public incentive issue is deemed as an interesting feature for in this public based management era, working ethics is separated from motivation. Motivation strategy was limited to working incentive, working task incentive and retirement annuity and that the strategy is not suitable to describe motivation in public sector. This research focuses on how personality affects public service motivation to an individual, and aims to prove whether each distinctive personality yields different PSM. This research uses two types of personality (agreeableness and conscientiousness, from big five personality), tested to understand its influence to PSM and its religiosity as a mediated variable. Quantitative method was used through the distribution of questionnaire both directly and indirectly. The sample of the research was 250 civil servants working at 10 Government Departments in Padang. Of 227 questionnaires, only 218 can be processed. Other effects were examined by using simple reggression test and mediated model was tested using Barron and Kenny methods. The research result supports the whole hypothesis made, where personality and religiosity indeed have positive and significant influence to PSM. Also, religiosity can partially mediate the influence of personality to PSM. Keyword: public service motivation, public service 1. Introduction Public service motivation (PSM) aiming to increase working performance and solve public incentive issue is deemed as an interesting feature because in this public based management era, working ethics is separated from motivation. Motivation strategy was limited to working incentive, working task incentive and retirement annuity. PSM strategy is reckoned not suitable to describe motivation in public sector. This is assumed for public service occupation supposes to be a natural call of someone to actually serve public. There are three factors influencing PSM: sociohistorical, motivation, and individual characteristics. Previous research result explains that there is a significant and positive relation of personality and PSM (Witteloostjuin, 2016; Hamidullah, 2016; Ain, 2015; Jang, 2012), though proofs on how the association between the two variables has not yet been well exposed. Based on the reason, this research aim is to understand the influence of personality to PSM. This research uses religiosity variable as the mediated variable controlling the personality effect to PSM. The decision to opt religiosity as a mediator is grounded on several expert research result (Perry, 1997; Osman, 2013; Saraglou,2010), stating that personality can catalyze the level of religiosity of an individual and that PSM can as well be influenced by religiosity. 121

132 Chapter III: Public Policy and Administration Literature and Hypothesis The previous study has revealed that personality is one of many factors influencing PSM, especially the agreeableness and conscientiousness. In another side, personality also shapes the level of religiosity maturity, specifically on the behavior pa!ern and traits of an individual as a religious person. A research conducted by Perry (2008) has proven the religiosity as potential feature affecting PSM. Stanzyk (2008) adds that the interest to God has a broad context and that if it is connected to PSM, there will be a huge possibility to have greater influence. Therefore, religiosity is assumed to fulfill requirements as a mediator variable for agreeableness and conscientiousness towards PSM for religiosity is influenced by personality and also affects PSM. On the basis of explanation above, hypothesis can be created as follow: H1a H1b H2a H2b H3 H4a H4b : Agreeableness has a positive influence to PSM : Conscientiousness has a positive influence to PSM : Agreeableness has a positive influence to religiosity : Conscientiousness has a positive influence to religiosity : Religiosity has a positive influence to public service motivation : Religiosity as the mediator variable between the influence of agreeableness personality and PSM : Religiosity as the mediator variable between the influence of conscientiousness and PSM 2. Research Methods Quantitative method was used through the distribution of questionnaires. The sample of the research was 250 civil servants working at 10 Government Departments in Padang (20 respondents for each department), they are (i) Education Department, (ii) Department of Health, (iii) Social Department, (iv) Department of Industry and Labor (v) Department of Women Empowerment, Child Protection, Population Control, and Birth Control, (vi) Department of Population and Civil Registration, (vii) Department of Cooperation, Small and Medium Enterprise, (viii) Department of Capital Investing and Integrated Service, (ix) Department of Library and Archives, (x) Department of Trade. All samples must have been working for at least a year. The response of the respondents was examined by doing an assumption test as a requirement of hypothesis test. The assumption test conducted were normality, multicolonierity and auto-correlation. After all tests are completed, hypothesis test including correlation test, F-test, determination test and mediation test with regression model were carried out using SPSS Findings and Discussion Hip Var X Var Y 122 Beta Coefficient t- value Adj R2 sig H1 a Agreeableness PSM 0,406 6,528 0,161 0,000 H1b Conscientiousness PSM 0,510 8,705 0,256 0,000 H2 b Conscientiousness conscientiousness H2 a Agreeableness Religiosity Religiosity 0,510 8,718 0,257 0,000 0,482 8,094 0,229 0,000 H3 Religiusitas PSM 0,462 7,652 0,210 0,000 Continued to page 125

133 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 H4 a H4 b Agreeableness Religiusitas Conscientiousness Religiuisitas Connection from page 124 PSM 0,324 5,022 0,000 PSM 0,287 4,386 0,000 The hypothesis 1a result (agreeableness to PSM) has beta coeffecient. It indicates that agreeableness indeed has influence towards the civil servants in Padang. The research outcome confirms the hypothesis made before. The respondents perceive themselves as someone having agreeableness; helpful, peaceful, and put others importance first. The kind of demeanor has been predicted by Ivanchevich (2005), saying that such jobs as public service officers or social workers are perfectly fit to those having higher agreeableness. In this context, civil servant profession belongs to one involving public services. Other literature (Madinah, 2015) affirms that agreeableness treat is similar to pro-social conduct, one of basic dimensions building PSM. Based on the regression test above, the higher the agreeableness of a person, the greater the PSM possessed. The coeffecient value of adj R2 is 0.161, designating that 16.1% PSM variable can be clarified by agreeableness, while the rest (83.9%) is justified by other factors. Further, the beta coeffecient value of 1b is 0.510, meaning that positive influence of conscientiousness personality trait to PSM indeed exists to civil servants in Padang. This kind of characteristic is useful to increase productivity and elicit discipline. A public servant has to be responsible for the task given and concern with public necessity. Briefly, conscientiousness brings influence to the level of PSM so that the higher the conscientiousness of someone, the higher the PSM value within himself. In a nutshell, the coeffecient value of adj R2 above reaches It implies that 25.6% of PSM variable is justified by conscientiousness and the remaining 74.4% is supported by other factors. Next, grounded on regression test result on hypothesis 2a, the beta coeffecient value gained is 0.510, showing the existence of agreeableness personality trait effect to the religiosity of civil servants in Padang. Saraglou (2010) mentions that being friendly, kindhearted, and polite, which are parts of agreeableness trait is truly in line with social value and norms as taught in the religion. At this research, the respondents see themselves as the ones upholding an ideology, which encourages them to do good deeds as a commitment to the faith they follow. This perception can be observed on the questionnaire where the mean is around agreed range. The higher the agreeableness value existed within the civil servants, the be"er the level of religiosity reliability. The coeffecient value adj R2 on the table above reaches 0.257, signifying 25.7% of religiosity variable can be verified by agreeableness, and that its remaining is influenced by other factors. Based on the regression test of 2b hypothesis on the table above, it can be noticed that the beta coeffecient is Again, it indicates a presence of positive influence of conscientiousness to religiosity. The respondents have already perceived themselves responsible, discipline, and organized or conscientiousness in relation to their jobs. The mean of their answers is going around , indicating an agreement. Osman (2013) believes that religiosity is able to change working performance, and perseverance in working is obtained from the instilled religious value. The research outcome designates that if someone has well discipline level, responsible, and conscientiousness in doing his job, the religiosity inside himself is as well be"er. The coefficient adj R2 on the table presented above is It implies that 22.9% variable on relihiosity can be explained by conscientiousness, and that other factors explain the remaining 77.1%. On the hypothesis 3 regression test, the beta coefficient is 0.462, signifying an effect of religiosity towards PSM. Perry (1997) in his theory explains that an individual close to the God has considerable impact to his PSM for religiosity context is identical to pro-social attitude, even more. The influence of doctrine in a religion affects motivation aspect to 123

134 Chapter III: Public Policy and Administration public service. Provided that religiosity is associated to PSM, the desire of respondents to do good deeds will be even greater. Therefore, it can be deduced that the greater the religiosity of an individual, the higher the PSM inside himself. It has been proven in this research through the adj R2 coefficient value (0.21) where 21% variable in PSM can be well clarified by religiosity factor. As for the regression test result on hypothesis 4, the regression value (agreeableness and conscientiousness) after being controlled with religiosity variable has a decreased beta coefficient from to for agreeableness and to for conscientiousness. The reduced number of the influence value shows that religiosity can partially facilitate the impact of agreeableness and conscientiousness to PSM. The result supports the intial hypothesis made. Several literatures also reveal that belief in religion can be directly connected to some aspects in motivating public servant officers. Besides, religious value can as well stimulate confidence to a person in seeking the meaning of life and thus affecting his attitude and personality. The evaluation result of Ministry of Administrative and Bureaucratic Reform of Performance Accountability System of Government Agencies in 2016, Padang has obtained an increased on its achievement from C in 2015 to B in However, the evaluation score for Padang is still below 50 (considered C). Consequently, the civil servants are demanded to work effectively to create a professional working environment. It can be manifested by improving the working quality straightforwardly as a strategy to develop public service quality in Padang. Thus, it is expected that the be"erment of human resources can improve the governing in Padang and it can only happen when agreeableness and conscientiousness kept being instilled and developed to increase PSM value within the officers. 4. Conclusion The study of PSM is very popular in the last decades. Yet, an empirical study on the PSM has not been sufficient (Perry, 2008). With the use of big five personality scale, literature on the influence of personality to the desire of providing service to public will then be increased. This research has proven the effect of personality towards PSM. The result exposes that religiosity brings influence to personality and PSM. It is observed from the decrease of beta coeffecient value before and after being controlled. Hypothesis Test The research result answers a question on personality that cannot merely influence PSM directly, but firstly religiosity and then PSM. The sufficient standard of partially mediation effect occurred due to both external and internal factors as well as other variables affecting PSM. 124

135 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 REFERENCE Ain Rahat-ul, Jadoon N, Jadoon Zafar I, & Paul, Z. (2015). Public Service Motivation and The Big Five Personality Traits : The Case of Provincial Service of Pakistan. Journal of Research (Humanities). pp Ardiansyah, A. (2006). Perilaku Kewarganegaraan Organisasi Ditinjau dari Nilai Religiusitas dan Kompetensi Sosial, Fakultas Psikologi. Universitas Gadjah Mada Giauque, D., A. Ritz, et al. (2009). Motivation of Public Employees at the Municipal Level in Switzerland. International Public Service Motivation Research Conference. Bloomington/USA. Ivancevich, John et al. (2005). Perilaku dan Manajemen Organisasi Edisi ke 7. Jakarta : LP3ES Jang, Chy-Lu. (2012). The Effect Of Personality Traits On Public Service Motivation : Evidence From Taiwan. Social Behavior And Personality : An International Journal. 40 (5) pp Madinnah F, Greeg Hamidullah. (2016). The Agreeable Bereaucrat: Personality and PSM. International Journal Of Public Sector Management. 29 (6) pp McCrae, Robert R & John, Oliver P.. An Introduction to the Five Factor Model and Its Application Neila, R. (2012). Adaptasi Bahasa dan Budaya Inventori Big Five. Jurnal Psikologi. 39 (2) pp Osman-Gani, A., M, Hasyim et al. (2013). Establishing Linkages Between Religiosity and Spirituality on Employee Performance. Employee Relation. 34 (4). pp Perry, J,L. (1997). Antecedent of Public Service Motivation. Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory. 7 (2) pp Perry, J,L. (2000). Bringing Society In : Toward Of Public Service Motivation. Journal Of Public Administration Research and Theory. 10 (2) pp Perry,J,L & Wise, L. (1990). The Motivational Bases Of Public Service. Public Administration Review. 50 (3) pp Saraglou, Vassilis. (2002). Religion and the Five Factor of Pesonality: a meta- analytic review. Personalty and individual Difference. (32) pp Stazyk, E & Pandey, S. (2008). Antecedent and Correlates Of Public Service Motivation Wi"eloostuijn, Arjen V, Esteve, M & Boyne, G. (2016). Public Sector Motivation Ad Font: Personality Traits As Antecedents Of The Motivation To Serve The Public Interest. Journal Of Public Administration Research and Theory. pp

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137 CHAPTER IV SOCIAL WELFARE AND DEVELOPMENT

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139 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 Urban Farming as Middle Class Social Movement: Case Study in Surabaya Fikri Disyacia a,* a Master Program in Department of Politics and Government, Fisipol UGM * fikridisyaci!a@gmail.com Abstract This article aims to understand the attraction of the urban middle class in Surabaya to the idea of urban farming social movements and to identify the formation of networks or conflicts that occur in the urban farming community. The main argument of this article is the emergence of the phenomenon of urban farming community in Surabaya, need to be understood in the perspective of new social movement that is initiated by the urban middle class with higher education, seeking collaboration across social class, as well as being conformist with the government. Field findings showed an interest in urban farming movement is motivated by two motives: idealism and profit seeking. In terms of network, there are two common channel utilized by urban farming movement to establish its existence, the bureaucracy and the political figure. Data to prepare this article was obtained through a qualitative approach by in-depth interviews and participant observation conducted in Surabaya, during August-October Keywords: middle-class, urban farming, new social movements, KHS, BaFI, network 1. Introduction The position of the middle class in Indonesia, in quantity strengthened during This is evident from the mobility of 50 million low income residents who are climbing up the social class into middle income residents. Generally, the Indonesian middle class identified based on economic parameters, that is the level of income or expenditure. For instance such as the Ministry of Finance that uses Boston Consulting Group standard in the event the middle class income levels in the range of IDR 2,600, IDR 6,000, The other category is the parameter levels of education says that a third of Indonesia s middle class in 2011 was the undergraduate background. While from a political perspective, middle class individuals identified based on the high level of socio-political awareness to encourage positive change in society. Conscious urban middle class and decided to organize themselves in a new social movements do not use violence as a method, relatively conformist issues raised by government policy, and not radical as the labor class. As industrial-based city, Surabaya has significant middle class population. Although the agricultural sector is marginalized, in this city is middle class community initiate and popularized urban farming movements. Culturally, this movement is able to grow due to the increasing trend of organic horticultural products, healthy food, and back to nature lifestyle. Another opportunity, the Surabaya city government legally enforce policies of urban farming in 2009 and there was government efforts to engage the community 129

140 Chapter IV: Social Welfare and Development in 2016 in order to socialize the food security program, especially for the urban poor communities.in Surabaya, the existing community is not only one. There are at least two established communities such as Surabaya Hydroponics Community (KHS) and BaFI (Bambusa Forest Indonesia). Besides, there are also smaller communities and farmers groups built by the government. Social movements always facing the dilemma between promoting idealistic motives or commercial motives. Commercial impression is often a!ached to the urban farming community due to the price of expensive products and their activity labeled as the hobby of the elite. On the other hand, community activists claim their actions are based on a post-material desire such as empowering the whole society in order to gaining food security. Based on this background, this article then raises two research questions: a. Why is the urban middle class in Surabaya interested in urban farming ideas and its social movements?, b. How is the network formation and contestation of urban farming movement in middle class community? 2. Research Methods This research uses qualitative approach with in-depth interview method and participant observation conducted in Surabaya city from August to October The informants were obtained from Food and Agriculture Security Department of Surabaya (DKPP), KHS, BaFI, Surabaya Vegetable Garden (KSS), farmer groups in West and North Surabaya. As a theoretical framework, class culture theory by Fred L. Rose was used. The main argument of this theory is that the middle class tends to behave in a conformist with its socio-political environment. This contributes to the motives and strategies of the middle class in engaging in new social movements. The motive of the middle class joining a new social movement is a post-material interest, to make social change through educating themselves and the surrounding community about values that are considered positive. In addition, there is another motive: to get recognition. This interest is reflected in the objectives of the new middle class based social movements which then call upon governments and communities to realize the common good. In addition, the basic feature of the new middle class social movement is cross-class social collaboration. Theoretically, the method of action chosen to achieve the goal of the movement is the personal approach to government. 3. Findings and Discussion 3.1. Motives of Interest The identification of the motive is necessary to determine the relevance of the class culture thesist, that participation in new social movements initiated by the urban middle class prefers the post-material motive. The founder and chairman of KHS, Yoso Susriarto, was interested in the idea of urban farming due to his experience of accompanying official visits to the regions made him tangent to the potential for the development of urban agriculture. From there, he began to attend hydroponic workshop together with 40 other participants and networked using facebook. As the members increased and there is a desire to foster novice hydroponic farmers, then along with other senior member named Kibtiyah, Yoso founded KHS in Motive of the members are various. Person in charge for the field of training, for example, is a housewife who is interested in studying urban farming and joined KHS because of encouragement of her husband to look for productive work. While the motive of BaFI stems from the desire to educate young people regarding the threat of environmental crisis. Antonius Padua Wigig as the director said, at first BaFI interested in conducting water reserve rescue program with the development of bamboo forests. In East Surabaya, BaFI initiated a green space in the form of bamboo forests in a large area of former landfills (TPA). Then, BaFI starts to promoting urban farming issues in 2009 by introducing the idea of planting vegetables in the school environment. This educational activity got a chance when Adiwiyata school program was popularized. This motive can be traced from Anton s background as a biology teacher of Catholic school. Can not be denied, there were also 130

141 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 individuals with commercial motives to join. Starting from small scale individual industries to large industries. This difference in motives sometimes creates disagreements between the community and business groups (capitalist movement). Surabaya Vegetable Garden (KSS) for example, has ever relate to KHS. Therefore, because of the different orientations, between post-material and material motives collide, there is no further cooperation between the two. These findings showed that not all the new middle class social movements members are driven by post-material motives Formation of Network and Contestation Based on field findings, there are two typologies of network formation in urban farming social movement. First, the bureaucratic network. KHS is a social movement that is able to accessing government elite due to Yoso as the founder is a government employee of the education department that has connections with government agencies at city and provincial levels. Nevertheless, at first the DKPP seemed to ignore the KHS. Yoso then started the approach from below by conducting free hydroponic education for the community and recruiting members through facebook group. In addition, Yoso also conceptualized the vision of his community, its prospects for empowering the community, and alignment of KHS activities with the governmentowned KRPL program (Kawasan Rumah Pangan Lestari). The bargaining position of the community benefited from the agency work program that started to orient the socialization of hydroponic agriculture methods. In 2017, KHS became the main partner of DKPP as jury in the hydroponic village competition and expert speaker for government s workshop. KHS is also trusted by the agricultural department to supplying self- assembled training kit. This opportunity is optimized to assert the existence of groups in the presence of bureaucracy as well as expand membership networks with participants from diverse backgrounds, including farmer groups in Surabaya. Second, political network. Antonius was a PDIP sympathizer who has been active since before founding his community. When developing BaFI, Antonius cooperated with a prominent Nasdem Party member, named Vinsensius Awey who was elected as a legislative member in DPRD of Surabaya City. Awey then appointed as BaFI s advisor. In the legislative body, Awey is critical of the government s commitment to the implementation of Local Regulation No.3 of 2007 regarding 20% of Green Open Space allocation so that the existence of urban farming movement and its activities are guaranteed. When exclusively interviewed by local television, Awey publicly appreciated BaFI as a good example environment movement. In return, when the scoring of the competition of urban farming activity in 2016 organized by the city s agriculture department in collaboration with BaFI as a jury, Awey had the opportunity to socialize himself as a figure who cares about the urban farming issue in front of the farmer groups who participated in the competition. Beyond that, there is a capitalist movement that utilized the business network with hoteliers, restaurants, and hypermarts in Surabaya. Communities are only seen as knowledge networks. Cross- class collaboration is almost limited. In the case of contestation, KHS facing friction with individuals within the community as well as other groups that are more oriented towards material gains. In member meetings, Yoso always emphasizes that members must not commercialize their knowledge and keeping KHS visions as social community, not a trade association. Financial of the movement was managed according to the cooperative system. Finance was shared with business results systems and reused for community activities. This stance, then make a split in the internal movement. One of the member who disagree with Yoso s social vision, hijacked KHS official facebook group that had 19,366 members and kicking out KHS steering committee s accounts from the group. The group then filled with business contents. Another split was when members who want to change the community into a business group, including Kibtiyah, decided to quit and form its own business entities. There had also been an a#empt to intervene the community to use a specific fertilizer brand (sponsorship). While BaFI had to face challenges from other environmental groups such as the NGO Tunas Hijau who feels the project was rivaled. This 131

142 Chapter IV: Social Welfare and Development case due to BaFI in the manner of issue is not only specific in managing urban farming but also other environmental activities such as clean the river and greening the city through bamboo forests. That was the cause of the contestation. Then, in an attempted to minimize the potential of conflict, BaFI focused on urban farming issues and did not collaborate on project activities with NGOs or other communities. The scheme below is useful for understanding the description of typology of urban farming movement in Surabaya. Scheme 1. Network Typology of Urban Farming Movement in Surabaya City 4. Conclusion In some aspects, the theory of class culture is still relevant to explain the new social movements of the urban middle class. For example, with educational level to identify the class background, I found that both the founders of KHS and BaFI social movements, as well as the KSS capitalist movement were college undergraduate alumni. Collaboration across social classes reflected through free education activities. The pattern of networking formation of the movement either through bureaucratic networks or political figures shows that urban farming movement is conformist to government policy line so it is easier to get acceptance and supported its existence. However, in identifying movements motives, class culture encounters limitation as some middle classes in this case still put forward or shifted to material motives that rise to friction, even fragmentation in the internal of the movement. Besides, through this urban farming case, the theory of class culture has not yet done a study that not every economic activity undertaken by movement through business charity or the sale of goods then makes a new social movement automatically shifts into a material- oriented capitalist movement. The concept of political-economic of social movement formulated by Sabrina Zajak seems to be able to fill the theoretical gap. 5. Acknowledgement Researcher would like to say thanks to Nur Azizah, S.IP., M.Sc., as a supervisor who has been very patient to provide constructive input for the preparation of this article. And also to the team of Public Research Grants Manager and Public Service of Fisipol UGM 2017 which has provided opportunity for researcher to conduct this research. REFERENCES Aminah, Siti.2015, Konflik dan Kontestasi Penataan Ruang Kota Surabaya, MASYARAKAT : Jurnal Sosiologi, 20(1) : Rose, Fred.1997, Toward a Class-Cultural Theory of Social Movements: Reinterpreting New 132

143 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 Social Movements, Sociological Forum, 12(3), Santo, Raychel et.al Vacant Lots to Vibrant Plots: a Review of the Benefits and Limitations of Urban Agriculture. Maryland: John Hopkins Center. Zajak, Sabrina.2013, A Political Economic View of Social Movements: New Perspectives and Open Questions, Moving the Social, 50,

144 Chapter IV: Social Welfare and Development Analysis of Cultural Poverty Reality Based on Participatory in Rural Area in Gunungkidul D.I.Yogyakarta Istato Hudayana a,* a Master Program in Department of Social Development and Welfare, Fisipol UGM * istato.hudayana@gmail.com Abstract This research seeks to reveal how the reality in the context of meaning, views, and experience of cultural poverty in rural communities Gunungkidul, DIY. This study is important given that the mainstream of poverty measures including in Indonesia is still conceptualized top-down and econocentric through the basic needs approach. The research method used is qualitative inductive (exploratory) through phenomenology approach. Data collection techniques adopted Participatory Poverty Assessment (in-depth interviews and focus group discussions) with research analysis unit were 28 individuals and four poor households in Mertelu village, Gedangsari subdistrict, Gunungkidul district. The poor conceptualize the meaning of wellbeing in a hierarchical manner, which has healthy physical condition, has a harmonious relationship with the citizens and has sufficient money, primarily for food needs. Nevertheless, poor people understand and accept their current condition as reflected in the philosophy of nrimo ing pandum. The pa#ern of fulfilling the basic needs of the poor is more tend to be an active and passive survival strategic. In this effort, the poor are trapped into efforts to meet only basic daily needs (short term). That s why among several determinants of poverty listed, the root of the problem of cultural poverty is that the poor have not had the motive to be able to think of initiative, learning, optimism and working with new approaches as innovation. Poverty alleviation efforts based on cultural factors of society is to reconstruct their beliefs and knowledge of the community in order to foster innovation based on local wisdom. One of the efforts is to transform social capital such as sambatan, tarub and other informal social institutions into formal economy community based institution. Keywords: culture of poverty, determination of poverty, rural poverty 1. Introduction It is impossible or misleading to see poverty with an absolute standard, applicable to all countries and all times. A poverty line must be defined in a certain social relationship and contemporary community living standard. (Atkinson, 1975 in Budiantoro et al., 2015 p.2) Poverty is a complex, multidimensional and dynamic problem experienced globally till now. However, the mainstream of poverty measurement is still econocentric and it is formulated top down by scientists that it tends to oversimplify and leads to false conclusions about the dimension of poverty. Meanwhile, the Global Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI) empirical data shows that 30 percent (1.6 billion) of the world s population is poor multidimensional, much higher than the global monetary poverty rate of 10.7 percent. Similarly, in 134

145 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 Indonesia in 2014, MPI shows at the level of 29.7 percent, when poverty monetary only percent (Alkire, 2016). The dimension of cultural poverty cannot be separated from the inherent and the participation of the poor themselves. This was acknowledged in World Bank policy by 1990 by developing a more complete understanding of poverty analysis by encompassing social inclusion and the perspective of the poor (Narayan et.al., 2000 in Agyarko, 2002). Cultural considerations through a participatory approach to understanding and measuring poverty are of paramount importance in relation to their implications for poverty alleviation policy making. In the perspective of Indonesia development, the fact that dimension of poverty should not be uniformed because there is development disparity among administrative and inter-urban-rural areas, the topography of nature till cultural diversity. Thus, one of the necessary efforts is to lead to a culture-based poverty measurement, as culture becomes a unique differentiating factor in any country or community group. In the discourse on poverty measurement and reconsideration of cultural and participatory factors in poverty assessment it is important to examine the phenomenon of poverty in the province of Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta (Yogyakarta Special Region). While its development of welfare in various indicators of education and health and other aspects of development is considered successful among provinces in Java islands and national level, the development of DIY leaves a high poverty level, among other provinces nationally, especially in Java Islands (BPS, 2015). Finally, it becomes an important thing to reveal the phenomenon of poverty in the cultural context through the perspective of the poor by participatory approach for this contradiction problem. For that reason, research will be given title Analysis of Cultural Poverty Reality Based on Participatory in Rural Area in Gunungkidul D.I. Yogyakarta. This research will focus on the problem formulated as follows: 1. How do the poor meaning, believe and view to their poverty? 2. How do the poor behavior fulfill their material needs and relational needs? 3. What factors can be inferred to be the determinant of poverty and the booster to escape from poverty? 2. Research Methods The research used qualitative inductive method through phenomenology approach. Mertelu village selected as research sites with based the percentage of the largest poor households in Gedangsari sub-district. The research analysis unit is the individual and the poor household. Data collection techniques adopted Participatory Poverty Assessment through direct observation, in-depth interviews and Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) Validity test of data taken by using triangulation content and triangulation of source, then used descriptive analysis and root cause analysis. 3. Findings and Discussion 3.1. Meaning of a Wellbeing The poor conceptualize the meaning of wellbeing in a hierarchical manner, which is has healthy physical condition, has a harmonious relationship with the citizens and has sufficient money, primarily for food needs. Their concept is different as it is conceptualized by the structure (government) through the adequacy of consumption that is converted through caloric units. Likewise, with ownership of assets (such as refrigerators, televisions, motorcycles, LPG, land and livestock) and standard housing facilities Perception to Poverty The poor view of the poverty more simply associates the concept of gadhah (rich/have) and mboten gadhah (poor/not have). Gadhah explanation is a family that has own ca!le and or 135

146 Chapter IV: Social Welfare and Development goats with more than two tails. In addition, have paddy fields that can produce more than five sacks (50 kilos) once harvest and a permanent material house. Nevertheless, the poor perceive poverty faced daily as a condition that they can understand and accept, as reflected in one of Javanese cultural philosophy, nrimo ing pandum accept a station and a fate in life with an a!itude of grateful). They feel they have worked hard and felt enough with the results they have gained. Even, they argue that the current condition better than the conditions of poverty faced by the generation before them Poverty Experience Poor people in research site faced to the geographical difficulties of the highlands, resulting in the narrow ownership of paddy fields and limited sources of water, compounded with bad transportation. Of course, this limited access to be constrained transportation costs to major health care centers and public school. Women, especially mothers, feel the most negative impacts of this condition because they have to play a role in domestic activities and look for fields and forests for a day, a week, and a month. As for children, this poverty makes miserable to them when they have to walk up and down the road along 3-4 km on foot. As a results, parents who are poorly educated, not visionary, and tend to concede when some children drop out of school. However, this condition is psychologically over the long term more often arises feelings of calm and happiness, rather than feel the negative effects such as feelings of sadness, embarrassment to depression over this condition Source of income To increase incomes from insufficient agricultural output, the poor have various sources of income as follows: a. diversifying the occupation. Most of the poor do other jobs in agriculture and nonagricultural sectors such as glidik (become freelance laborers), candak kulak (collector of agricultural yields), nggaduh (profit sharing system for ca!le) b. optimizing family members for work. Some families entrust their children to junior high school to a relative or other person who needs a household assistant or a productive enterprise in exchange for the facilities of daily living and school fees. c. using informal social institutional such as arisan, rewang and sambatan (mutual help for the construction of a house or wedding party), debt accounts, giving each other between families and neighbors. d. receiving remi!ance from a spouse or worked children. e. utilizing government grant, but this only helps them to meet their daily needs or pay off debt on a short-term basis Basic Needs and Relational Fulfilment Fulfilment the basic needs of the poor is tend to survival strategies. In case, food fulfillment is still pursuing to quantity but not yet in quality. Frequency of the poor have eaten three times, with rice and chili rice menu, rice and vegetables without side dishes. Meanwhile, to meet the need with a large cost value, they sell the assets of large ca!le (cow or goats), if none then it will be indebted. On the contrary, people feel the fulfillment of relational needs with other citizens very well. The strength of social capital in the form of trust, altruism, belief in positive values of local culture and high social participation is reflected through sambatan, tarub and other ceremonial activities as well as the culture of accounts payable and mutual giving which are still well preserved. This is because of the motive of the event of socialization and recreation and the existence of reciprocal motives among homogeneous society in social and economic level. The causes of poverty mentioned by the community i.e. low education, do not have 136

147 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 capital, have narrow rice fields, difficult transportation access, lack of marketing channels, government aid programs are unsuccessful and unsustainable. However, once mapped, the main root of poverty is that the poor have no motive for strong innovation. In accordance with the main causes of poverty problems, poverty alleviation efforts based on cultural factors of society is to reconstruct the understanding of society in order to foster innovation. One of them transform social capital in informal social institutions into institutional or community- based formal institutions such as cooperatives departing from initiative of the poor. 4. Conclusion Concepts of wellbeing from the main of which is healthy body, has a harmonious relationship with the community and has sufficient money to meet food needs. Although in the conception of poverty also seen the dichotomous label between gadhah (have) and mboten gadhah (do not have). Nevertheless, poor people understand and accept their current condition as reflected to the philosophy of nrimo ing pandum, both in the household and communal. The pattern of fulfilling the basic needs of the poor is more tend to be an active and passive survival strategic. In this effort, the poor are generally trapped into efforts to meet only basic daily needs (short term). On the contrary, they have not been able to think and seek the fulfillment of basic needs as an effort to escape from poverty in the future. Meanwhile, in terms of relational needs, society feels greatly fulfilled through sambatan, tarub and other ceremonial activities that are still well preserved. It has driven by motives of socialization and recreation facilities and reciprocal motives among them. The root of the problem of cultural poverty is that the poor have not had the motive to be able to think of initiative, learning, optimism and working with new approaches as innovation. Poverty alleviation efforts based on cultural factors of society is to reconstruct their beliefs and knowledge of the community in order to foster innovation based on local wisdom. One of the efforts is to transform social capital such as sambatan, tarub and other informal social institutions into formal economy community based institution. 5. Acknowledgement I would to thank to the Professors Susetiawan and lecturers at the master of Social Development and Welfare programme. My special and heartily thanks to my supervisor, Nurhadi, S.Sos, M.Si, Ph.D who provided insight and expertise that greatly assisted the research. I am also deeply thankful to all my informants. Their names cannot be disclosed, but I want to acknowledge and truly appreciate their help. REFERENCES Alkire, S. &. (2016). Multidimensional Poverty Index Country Briefing Series-Indonesia. Oxford: Oxford Poverty & Human Development Initiative (OPHI). Agyarko, R. d. (2002, March-June). Influencing policythrough Participatory Poverty Assessments: A theoretical and Practical Overview and Assessment of A Changing Process. Social Change, 32, Badan Pusat Statistik. (2016). Statistik Indonesia Jakarta: BPS. Budiantoro, e. (2015). Penghitungan Indeks Kemiskinan Multidimensi Indonesia Jakarta: Perkumpulan Prakarsa. 137

148 Chapter IV: Social Welfare and Development Disadvantaged Village in the Community Views A Study in Malang Village Ngombol District Purworejo Regency Agus Purwanto a,* a Master Program in Department of Social Development and Welfare, Fisipol UGM * cakramanggala@gmail.com Abstract The Village Development Index (VDI) that developed to describe the condition of the village, with the assessment of minimum service standards still leaves the gap weakness of the many advantages. One of VDI weakness is the lack of community involvement in the assessment and calculation. This study aims to close the gap of VDI by trying to see the VDI from the point of view of the village community, with a focus on the perspectives of people in the disadvantaged village. Therefore, this research uses a qualitative approach. The object of this research is Malang Village which is one of a disadvantaged village in Purworejo Regency. The result of this research is that Malang Village which by the structure is categorized as a disadvantaged village is not so according to the villager s view. The economic condition is pre!y good with the symbols of good house buildings, vehicles, and the portraits of poverty that is less visible make people think that Malang Village is not a disadvantaged village. In addition, the ease of access to various facilities, whether education, health, economics, or other facilities make the impression of being disadvantaged for the Malang Village is less pronounced. Keywords: disadvantaged villages, rural development, poverty, participatory development 1. Introduction Village Development Index (VDI) constructed and developed in order to describe the rural condition in the territory of villages in Indonesia. VDI follows to standard minimum services concept that means VDI is exposing services conducted by the government. VDI that have been developing since 2015 is composite index constructed to measure village development stage. VDI is constructed from the result of Village Potential Census (Podes) VDI aims to village condition mapping base on development stage, se!ing development program target for the next five years, and describing services conducted by village government. Therefore, the VDI is also intended to be a tool that provides information for village development actors, both central and local, to make appropriate policy interventions as an effort to leverage the development of the village (Barokah, 2015: 4). VDI is calculated based on five dimensions, namely basic services, infrastructure conditions, accessibility or transportation, public services, and government administration. In its development, VDI still have a gap of weakness among the many of advantages. One of the weaknesses of VDI is the lack of community involvement in the assessment and calculation. In fact, in an effort to look at the minimum services, an assessment of the community is needed. Therefore, VDI cannot be operational, especially in planning and determining the right program for rural development. 138 This study aims to look at VDI from the perspective of rural communities or villagers, with

149 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 a focus on the people s point of view in disadvantaged villages. The object of this research is the Malang Village, Ngombol District, Purworejo Regency, which according to the VDI is classified as the disadvantaged village and have the wost value in Ngombol District. 2. Research Methods This research uses a qualitative approach. A total of 18 informants from various elements were interviewed and information that go"en were good enough. Sufficient information with the 18 informants was go"en because informants mostly have multiple roles in the community. For example, the Village Head of Malang who became one of the informants also worked as a rice field farmer, shrimp ponds farmer, and also had worked abroad (TKI). So from the village head, the researcher gets a lot of information. 3. Findings and Discussion The VDI of Malang Village is the lowest in Ngombol District and that is why it belongs to a disadvantaged village group. The low VDI score is certainly due to the value of the dimensions of VDI for Malang Village is low. Based on the dimension, the lowest score of VDI Malang Village is of the Public Service. This is mainly due to the absence of the village office and low quality of human resources. Then, the infrastructure also shows a very low figure of This is mainly due to the absence of various economic infrastructure and information communications facilities. Meanwhile, the dimension of public service gets a value of This is mainly due to the lack of basic facilities such as educational facilities: kindergarten through high school and health facilities, including health workers. The analysis result of the information of the informants is as follows: a. Basic facilities such as school buildings and health facilities including health workers are not available in Malang village. However, the villagers did not feel that it was a problem for them. The facilities that are in another area can be accessed easily. Kindergarten and primary schools are only 1 and 1.3 km from the center of Malang village. They go there by foot, cycling, or ridden by parents using a motorcycle. Junior High schools that are in 3 km (SMP Pembaharuan), 6 km (SMP N 11 Purworejo) are usually reached by bicycle or ridden by parents using a motorcycle. And their high schools are usually taken by motorcycle. Health workers such as midwives, doctors, other medical personnel, and health service buildings such as polindes, health centers, and hospitals can be accessed by the people of Malang Village easily. The existence of motorcycles and cars, as well as improved economic conditions, makes them easy to access all these health facilities. b. A market as a representative of economic infrastructure does not exist in Malang Village. The post office and internet services, as a representative of communication and information dimension, also doesn t exist. People use water from well to fulfill their water need and they use firewood (frequently) to cook their meal. These things make the low value in infrastructure dimension of VDI. But once again, the people of Malang Village have no problem with the minimal infrastructure. They can still access facilities or infrastructures that do not exist in Malang Village easily. It is also unlike VDI construction, especially for economic infrastructure that provides low scoring. In other words, although the infrastructure is minimal in Malang Village, the people of Malang Village do not feel disturbed by these minimal facilities. c. The people of Malang Village also have no problems with accessibility or transportation. Since they have motorcycles or cars, they can go anywhere they want. Besides ownership of vehicles, they can go anywhere easily because the roads in Malang village and in Purworejo are in good condition. They can go to the market, government offices, etc. d. If formerly Malang Village people are very difficult in terms of food, now this is not the case. Even people who are relatively poor in Malang Village relatively no food problems. 139

150 Chapter IV: Social Welfare and Development They usually eat 2 times a day or if there is excess income, they can eat 3 times a day. Therefore, malnutrition cases do not exist in Malang Village. For a hobby, sports activities in the village of Malang there is aerobic exercise performed by PKK mothers and volleyball which is mainly done by the youth or members of youth cadets. The lack of sports facilities and sports activities also do not make them problematic. e. Malang Village has no village government office. They also don t have a high quality of apparatus even they don t have a secretary to do administration ma"er. But, from information researcher get from informants, the community doesn t meet a big problem because of that. From the absence of village government office, the apparatus conduct the services at home, anytime. The apparatus said that 24 hours a day, their door is always open for services. In addition, the incompleteness of the device actually creates a sense of mutual need that arises good cooperation. For the village apparatus, devotion is the important thing. Although the expected bent or the compensation or wage does not always give them a reasonable income, every job that involves the village of Malang, they are always ready to finish it. f. Malang community feels different from what the government has determined, disadvantaged. A low score in VDI, the absence of some facilities, for them is not a problem because they don t feel disadvantaged. So, according to what they feel, finally, they don t agree that Malang is categorized as a disadvantaged village. Comparing the current condition of their village to the condition of their village in the past made them believe that now they are not in a state of disadvantagedness. Economic conditions become parameters for them. Indeed, in the past, they lived in poverty. So, label Malang village as a disadvantaged village was right. But now, Malang Village is not poor anymore. Instead, they consider their economic conditions are no longer difficult. Waves of Indonesian labor migrants, shrimp farming and rice farming that have been harvested 3 times a year and cultivated agriculture are the reason for their improved economy. Their good economic evidence is the economic symbol of good house building and the ownership of vehicles, motorcycles, and cars. In fact, they can hire for the jobs for villagers from another village. g. Researcher realizes that Malang community tends to compare very bad economic condition in the past and good enough economic condition nowadays. They finally believe that they are not in problematic condition. Beside comparing with the past, the perspective of Malang Community or Malang people also tends to compare Malang Village with other villages around Ngombol District in order to ensure that Malang village is the same condition, well condition, or even in the worst condition. These comparisons make them believe that their village is not a disadvantaged village. The absence of various facilities does not mean that they are in trouble. They can access various facilities easily by their vehicle. h. The researcher also thinks that perhaps, habitual of Malang community makes them finally fell that something according to government is a bad thing, but it does not make sense for them. They don t think that a bad thing actually bad for them. For example, the absence of education and health facilities don t mean a big problem. They don t feel the situation should be a problem, perhaps because they are in that situation for a long time. 4. Conclusion 140 a. This research finally found that government construction of Malang as a disadvantaged village is viewed in a different way by the community. Good economic condition drives the people of Malang village to think that their village is not a disadvantaged village anymore. Economic symbol, good material house building, ownership of motorcycles and cars, and poverty that have not be a common scene make them think that Malang Village is in a good stage. That thought is also base on the fact that the community is easy in accessing various facilities, such

151 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 as school, health facilities, and market. b. These are some essential factors that are not entered in VDI development like social indicator, and village potential indicator, and household economic condition (ownership of the vehicle, etc.). c. The main cause of differentiation between the government construction and the Malang community views is that the government did not involve the community in VDI development. Recommendation a. Participation of the community is important in order to construct development program, especially in village development. So, the community has to be involved in every step of development. VDI development also has to involve the community to ensure that VDI rating conducted by the government quiet same with the community views. With that, development program related with VDI can be effective and efficient. b. Social indicator, local potential, and household economic condition (including ownership of vehicles) need to be added in VDI development construction. These indicators are geographic, village history, people education, people activity, economic growth condition, and asset ownership. Social capital like solidarity, cooperation, kinship, and collective awareness are also can be considered in VDI development. c. Research in a various characteristic of disadvantaged villages, by government version, is needed to widen the perspective of the community. 5. Acknowledgement Syukur Alhamdulillah. I would like to express my special thanks of gratitude to my supervisor Ibu Agnes and Pak Nurhadi. I also would like to thank the rest of my thesis commi"ee: Dr. Hempri and Ibu Susi for their insightful comments and encouragement, also for the advised widen my research from various perspectives. At last but not least, to all of the people who supported me, especially my own family, thank you very much. REFERENCES Adisasmita, R. (2006). Membangun Desa Partisipatif. Yogyakarta: Graha Ilmu. Agusta, I., & Fujiartanto. (2014). Indeks Kemandirian Desa Metode, Hasil, dan Alokasi Pembangunan Desa. Jakarta: Yayasan Pustaka Obor Indonesia. Ahmadi, R. (2014). Metodologi Penelitian Kualitatif. Yogyakarta: Ar-Ruzz Media. Amin. (1997). Sanitasi Lingkungan Perumahan Beserta Wawasan Masyarakatnya di Desa-desa Tertinggal (Kasus Desa-Desa Tertinggal di Kecamatan Leuwimunding Majalengka Provinsi Jawa Barat). Yogyakarta: Universitas Gadjah Mada. Ananda, C. F. (2016, 05 16). Prinsip Partisipatif pada Pembangunan Desa. Retrieved from Koran Sindo: sindo.com/news.php?r=0&n=3&date= Badan Pusat Statistik. (-, - -). Konsep Indeks Pembangunan Manusia. Retrieved 6 8, 2016, from Badan Pusat Statistik: accordiondaftar-subjek1 Badan Pusat Statistik. (1995). Daftar Nama Desa Tertinggal dan Tidak Tertinggal Menurut Provinsi dan Kabupaten/Kotamadya di Pulau Jawa dan Madura. Jakarta: Badan Pusat Statistik. Badan Pusat Statistik. (2014, 12 17). Jumlah Penduduk Miskin, Persentase Penduduk Miskin dan Garis Kemiskinan, Retrieved 6 2, 2016, from Badan Pusat Statistik: go.id/linktabelstatis/view/id/

152 Chapter IV: Social Welfare and Development Barokah, H., Utami, D. W., Karmaji, Sugiarto, C. S., Suchaini, U., Widyaningsih, D., et al. (2015). Indeks Pembangunan Desa Tantangan Pemenuhan Standar Minimum Pelayanan Desa. Jakarta: Kementerian PPN/Bappenas dan Badan Pusat Statistik. Chambers, R. (1988). Pembangunan Desa Mulai dari Belakang. Jakarta: LP3ES. Chambers, R. (1996). PRA Participatory Rural Appraisal Memahami Desa Secara Partisipatif. Yogyakarta: Kanisius. Conyers, D. (1991). Perencanaan Sosial di Dunia Ketiga Suatu Pengantar. Yogyakarta: Gadjah Mada University Press. Corbin, A. S. (2003). Dasar-Dasar Penelitian Kualitatif Tata Langkah dan Teknik-teknik Teoritisasi Data. Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar Offset. Desa Malang. (2016). Profil Desa Malang Purworejo: Desa Malang. Dwipayana, A. (2006). Pembangunan yang Meminggirkan Desa. Yogyakarta: IRE Yogyakarta. Effendi, S., & Tukiran. (2012). Metodologi Penelitian Survei. Jakarta: LP3ES. Eko, S., & Krisdyatmiko. (2006). Kaya Proyek Miskin Kebijakan Membongkar Kegagalan Pembangunan Desa. Yogyakarta: IRE Yogyakarta. Ernayanti, & Novita, I. (1996). Budaya Kemiskinan di Desa Tertinggal di Yogyakarta. Jakarta: CV. Bupara Nugraha. Haryati, E. (2003). Konfigurasi Politik, Pembangunan Masyarakat Desa, dan Penanggulangan Kemiskinan. Yogyakarta: Universitas Gadjah Mada. Kompas. (2014, 05 06). Nawa Cita, 9 Agenda Prioritas Jokowi-JK. Retrieved 05 06, 2016, from Kompas.com: Prioritas.Jokowi-JK Lestari, N. (2016). Analisis Faktor-faktor Penyebab Ketertinggalan Desa di Kabupaten Kuningan Provinsi Jawa Barat. Yogyakarta: Universitas Gadjah Mada. Midgley, J. (2005). Pembangunan Sosial: Perspektif Pembangunan dalam Kesejahteraan Sosial. Jakarta: Direktorat Perguruan Tinggi Agama Islam Departemen Agama RI. Moseley, M. J. (2003). Rural Development Principles and Practice. London: SAGE Publication Ltd. Mubyarto. (1994). Profil Desa Tertinggal Indonesia Yogyakarta: Aditya Media. Niemietz, K. (2011). A New Understanding Of Poverty: Poverty Measurement and Policy Implications. London: The Institute of Economic Affairs. Nusantara, A. (2014, 11). Apa itu Udang Vaname? Retrieved 05 24, 2017, from Agro Nusantara: Rahayu, S. Z. (n.d.). Tipologi Desa Sebagai Dasar Penentuan Prioritas Pembangunan di Kabupaten Pacitan. Yogyakarta: UGM. Republik Indonesia. (2014). Undang - Undang Republik Indonesia Nomor 6 Tahun 2014 tentang Desa. Jakarta: Kementerian Sekretariat Negara. Ritzer, G. (2014). Sosiologi Ilmu Pengetahuan Berparadigma Ganda. Jakarta: Rajawali Pers. Samsuri, H. (2017). Tanggung Jawab Sosial Perusahaan Sektor Kehutanan (Studi Kemitraan Sistem PHBM KPH Blora Jawa Tengah). Yogyakarta: UGM. Seabrook, J. (2006). Kemiskinan Global Kegagalan Model Ekonomi Neoliberalisme. Yogyakarta: Rsist Book. Soetomo. (2010). Masalah Sosial dan Upaya Menyelesaikannya. Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar. Sugiyono. (2006). Metode Penelitian Kuantitatif, Kualitatif, dan R & D. Bandung: Alfabeta. Suharto, D. G. (2016). Membangun Kemandirian Desa. Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar. Susetiawan. (2009). Pembangunan dan Kesejahteraan yang Terpasung: Ketidakberdayaan Para Pihak Melawan Konstruksi Neoliberalisme.Yogyakarta: -. Suyanto, B. (1996). Perangkap Kemiskinan, Problem dan Strategi Pengentasannya dalam Pembangunan Desa. Yogyakarta: Aditya Media. Teryanus, S. (2007). Desa Tertinggal dan Keterbelakangan Pendidikan Studi Tentang Akses Penduduk Miskin Terhadap Pelayanan Pendidikan 142

153 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 Formal di Desa Tanime Kecamatan Bime Kabupaten Bintang Provinsi Papua. Yogyakarta: Universitas Gadjah Mada. Tim Nasional Percepatan Penanggulangan Kemiskinan. (2015). Menjangkau Masyarakat Miskin dan Rentan Serta Mengurangi Kesenjangan: Memperbaiki Ketepatan Sasaran, Desain, dan Mekanisme Program. Jakarta: Sekretariat Wakil Presiden Republik Indonesia. Tobing, L. (2014). Identifikasi dan Analisa Desa Tertinggal Kawasan Pesisir Daerah Istiewa Yogyakarta. Yogyakarta: UGM. Tukiran. (1993). Penentuan Desa Miskin Analisis Potensi Desa Populasi, 4 (1), Widarto. (2015, 11 15). Banyak Udang Petambak Mencret-Mencret. Retrieved 05 30, 2017, from Sorot Purworejo: Winarno, B. (2008). Gagalnya Organisasi Desa Dalam Pembangunan di Indonesia. Yogyakarta: Tiara Wacana. 143

154 Chapter IV: Social Welfare and Development Dimension of Coastal Resilience in Facing Tidal Flood in Sayung Sub-District Demak District Aisyah Maulida a a Master Program in Department of Public Policy and Management, Fisipol UGM * maulida.aisyah8@gmail.com Abstract This study discusses the dimensions of coastal community resilience in facing tidal flood in Sayung District, Demak District along with threat and challenge factors. The study was conducted in 4 coastal villages in Sayung sub-district which suffered heavy losses due to the flood. This research used a qualitative method with case study approach. Data analysis used disaster resilience theory with three elements that are adaptation, coping capacity and resilience. Resilience analysis is focused on four main aspects that exist in the society that is physical, economic, social and institutional. The results show that the four dimensions of endurance have a#achment to one another. Other results indicate that the coastal community of Sayung has low resistance in facing tidal floods. Despite having the ability to adapt and coping capacity but the coastal community of Sayung has not been able to return to the normal or previous condition. Keywords: community resilience, tidal flood, coastal damage, tidal flood impact, community capacity, resilience, community adaptation 1. Introduction The success or failure of a community to respond to disasters depends on how strong their ability to deal with adverse situations (Islam & Walkerden, 2014). Disaster Resilience is one of the benchmarks that can be used to explain how much the community s ability to deal with and overcome the effects of disaster. Specifically, disaster resilience can explain at a macro sociology level such as through indicators such as organizational change as well as changes in economic and demographic structures (Boon, 2014; Norris & Pfefferbaum, 2008). One of the areas categorized as areas with high levels of disaster vulnerability is coastal areas. This is exacerbated by the poor quality of coastal areas. Physical character of coastal areas vulnerable to disaster will result in high risk when faced with the socioeconomic conditions of the population. Communities, especially those living in coastal areas, will be the main victims of the impact of the disaster. Social, economic, and cultural factors make them occupy high disaster risk areas (Kusumasari, 2014). One of the affected areas of North Coast of Java is the coast of Sayung District, Demak District. In addition to the consequences of global warming, the tidal floods in Sayung Demak sub-district are also caused by the expansion of residential areas and industrial estates. In addition to abrasion and accretion, the coast of Sayung also faces a tidal flood which brings various losses both in the physical and economic sectors. One of them is the destruction of buildings, road access to the loss of pond land as the economic support community. Major changes occurred in the life of the coastal community of Sayung before and after the tidal flood crashed. This tidal flood resulted in a decrease in welfare because some residents had to 144

155 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 lose their livelihood and were forced to change professions. From the various adverse impacts caused by the tidal flood, the community still survives in the midst of tidalic flooding, although there have been some who decided to move shelter. This condition encourages the implementation of this research to find out how the dimension of resilience of coastal community of Sayung in facing the tidal flood including obstacle factor and challenge. With this goal, this research is able to analyze and identify how the resilience of the coastal community of Sayung. 2. Research Methods The type of research used is qualitative research type with case study approach. According to Yin (2015) case studies include the study of single cases or exploring issues or ptidallems in real life, in the context of contemporary se!ings. The main characteristic of good case studies is to show a deep understanding and depth of data about the case (Bungin, 2011; Creswell, 2013). The limitations of this study will be focused on two sides. First, to analyze the general dimension of disaster resilience in the coastal area of Sayung District. Secondly, this research will also focus on supporting factors and resistance in disaster resilience in the region. The research location chosen for this research is Sayung Sub-district of Demak District of Central Java. The research was conducted in four coastal villages namely Bedono, Timbul Sloko, Surodadi and Sriwulan. Primary data obtained through interviews and observation. The informants of this research are BPBD, Fisheries and Maritime Affairs Office of Demak District (DKP), Sub District of Sayung (Camat) Demak District, Environment Agency of Demak Regency (BLH), Wetlands Indonesia, Blue Forest Indonesia, Village Head of Bedono, Village of Timbul Sloko and Surodadi Village Secretary. And the coastal communities Bedono, Sriwulan, Timbulsloko, and Surodadi. Furthermore, Focus Group Discussion was implemented in Surodadi village. Site determination and informants are selected based on the objectives and subjects that are considered to know the information according to the research topic. Data analysis is carried out with the following stages: data reduction, data presentation, data encoding, compiling descriptions with points to be discussed in qualitative reports and data interpretation. While the validity of data implemented by triangulation method. 3. Findings and Discussion 3.1. Development of Settlements Before 1990 the coastal region of Sayung was still dominated by productive agricultural land. Types of crops produced by this agricultural land such as rice, corn, chili, and palawija. Even the sub-district of Sayung had become a district-level rice granary. In addition to rice fields, in this region, there are also some ponds around the coast. These physical and environmental changes are caused by several factors such as mangrove logging, abrasion, and soil subsidence. This environmental change is also followed by changes in se!lements. Rising sea waves caused many houses drowned by tidal water. This also gives impact to the damage to the physical building. The highest peak of the impact of environmental changes on these se!lements is the disappearance of 2 hamlets in Bedono village which forced the citizens to be relocated. Relocation is done because the se!lement is no longer able to live because of the higher tidal water. Tidal flood also caused damage and loss of citizens access to village roads. Some road connections between hamlets and villages are lost even damaged by the onslaught of tidal floods. The bad condition of the road access hampered the people in doing social and economic activity. Besides physical damage, the tidal flood on the coast of Sayung also resulted in the economic downturn due to the destruction of agricultural land and ponds becoming the main livelihood of the people. 145

156 Chapter IV: Social Welfare and Development 3.2. The Resilience of Coastal Communities Sayung There are three aspects used to analyze the resilience of the coastal community of Sayung. These three aspects are adaptation, capacity, and resilience (Gall, 2013). These three aspects are analyzed in four dimensions: technical, economic, social and organizational or institutional (Bruneau, 2003). In the adaptation aspect, people in all four coastal villages have similar adaptability. Adaptation is done by society in every dimension. In the physical or technical dimension, the community a!empts to reduce the impact of the tidal flood by undertaking the depletion of houses and roads, building emergency bridges, to changing the home model. This adaptation capability makes people to survive despite being in the midst of tidalic flooding. Physical adaptation is not only done at the individual level, but also at the community level. Adaptation at the community level is strongly influenced by the participation of government agencies or NGOs. This is related to the resources owned by these institutions. This adaptation is also able to describe how big the community capacity in managing the impact of disaster. The above mentioned community capacities indicate that there are efforts to fight and reduce disaster risks. People also adapt to the economic dimension. The adaptation is done by utilizing very limited biological resources. The resources have been reduced due to the tidal flood, so people need to work around this by making changes in livelihood. Such adaptation can be seen from professional changes that occur from time to time. The changes are as in the following figure: > 1990 : farmers, fishermans 1993 : fish farmers, fishermans 1997-now : fishermans, bricklayers, laborer Figure 1 Professions Change of Coastal Community in Sayung Changes in the profession must have an impact on people s income. The degradation of fishery resources in the region, the decreasing the level of their welfare. Despite having been able to adapt and have the capacity to utilize existing resources, their welfare conditions have not fully recovered yet. Although professional changes that do not rely on fishery resources, have not been able to restore their normal condition. Thus, despite the capacity and ability to adapt, but coastal communities have not been able to restore their economic condition in the original condition. In the dimension of social resilience, the community also takes various actions in order to adapt to the current disaster conditions. At the community level, communities are beginning to be open in building communication and coordination with various parties such as government, universities, and NGOs. The presence of these institutions is able to provide many roles, particularly in funding and knowledge transfer. The openness of citizens in communicating is very influential on social resilience built. At the household or individual level, social capital becomes important in strengthening social resilience. Social bonding and interaction among citizens can be a motivation and encouragement to continue to survive and adapt to existing disaster conditions. The characteristic of traditional coastal community of Sayung also plays an important role especially in gotong royong and contribution activities in general activities. Tidal floods have no significant impact on the social resilience of the coastal community of Sayung. The tradition of gotong royong is one of the capacities people have to deal with the flood. Adaptive capacity is also owned by the institutions associated with the tidal flood Sayung. These institutions include BPBD, DKP, BLH, Echoshape Consortium to village government. Each agency performs its duties and functions according to existing regulations. The village government is also helped by the Dana Desa and Alokasi Dana Desa. Most of the funds are used for physical development. Although all related agencies have tried to carry out their duties, but have not been able to restore normal coastal conditions of Sayung. This can not be separated from environmental factors are ge!ing worse. 146

157 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days Factors Challenges, Obstacles and Opportunity The factors of barriers and threats to choose because of the potential to strengthen or even weaken the resilience of the community. In addition, these factors are also a concern of the public against the deteriorating environmental and socio-economic conditions. Both factors are environmental change and industry expansion. Environmental change consists of changes due to natural factors such as global warming and abrasion that occurs naturally. But environmental changes are also caused by humans such as reclamation, land conversion and resource exploitation. On the other hand, industrial expansion is becoming an alarming threat to groundwater exploitation resulting in a decrease in groundwater levels. The opportunity factor is also owned by the people of Sayung with the potential of mangrove forest tourism that is in demand by many people Interdependency between Dimensions of Resilience The individual s physical dimensions depend heavily on economic resilience at the household level. While community-level physical endurance is strongly influenced by organizational intervention, especially government organizations. Physical resilience at the community level is largely achievable if there is interference from government organizations. The community does not have the capacity to build and repair roads. This can only be implemented by government organizations that have budgets for the field. The community s capacity for hoisting and road raising only plays a small role through dues. In the dimension of organizational resilience, the dimension of social resilience has a significant role. In accordance with Permendagri Nomor 14 of 2016, social assistance or grants will only be granted to institutions or community organizations that have legal status. Therefore it is necessary to coordinate and communicate well established at the community level to realize the required institutions. Communities capable of creating communication and networking internally will make it easier for government agencies and NGOs to perform their functions. An open society will provide a lot of information and be more easily invited to work with other agencies. Good communication and networking with governmental organizations is the reason why social resilience has a major role in building institutional resilience. In addition, social resilience also has a role in improving economic resilience even though small. The role can be seen from the delivery of information. Communication and interaction will facilitate the delivery of information. For example information on the availability of employment both inside and outside the village. On the other hand, community institutions also provide information on how to overcome the ptidallems surrounding ponds and techniques of fishing and mangrove planting. These ptidallems certainly have an impact on the economic resilience of the community. Thus, the four dimensions have connections that are able to build one another. For community resilience to wake up well, every dimension must be strengthened. 4. Conclusion Based on the concept of resilience that consists of elements of the ability to fight the impact of disasters, adaptation, coping disaster, and the ability to recover it is concluded that the coastal community Sayung have low resilience. People have endurance, adaptability and coping skills but so far their resilience has not shown a return to normal conditions. The coastal community of Sayung has the adaptability to adapt to the environmental changes occurring due to the tidal flood. The adaptation is carried out by the community on the physical, economic and social and institutional aspects. Not only the community, government and related organizations are adapting to this change. The adaptation is visible from the program being implemented to reduce the impact. This adaptation action requires a learning process that is not easy. Because people have never experienced anything similar before. Despite having adaptation capacity and coping ability but the coastal community of Sayung has not been able to restore their original condition. Changes in natural and volatile tidal that can not be stopped by human intervention to cause resilience of coastal communities Sayung experiencing barriers. All efforts 147

158 Chapter IV: Social Welfare and Development and strategies undertaken have not shown a major impact on the restoration of the condition as before. This shows that the coastal people of Sayung have low resilience. REFERENCES Boon, H. J. (2014). Disaster Resilience in a Flood-Impacted Rural Australian Town. NatHazards, 71, Bruneau, M., Chang, S. E., Eguchi, R. T., Lee, G. C., O Rourke, T. D., Reinhorn, A. M., Von Winterfeldt, D. (2003). A Framework to Quantitatively Assess and Enhance the Seismic Resilience of Communities. Earthquake Spectra, 19(4), h!ps://doi. org/ / Bungin, B. (2011). Metode Penelitian Kualitatif. Jakarta: Rajawali Press. Creswell, J. W. (2013). Penelitian Kualitatif & Desain Riset. Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar. Gall, M. (2013). From Social Vulnerability to Resilience : Social Vulnerability and Adaptation Measuring Progress toward Disaster in Fragile States. Islam, R., & Walkerden, G. (2014). International Journal of Disaster Risk Reduction How bonding and bridging networks contribute to disaster resilience and recovery on the Bangladeshi coast. International Journal of Disaster Risk Reduction, 10, h!ps://doi.org/ /j. ijdrr Kusumasari, B. (2014). Manajemen Bencana dan Kapabilitas Pemerintah Lokal. Yogyakarta: Gava Media. Manumono, D. (2007). Dampak Abrasi Dan TIDAL Terhadap Perilaku Masyarakat Kawasan Pesisir Di Kabupaten Demak. Yogyakarta. Norris, F., K, S., S, G., & B Pfefferbaum. (2008). Capacities that promote community resilience: can we assess them? In the 2nd annual Department of Homeland Security University Network Summit. Washington DC. Retrieved from Mar20/Norris.pdf. Permendagri Nomor 14 tahun 2016 Perubahan Kedua Atas Peraturan Menteri Dalam Negeri Republik Indonesia Nomor 32 Tahun 2011 Tentang Pedoman Pemberian Hibah dan Bantuan yang Bersumber dari Anggaran Pendapatan Belanja Daerah Yin, R. K. (2015). Studi Kasus : Desain & Metode (1st ed.). Jakarta: Rajawali Pers. 148

159 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 Social Marketing Application and 7P (Product, Price, Place, Promotion, Process, People, Physical Environment) in Socialization and Promotion Program and Food Consumption Diversification Acceleration (P2KP) Sleman Dea Karya Adyani a,* a Master Program in Department of Public Policy and Management, Fisipol UGM * dea.karya.a@mail.ugm.ac.id; dea.adyani@gmail.com Abstract This social marketing research was conducted to fill the gap in similar studies related to food security. This study aims to determine how social marketing with extended-variables 7P (Product, Price, Place, Promotion, Process, People, Physical Environment) of the marketing mix can be used efficiently for the dissemination and promotion Acceleration Program and Food Consumption Diversification (P2KP ) in Sleman District. The research was conducted by a qualitative method and used a purposive sampling method to select informants. Informants were selected based on their influence in the introduction and promotion of P2KP Program. Through a series of in-depth interviews with target groups, according to the researchers, there are three variables that should receive special controls, namely: product, promotion, and people. Keyword: social marketing, food consumption, diversification 1. Introduction Singaiah & Laskar (2015) noticed that government agencies strongly believe that they can decide for themselves the issue of what happened, who the target groups, and service of what is needed to solve social problems. This a$itude is less effective to make the targeted-society to accept government's changes initiatives. Also, government agencies only do education and provide information. Knowledge without action certainly will not bring sustainable impact for the group. Kotler & Zaltman (1971) are two people who first apply social marketing by using the principle of commercial marketing into the context of a desired social goal. (Kennedy 2015; Kotler, Roberto, Leisner 2006; Rundle-Thiele 2015 dalam Truong, 2016), agrees that in general social marketing can be regarded as a consumer-oriented approach and effective in promoting behavioral change for the be$erment of the well-being of individuals, communities, and community. Various studies on social marketing in Indonesia are done by taking the theme of public health (Pee, et al., 1998; Manoff, 1984; Fajans, Ford, & Wirawan, 1995; Purdy, 2006; Firestone, Rowe, Modi, and Sievers, 2016). Very li$le (if any) research on social marketing takes on the theme of food security. In the Medium Term Development Plan (RPJMN) the issue of food security is one of the important social issues that become the main target. The term of food security policy and a program has been adopted in Indonesia since 1992 (Repelita VI). The Food Security Agency (BKP) through the Strategic Plan establishes a vision that is the realization of food security through the diversification of food based on local resources based on sovereignty and food self-sufficiency. 149

160 Chapter IV: Social Welfare and Development Based on the Regulation of the Minister of Agriculture No. 14 of 2013, it is known that the results of several studies that have been conducted by the Ministry of Agriculture indicate that sufficient food availability nationally cannot guarantee the realization of food security at the regional (regional), household, and individual levels. Minister of Agriculture Regulation No. 15 Year 2013 About the Program Improvement Community Diversification and Food Security, Food Security Agency in Fiscal Year 2013 detailing three major activities as a form of sustainability of Food Consumption Diversification Acceleration program (P2KP). The three activities referred to in the regulation are, optimizing the use of yard through the concept of sustainable food home area (KRPL), local food development model (MP3L), and the last is the socialization and promotion of acceleration of food consumption diversification (P2KP). The Government through Food Security Agency conducted various socialization and promotion efforts as the introduction of Food Consumption Diversification Acceleration Program (P2KP). Form of socialization and promotion activities from BKPP namely movements and campaigns P2KP, Competition Notices Menu B2SA, Mass Media Promotion and Exhibition of Food Diversification. After four years of socialization and associated promotional program (P2KP), aspiration of food security has not been achieved. It is known from a number of factors, the first score of Hope Dietary Pa$ern (PPH) is not ideal. This is demonstrated by the high level of grain consumption in comparison with tubers are also a source of carbohydrates. Second, the magnitude of the deficit demand for rice in the country reached million kg that was fulfilled with imported rice. Importing rice induce not only high-cost for the country but also on global climate change. Agriculture in Indonesia, according to Murdiyarso (2003) is a kind of manual agriculture which remains dependent on the rainy season. Therefore, climate change has the direct effect on rice production in Indonesia. In addition, land use is also a major threat to food security. According to the interview with Sasongko, Head of Agriculture DIY conversion of agricultural land has reached hectares. The threat of food deficits in the DIY increasingly apparent since Based on a study conducted by the Food Security and Education (BKPP) DIY 2025 food crisis is expected to hit DIY. The cause is a non-household food need such as Hotels, Boarding House, Apartment, and others continue to rise. Therefore, there is an urgent achievement of changes in consumption pa$erns through the introduction of P2KP Program. Socialization and promotion efforts by BKPP that have not shown optimal results become the reason of researcher to adopt the success of social marketing in achieving certain social behavior changes. This research will apply social marketing to various socialization and promotion efforts that have been done by BKPP, especially in Sleman Regency. Sleman has been chosen because this area is the most active volcano of Mount Merapi. Some districts in Sleman namely Cangkringan, Pakem, Turi, Ngemplak, and Ngaglik are listed in the district who experience food insecurity due to the eruption of Merapi in Also, there are tremendous development of hotel, boarding house, apartments and restaurants in Sleman that increase the needs of rice. The concept of social marketing which includes market segmentation, consumer research, communication, facilitation, and incentives (Kotler, 1975) was used to evaluate socialization and promotional activities P2KP program. Social marketing success cannot be separated from the power 4P (product, price, place, promotion) marketing mix. This 4P is a combination of variables that can be controlled by marketers. P2KP program is a solution to the problem of food security to be a reference for researchers to adding the 3P (Process, Physical Environment, People) other than the extension 7P marketing mix as a variable that must be controlled in the dissemination and promotion of the program P2KP by BKPP DIY. 2. Research Methods This research uses a qualitative approach. Research on social marketing is always tied to sensitive issues, in this case is how government s efforts of dissemination and promotion of the target groups have been consistent with the concept of social marketing with the details of the variables and indicators of the expansion of 7P (Product, Price, Place, Promotion, Process, People, Physical Environment) marketing mix. Both are the foundation of social marketing that 150

161 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 is used as a limitation of this study. This research was conducted in Sleman Regency of Yogyakarta Province. Observation and in-depth interviews carried out by the Food Security Agency and Extension DIY. Other than that, representation of women farmers in five districts that have the potential of food scarcity in Sleman namely Cangkringan, Turi, Pakem, Ngemplak, and chose. Informants selected by purposeful sampling technique. Both groups of informants were influential in the introduction and promotion of P2KP program. Information obtained from environmental observation and in-depth interview informants then tabulated according to the types and kinds. The data were analyzed based on the conformity to social marketing theory to establish the assumptions and analysis of the gap between what has been done in the introduction and promotion by the BKPP to the community and the target groups that have not been done by the concept of social marketing. 3. Findings and Discussion 3.1. Are Program and Food Consumption Diversification Acceleration (P2KP) Meets Social Marketing Concepts? Kotler (1975) said that the success of social marketing programs must meet several concepts, namely: market segmentation, consumer research, communication, facilitation, and incentives. From the results of in-depth interviews with the Head of BKPP DIY, Arofa Noor, it is known that the P2KP Program only meets the elements of market segmentation. This is shown through the selection of target groups based on studies from the agriculture ministry of Women represented by PKK groups, teachers in kindergarten and elementary schools, and children. Mothers are selected as household food providers. Teachers as the foundation layers of education to children outside the home. Children as an effort to early recognition of the importance of diverse food consumption pa$erns. However, this new market segmentation process is based on psychological aspects. Ma$ers related to geographic and demographic conditions have not been taken into account in determining the dissemination and promotion activities P2KP program. The incentive element is fulfilled, this is known from the interviews of Kelompok Wanita Tani (KWT) which is part of the PKK group as the target. It is known that incentives in the form of assistance will be provided to KWT already registered in Kelurahan. General guidelines of P2KP program have been included in the Regulation of the Minister of Agriculture (Permentan) in Nevertheless, from the analysis of the researchers, there are no changes related to general guidelines as well as activities of socialization and promotion program that is in Permentan in 2015 and Permentan in Making social change program that ignores aspects of geographic and demographic segmentation have made the goal of the P2KP program to create food security to be difficult to achieve. This is due to the absence of special treatment for each target group with the uniqueness of the condition. Sleman Regency Cangkringan, Turi, Pakem, Ngemplak, and Ngaglik which is a village in the category of food insecurity did not obtain treatment or treatment that is different from the Food Security and Education (BKPP) as the competent body for disseminating the program. This indirectly indicates that there are no communication and consumer research efforts that supposed to be conducted by social marketers agents, in this case, BKPP DIY Controlling Program P2KP with Marketing Mix 7P 7P marketing mix includes product, price, place, promotion, process, physical environment, and people. All such elements are known to be variables that can be controlled by social marketers to achieve social change. In this study, the desired social change is a change in food consumption behavior that has been accustomed to rice to start to consume diverse local food and balanced nutrition. Sleman Regency, as a research location has rich local food variety. As a source of carbohydrates in Sleman, people used to consume cassava, and taro. Since rice self-sufficiency to this day rice become the main food source that must be available every day. 151

162 Chapter IV: Social Welfare and Development Of the seven variables are defined, the results of our analysis to the case of dissemination and promotion program in Sleman P2KP there are three variables that the researcher has the greatest role. The first is the product, particularly regarding customizability. Since Sleman is a disaster-prone area, this indicator is becoming more important. Second, related to the promotion, according to the researcher s decision to use social media is so popular in influencing society is unwise. Particularly for Sleman District where the location is quite far from the BKPP office that broadcasts Videotron ads and the public that has been open and literate on technology, especially the use of social media. The third variable is human. From interviews, researchers know that it has formed the mindset of the government agency that alters food consumption behavior is very difficult. In addition, the BKPP not set a specific time-related targets in the extent to which people accept this diverse food idea. Not only that, from the side of the target group in Sleman regency seemed to reject the decision of the community to continue to consume rice. This is due to the rice that is so easily obtained in all mini markets that mushroomed throughout Sleman District. 4. Conclusion Social marketing will work effectively only if there is good coordination at the upstream level (environmental and policy changes) and downstream (changes in individual behavior). Sleman regency as one of the disaster-prone district in Yogyakarta Province will need the type of socialization and promotion of P2KP program that is different from the community in Gunung Kidul Regency. This has been disclosed by Puryanto, Head of Food Quality Development Division of BKPP DIY. It is said that from the socialization and promotion activities conducted by the community in Gunung Kidul Regency is the easiest to accept the idea of food diversification. In contrast, people in Sleman and Yogyakarta are the most difficult. This indirectly shows the importance of the basics of social marketing P2KP program was applied to achieve changes in consumption pa%erns varied healthy and nutritionally balanced. Some inputs that can be given to the researcher BKPP DIY, first to do a more detailed segmentation of the target group. By knowing the target conditions and desires as detailed as possible then the possibility to receive the program idea will be greater. Secondly and most importantly is determining the target group s readiness phase in receiving the program. By knowing the stages of target readiness, then the social marketer, in this case, BKPP DIY can have a proper mapping of the 7P Marketing mix as a controllable variable in social marketing. REFERENCES Andreasen, AR (2002). Marketing Social Marketing in the Social Change Market Place. Public Policy & Marketing, IBRA. (2015). National Development Agenda in RPJMN Jakarta: Creswell, JW (2013). Research Design Qualitative, Quantitative and Mixed Approach. Yogyakarta: Student Literature. Creswell, JW (2015). Qualitative Research and Research Design. Yogyakarta: Student Literature. detik.com. (2013, February 26). food.detik.com. Retrieved from h%p://food.detik.com/read/20 13/02/26/113118/ /900/hat-benar-nasi-penyebab-diabetes detik.com. (2015, September 25). finance.detik.com. Retrieved from h%ps://finance.detik.com/ ekonomi-bisnis/ /daftar-impor-pangan-ri-senilai- Kotler, P., & Keller, KL (2007). Marketing Management, The Twelfth Edition. Jakarta: PT Index. Kotler, P., & Lee, N. (2007). Marketing in the Public Sector: A Practical Guide to Improving Kotler, P., Roberto, N., & Lee, NR (2002). Social Marketing: Improving the Quality of Life. Thousands Oak: SAGE. 152

163 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 Lovelock, C., Wir!, J., & Mussry, J. (2010). Marketing Services: Human, Technology, Strategy Perspective Indonesia. Jakarta: Erland. M urdiyarso, D. (2003). Climate Change Convention. Jakarta: Book Publishers Kompas Pea"ie, S., & Pea"ie, K. (2003). Ready to fly solo? Reducing Social Marketing s Dependence on Commercial Marketing Theory. Marketing Theory, Singaiah, G., & Laskar, SR (2015). Understanding of Social Marketing: A Conceptual Perspective. Global Business Review, Truong, VD (2016). Government-led macro-social marketing programs in vietnam: outcomes, challanges, and implications. Journal of Macromarketing,

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165 CHAPTER V ASEAN

166

167 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 Questioning the Effectiveness of Environmental Constitutionalism: An Assessment of Fifteen Years After ASEAN Agreement on Transboundary Haze Pollution in Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore Gabriel Lele a, Dafri Agussalim b, Rahayu c, Dian Agung d a Lecturer at the Department of Public Policy and Management, Fisipol UGM b Lecturer at the Department of International Relation, Fisipol UGM c Lecturer at the Department of Communication Sciences, Fisipol UGM * aseansc@ugm.ac.id Abstract This research expects to fill the gap in global constitutionalism an approach to secure international/global concerns through legal framework literature. This is important because despite its ever growing trend, global constitutionalism has been subject to criticisms since the practices of noncompliance by member countries. To extend the current literature, this research looks at the case of ASEAN Agreement on Transboundary Haze Pollution (AATHP). Through the enactment of AATHP in 2003, Southeast Asian countries agreed to constitutionalize environmental regime in the region. However, as fifteen years have passed, the progress is still very limited, especially at those affected countries, namely Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore. A closer look reveals that there are variations in the degree of effectiveness of AATHP implementation in each country, whether in the level of its adoption in domestic policy or policy implementation. Indonesian Lawmakers only ratified the AATHP on 16 September 2014, which made the country as last party which ratified the treaty. In contrast to this, Singapore has ratified the treaty in 2003 and formed a specific domestic regulation following its ratification, through the establishment of Singapore s Transboundary Haze Pollution Act What explains this variation? Alternatively, why does the degree of effectiveness of AATHP implementation vary across countries?. In response to this question, literatures on AATHP implementation relies mostly on the existence of the ASEAN Way, which tends to be seen as the primary logic behind the difficulties in implementing AATHP at domestic level. Therefore, the central argument pursued in this research is that the variation in the degree of effectiveness of AATHP implementation among countries is explained by varying domestic politics. To pursue this argument, this research sought to evaluate the response of parties of ASEAN Agreement on Transboundary Haze Pollution in national level by; First, looking at the existence of national policies aimed to institutionalize the agreement in national and/or local level and second, observing the implementation of ASEAN haze agreement in national and/or local level in each respective country. Keywords: ASEAN, Haze Pollution, ASEAN Way, Compliance Keywords: ASEAN, agreement, haze, compliance, constitutionalism 157

168 Chapter V: ASEAN 1. Introduction Transboundary haze pollution in Southeast Asia and the establishment of ASEAN s regional framework to address this regional-scale disaster are both no longer strange issues. With most forest and peat-land fires occurred in Indonesia, haze pollution emerged as consequence to Southeast Asian countries, in particular; Brunei, Malaysia, Singapore, and Thailand. Table 1.1 shows various haze incidents in Southeast Asia since Year Source of Fire Coverage 1997 Kalimantan and Sumatera Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, and Thailand 2005 Sumatera Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand 2006 Kalimantan Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, and Saipan 2009 Sumatera Malaysia, Singapore, and Straits of Malacca 2013 Sumatera and Riau Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, and 2015 Sumatera and Kalimantan 2016 Sumatera and Thailand Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, Vietnam, Cambodia, and the Philippines Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore Kalimantan Table 1.1 Haze Incidents in Southeast Asia [Sources: Heil, 2000; Pentamwa & Oanh, 2008; Saipan Tribune, 2006; Rashith, 2013; Cox, 2013; Thai PBS, 2013; Manila Times, 2015; BBC, 2016; CNBC, 2016] From this table, it can be retrieved that even after the AATHP has been enforced in 2003, various haze incidents are still occurring in Southeast Asia. It is also part of research to identify why the AATHP failed to limit the spread of the Haze. Even, a year after Indonesia ratified the AATHP, the haze incident caused by slash and burn, still took place. Though haze needs to be addressed seriously, only some of affected countries committed to fight this problem. In Singapore for instance, the AATHP has been transitioned to national level through the enactment of Singapore Transboundary Haze Pollution Act 2014 (SSO, 2014). In Indonesia, there might a different story since the country only ratified the agreement in late- 2014, however, a major hindrance to the effectiveness of the agreement lies in the avoidance of addressing the root causes of haze pollution. Indonesia has laws against illegal burning, however these laws are weak in the sense that enforcement mechanism is unclear. The degree of AATHP implementation in the form of written domestic policy also varies across countries since the signing of the AATHP in June The problem in the haze issue also concerns strong patron-client relationship between the government, private companies and local stakeholders, which is why then enforcement of AATHP is hindered in local level (Varkkey, 2014). Therefore, it is not enough to address this issue from only institutional arrangement perspective. Measurement of adherence through the making of national framework or plan of action and law in accordance to the AATHP is needed. Departed from the problems stated above, this research problematizes a question of why does the degree of effectiveness of AATHP implementation vary in each country?. 158

169 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days Research Methods Qualitative methods with comparative study is seen as the most suitable method to map and identifies how policy-making process is taking place and enrooted in domestic politics. Comparative case study will take place in three haze-affected countries, namely, Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore. In Indonesia, this research will focus on two provinces regarded as the highest haze-producers, namely, Riau Province and Central Kalimantan Province. As for Malaysia and Singapore, this research will focus more on national politics. To collect relevant data, this research combines several methods as following: 1. Regulatory Assessment. This is undertaken to understand how each respective government in Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore have (or have not) adopted the AATHP in domestic policy. This covers both national and local (if any) policies. A further assessment will focus on the extent to which these policies have (or have not) comply with AATHP. This main purpose for this is to assess the degree of policy compliance or non-compliance. 2. Interview. At this point, interview is being conducted to collect primary data especially those related to the triggers or constraints for a country to adopt to and implement AATHP. An in- depth interview will be conducted mainly with key policy makers at both national and local levels, as well as business community and community representatives. 3. Findings and Discussion 3.1. Regulating Transboundary Haze Pollution in Southeast Asia Before the enactment of AATHP, member states generally avoided legally binding agreement on environment and haze matters (Elliot, 2003). However, since the haze problem in was categorized as one of the worst pollution in the region. The member states of ASEAN agreed to establish a legally binding mechanism to address haze (Letchumanan, 2010). Consequently, ASEAN finally enacted the 2003 ASEAN Agreement on Transboundary Haze Pollution (AATHP). This agreement is not the first steps taken by ASEAN to address the haze issues. Figures. 1.1 shows various ASEAN initiatives relating directly to haze. Figure. 1.1 Various ASEAN Initiative in Addressing Haze Issues Sources: roadmap on asean cooperation towards transboundary haze pollution control with means of implementation In the level of ASEAN, those above mentioned effort in combating haze through ASEAN Initiatives have failed to curb haze because of nature of ASEAN cooperation model. 159

170 Chapter V: ASEAN This model which known as ASEAN way which still acknowledges preference on traditional sovereignty principle; non-interference in internal affairs and consensus-building in decision-making, has allowed member states to shape collective mitigation initiatives at the ASEAN level in accordance with the interest of their domestic politics, including politic and economic elite. This has weakened ASEAN s capacity to create and enforce haze mitigation effort that serve collective regional interest (Varkkey, 2014). The failure to implement the policies also can be seen in the data provided by the Ministry of Environment and Forestry of Indonesia which show us the existence of forest fire even after Indonesia ratify AATHP. Year Total Area 2011 ha 2.612, ha 9.606, ha 4.918, ha , ha , ha 84, Table. 1.2 Forest and Land Fire from Sources: Directorate of Forest and Land Fire, Ministry of Environment and Forestry 3.2. The Dynamic of Domestic Politics and the Compliance towards AATHP As previously mentioned, the adherence to AATHP in ASEAN Countries should be measured through the degree of effectiveness. To do so, degree of effectiveness should be measured by adoption of AATHP and implementation of AATHP in national/local level. The adoption of AATHP in national level can be seen by the enactment of policies embodied in the AATHP. As it is clearly shown by Singapore, the adoption of AATHP has been successful through the enactment of Singapore Transboundary Haze Pollution Act In this sense we can see the spirit of Singapore to eliminate haze pollution within its region. In this regard it can clearly be said that the degree of effectiveness of the AATHP in the sector of adoption in Singapore is relatively high. Traditionally, Singapore rely on their economic to the human resources, then when haze cover the state, it will dramatically impact the business activities, government, economy, and tourism sector. As a matter of fact, in haze issues Singapore can be categorized as the victim of haze pollution, even to some extent, their companies also contribute to the forest and land fire in Indonesia. In contrast, in Indonesia or Malaysia the process of legislation is not as advanced as it is in Singapore. For Malaysia, the degree of compliance is under the Singapore but above the Indonesia, this condition can be explained by the fact that Malaysia is facing a similar problem with Indonesia in dealing with forest fire and palm oil plantation. As a matter of fact, some of the Malaysian companies also contribute to the haze and forest fire which happen in Indonesia. Therefore, Malaysia try to maintain their political and economic interest without neglecting the haze pollution in the region. In Indonesia s case, ratification only took into place in This means Indonesia has adopted the AATHP in national level as a part of Indonesian law. However, the process only stopped in ratification of that AATHP into Indonesian Law No. 26/2014. The essence and enforcement mechanism have not yet been formulated in national and local level. The problems to constitutionalize AATHP in Indonesian Law can be explained by two main reason. First, Indonesia has problem on the multiple agencies who work in the issues of environment and forest management. The plethora of organization has resulted in serious problem of (1) coordination, (2) unclear division of labor, (3) different agendas among agencies, (4) the delay and misunderstanding of information. Those kind of problem were supported by the decentralization in Indonesia. Second, corruption in local government and lack of law 160

171 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 enforcement also contribute to the continuity of forest fire in Indonesia. The failure of Indonesian enforcement authorities to exercise adequate deterrence against violators is consider as one of the challenges to implement the AATHP. In Indonesia context, after the ratification of AATHP, the government has enacted some regulations and policies to address the forest fire and haze pollution in national and local government. In 2016, the Minister of Environment and Forestry has issued some regulation which related to the forest fire which is Ministry of Environment and Forestry Regulation Number 13 and 32 which give an authority to the taskforce to combat the forest and land fire. In the local level, each province has enacted their own regulation to address forest fire, namely, Governor of Central Kalimantan Regulation No. 15 of 2010 on the Guidelines of Opening Land and Yards for the Community in Central Kalimantan, Governor of Riau Regulation No. 5 of 2015 on the Implementation of Preventive Action Plan on Forest Fire and Land in Riau, and Local Government Regulation No. 2 of 2016 on Preventive and Management of Forest Fire and Land in Jambi. However, even those national and local regulation are talking about the forest fire, but none of them mention the Law No. 26 of 2014 at the consideration part. In this regards, there are two reason that we identify, first, government tends to neglect the existence of AATHP as one of the legal basis of forest fire and haze pollution management in Southeast Asia. Second, the local government are not familiar with the AATHP as we identify at the local government. 4. Conclusion To this extent, we can say that the variation of compliance and implementation of ASEAN Agreement on Transboundary Haze Pollution (AATHP) is different in Indonesia, Singapore and Malaysia which depend on the domestic politics. Those three member countries except Singapore were failed to take some implementing regulation and policy response toward AATHP. In Indonesia, the government still neglect the existence of AATHP, especially in formulating domestic and local regulation. It s happen because the International law is a difference regime with domestic law, and ratification does not necessarily impose obligations and rights as enshrined in the agreement. Domestic politic also play an important role in the failing of Indonesia to constitutionalize the AATHP. Firstly, the multiple agencies which cause the coordination problem among them. Secondly, corruption in local government and lack of law enforcement also contribute to the continuity of forest fire in Indonesia. For Malaysia, the degree of compliance is under the Singapore but above the Indonesia, this condition can be explained by the fact that Malaysia is facing a similar problem with Indonesia in dealing with forest fire and palm oil plantation. Meanwhile, Singapore is the only countries who has creates implementing legislation in their domestic level which is Transboundary Haze Pollution Act For Singapore, the haze crisis is a crucial issue because it is a small country and the haze pollution is affected their human resources which directly will affect its economy, health and tourism sector. Therefore, Singapore is actively involved in domestic, regional and international to enhance the cooperation in combating Transboundary haze pollution in Southeast Asia. 5. Acknowledgement This research was supported by Hibah Riset FISIPOL UGM, ASEAN Studies Centre FISIPOL UGM, Prof. dr. Ronald L. (Ronald) Holzhacker from Groningen Research Centre for Southeast Asia and ASEAN (SEA ASEAN) as our Partner in this research, and our research assistant Dio, Shinta and Andika who provide insight and expertise that greatly assisted this research. 161

172 Chapter V: ASEAN REFERENCES Beckman, R. et al. (2016). PROMOTING COMPLIANCE: The Role of Dispute Selement and Monitoring Mechanisms in ASEAN Instruments. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Bhandari, S. (2016). Global Constitutionalism and the Path of International Law. Boston: Brill Nijhoff. Chesterman, S. (2015). FROM COMMUNITY TO COMPLIANCE? The Evolution of Monitoring Obligations in ASEAN. Camrbidge: Cambridge University Press. Cremona, M. et al. (2015). ASEAN s External Agreeements. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Emmerich-Fritsche, A. (2007). Vom Völkerrecht zum Weltrecht. Berlin: Duncker & Humblot. Emmers, R. (ed). (2012). ASEAN and the Institutionalization of East Asia. New York: Routledge. Follesdal, A. (2016). Implications of contested multilateralism for global constitutionalism. Global Constitutionalism. Vol. 5 No.3. Guiyab, A. A. O. (2013). Human Rights In Asean: How Non- Interference Impedes Development. Teehankee Rule of Law. Vol. 16. Heilmann, D. (2015). After Indonesia s Ratification: The ASEAN Agreement on Transboundary Haze Pollution and Its Effectiveness As a Regional Environmental Governance Tool. Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs. Vol. 34. No. 3. Henderson, C.W. (2010). Understanding International Law. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing. Islam, M.S., Hui Pei, Y., & Mangharam, S. (2016). Trans-Boundary Haze Pollution in Southeast Asia: Sustainability through Plural Environmental Governance. Koeskenniemi, M. (2011). The Politics of International Law. Oxford: Hart Publishing. McCarthy, J. F. & Robinson, K. (2016). Land and Development in Indonesia: Searching for the People s Sovereignty. Singapore: ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute. McCarthy, J. F. (2000). The Changing Regime: Forest Property and Reformasi in Indonesia, Develoment and Change. Vol. 31, No. 1. Pentamwa, P. & Oanh, N. T. K. (2008). Air quality in Southern Thailand during haze episode in relation to air mass trajectory. Songklanakarin Journal of Science and Technology. Vol. 30. No. 4. Shahabuddin, M. (2016). Ethnicity and International Law. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Varkkey, H. (2012). The ASEAN Way and Haze Mitigation Efforts. Journal of International Studies. Vol. 8. Varkkey, H. (2014). Regional cooperation, patronage and the ASEAN Agreement on transboundary haze pollution. International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics. Vol. 14. No

173 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 Tourism Governance in ASEAN: Promoting Regional Integration through Halal Tourism Siti Daulah Khoiriati a, I Made Krisnajaya b, Dr. Suharko c, Dedi Dinarto d, Mohamed Battour e a Lecturer at the Department of International Relations, Fisipol UGM b Lecturerr at the Department of Public Policy and Management, Fisipol UGM c Lecturer at the Department of Sociology, Fisipol UGM d ASEAN Studies Center/Department of International Relations e Faculty of Commerce, Tanta University/University of Malay a Abstract Halal tourism has become a new trend in tourism industry, not only in Muslim countries but also non-muslim countries. Among the ASEAN member countries, Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore and Thailand are among the countries that develop halal tourism to a!ract Muslim tourists. In order to provide such services, Halal Certifying Body (HCB) is established by a number of countries, which performs a central role in HTI. The Halal Label indicates the main difference between HTI and conventional tourism industry. The existence of halal certifying body in many countries has relatively similar role, but in fact their position and scope of their role varies from one country to another. This research carries out a comparative analysis towards halal certifying body in ASEAN. Comparative analysis is focused on the position of HCB against the state and the private sectors, the characteristics and form of the institution, scope of authority and range of activities. Through comparative analysis, the research found out the differences and similarities of HCB in supporting the HTI among the four countries under consideration. In sum, HCB plays significant roles in the development of HTI, although their organizational form, position and contribution in strengthening HIT varies from one countries and another. Keyword: halal tourism, ASEAN, halal tourism industry, halal certifying body 1. Introduction The implementation of Bali Concord II in 2003 marked an important milestone in the development of ASEAN tourism sector. Subsequently, ASEAN tourism sector experienced significant increase in incoming visitors from 38.4 million to 105 million visitors during the period from 2003 to The promotion of tourism sector is one of the goals to be achieved in ASEAN Economic Community (AEC). There is a positive sign that the tourism sector is progressing with a contribution of 10% to the ASEAN Gross Domestic Product (GDP). This development is followed by the increasing concern on the development of Halal tourism. This is related to the growing global Muslim population, which up to 2014 represents almost 23% of the world s population, or equal to 1.8 billion consumers with an average growth of 3% per year. Of the total, 62% are in South Asia and the Asia-Pacific region, especially in Indonesia, Pakistan, India, and Bangladesh as the four countries with the largest Muslim population (Dar et al 2013: 140). In addition, they potentially bring sizeable foreign exchange for the tourism 163

174 Chapter V: ASEAN sector. Global Muslim Lifestyle Travel Market Report (2012) acknowledged that the total global Muslim traveler expenditure amounted to US$ billion exceeding country with highest expenditure, such as the United States, India, Britain, Germany, and China. This amount represents 12.3% of global tourism expenditure (Dinar Standard 2012). It continued to rise gradually, amounted to US$ 137 billion in 2012 and US $ 140 billion in 2013, and is projected to reach US $ 181 billion in 2018 (DCCI 2014). Some ASEAN member countries have look at the lucrative side of Halal tourism, not only Muslim- populated countries, such as Indonesia and Malaysia, but also non-muslim countries, such as the Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand. However, the ASEAN tourism governance has not considered Halal tourism within its strategic implementation. In the ASEAN Tourism Strategic Plan , and the following Plan , Halal tourism was not included. This has raise questions: Why does ASEAN tourism governance fail to recognize market potential of Halal tourism? And To what extent Halal tourism can promote regional integration? 1.1. Tourism and Multi-Level Governance As a regional body, ASEAN adopted a top-down and elite-driven decision-making process. Regionalism as an attempt to unite interests into a functional cooperation often departs from the concerns of policy elites, without considering the input and the pressure of popular as policy choices (Gamble and Payne 1996: 253). Research by ASEAN Studies Center (2016b) found various local responses to the decisions and agreements agreed at regional level. These indicate two things. First, ASEAN is fragmented. Second, the measures at the regional level does not represent conditions at the community level. In this sense, it remains important to consider the domestic social and political context within which such elite decisions are made when theorizing about regionalism (Cocleman and Underhill 1998; Grugel and Hout 1999; Breslin and Higgo! 2000: 339). Multi-Level Governance (MLG) provides new tools of analysis for understanding ASEAN, not as a single-unitary body but rather as a fragmented in many stakeholders at various levels. Simona Pia!oni (2009) argues the MLG implies three specific areas of analysis, namely political mobilization, policy-making, and state restructuring. Michael Hall (2013) provides a typology of governance frameworks suitable for analyzing tourism governance, which includes public actors, such as supra-national organizations nation states, regional and local governments, and private stakeholders, including markets and communities. Hall also outlines the governance frameworks which are hierarchical, or vertical relationships between policy makers and stakeholders, to non-hierarchical networks of public private partnerships, as well as purely private sphere arrangements, such as private-private partnerships. These concepts are useful for analyzing the different arrangements between private and public actors within ASEAN as well as the interconnectedness of markets and business communities within the region. 2. Research Methods This research employs theories of multi-level governance (MLG) to assess the relationship between ASEAN tourism governance and Halal tourism, and its prospects for ASEAN multitudebased integration. The most relevant approach for this research is a qualitative approach, since it can describe the absent of Halal tourism in ASEAN tourism governance. It also explain the possibility of Halal tourism to promote ASEAN integration through the interaction between actors at various levels. The research team will involve a series of activities, as follows: 1. Policy Assessment of policy documents related to tourism in ASEAN. 2. In-depth Interview with stake holders in tourism at the regional level, the national and local level. 3. Focus Group Discussion (FGD). 164

175 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days Findings and Discussion 1. The top-down and elite-driven decision-making process in ASEAN has overlooked the emergence and development of Halal tourism. The research identifies that the emergence and development of Halal tourism in ASEAN is driven, largely, by the private sector and market- demand. 2. In formal forums, there is no idea among the ASEAN leaders (particularly minister of tourism) to develop Halal tourism under ASEAN institution since not all member would benefits from this particular tourism. So far only Indonesia, Malaysia and Brunei (Muslim majority countries) and Singapore and Thailand (non-muslim majority countries) which have interests on developing Halal tourism, since they are the major tourist destinations. Meanwhile, for other countries (Cambodia, Myanmar, Laos, the Philippines and Vietnam) such idea are not very much developed. Except in the Philippines, some stake holders in tourism show interests to develop Halal tourism. 3. It is observed that the emergence and development of Halal tourism in ASEAN is driven, largely, by the private sectors (business) and market-demand (Muslim travelers). Therefore, it is argued that halal tourism in ASEAN could be considered as an example of regional integration from below. This will challenge the basic assumption of ASEAN integration, which is a top-down and elite-driven agenda. On the contrary, research demonstrates that ASEAN integration is influenced by a multitude of stakeholders, which indicates the presence of a multi-level governance. 4. From the fieldwork to three ASEAN countries which develop Halal tourism, I/ ndonesia, Malaysia and Thailand, it is observed that different degrees of development have been visible. Malaysia, which ranks the highest at the GMTI is the most advance in developing Halal tourism. The institutional framework (halal standardization body) and the stake holders (hotel, restaurant and travel associations) are all committed to support the government s determination to develop Halal tourism. Thailand, although it is not a Muslim majority country but it is relatively advanced in developing Halal tourism compare with Indonesia (which is a Muslim majority country). The development of Halal tourism in Thailand is comparable to that of Malaysia, in terms of institutional framework and stake holder s commitment to develop Halal tourism. Meanwhile, in Indonesia the development of Halal tourism is still in the initial level. Formal institutions concerning Halal standardization is already exist, but its function is not yet maximal. In terms of stake holders, their response to Halal tourism varies from positively supporting to those which are rejecting. Some of the reasons are uneasiness with Muslim identity which could deter foreign tourist who has a kind of Islam phobia, and the worry to lose conventional tourist market. In general, Indonesia and Malaysia have relatively much difficulties in developing Halal tourism due to their identity as Muslim majority countries, while for Thailand such difficulty is inexistent. 4. Conclusion Judged from the findings below, this research comes into conclusion that the reason ASEAN tourism governance fail to recognize market potential of Halal tourism is because there are competing interests among the member countries in developing halal tourism. However, among the tourism stakeholders at the local level, which are the non-state actors, cooperation has been developed in promoting halal tourism through sub-region mechanism such as the IMT-GT (Indonesia-Malaysia-Thailand Growth Triangle). By so doing, cooperation at the regional level could be promoted from below. 165

176 Chapter V: ASEAN REFERENCES Biro Hukum dan Komunikasi Publik, Kementerian Pariwisata RI. (2016). Siaran Pers Anugerah Pariwisata Halal Terbaik avaible at Peraturan Menteri Pariwisata dan ekonomi Kreatif No. 2 Tahun 2014 Tentang Pedoman Penyelenggaraan Usaha Hotel Syariah Kementerian Luar Negeri. (2015). Indonesia-Malaysia-Thailand Growth Triangle (IMT-GT). avaible at IMT-GT Implementation Blueprint avaible at IMT-GT Implementation Blueprint avaible at pdf Dar, H., Azmi, N., and Rahman, R. (2013). Global Islamic Finance Report 2013, GIFR: London. Dinar Standard. (2012). Global Muslim Lifestyle Travel Market 2012: Landscape & Customer Needs Study, Dinar Standard: New York. Dubai Chamber of Commerce and Industry (DCCI). (2014). Major Trends in the Global Islamic Economy, DCCI: Dubai. Asean.org. (2017). Overview. Avaible at 166

177 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 Gendering Asean Economic Community Gender Perspective in Public Policy Analysis: Critical Study on the Implementation of Weaving Creative Industry Policy in East Lombok Rege ncy, NTB and Kupang, NTB Agustina Kustulasari a ; Longgina Novadona Bayo b ; Putri Rakhmadhani Nur Rimbawati c ; Eka Zuni Lusi Astuti d a Lecturer at the Department of Public Policy and Management, Fisipol UGM b Lecturer at the Department of Politics and Government, Fisipol UGM c Researcher at ASEAN Studies Centre (ASC) d Lecturer at the Department of Social Development and Welfare, Fisipol UGM * aseansc@ugm.ac.id Abstract Creative industries development is a strategic issue in term of increasing competition in MEA. Besides increasing the National GDP, creative industry products become a means to strengthen the nation s cultural values and identity. It becomes Indonesia s strategic strengths in increasing the bargaining power towards MEA. One of the creative industry products which has gained interest of international market and keep the cultural heritage is woven fabric. However, the dimension of strengthening values and cultural identity through the creative fabric industry products has not been addressed seriously on the government s agenda. Therefore, this knowledge-oriented research seeks to anticipate the issues of MEA and the growth of creative industries. With regard to this concern, this research intends to address three things. First, conduct a gender analysis of local government policy regarding creative industry of Ikat weaving. Second, assist the government to formulate policies for creative weaving industry with a gender perspective in the context of the Ikat weaving fashion industry in NTB and NTT. Third, contribute to construct a gender responsive ASEAN Economic Community through findings at the local level. This study employs qualitative methods through literature and regulatory mapping, field research, observation and institutional audit as the data collection technique. Keywords : creative industy, gender policy, ASEAN Economic Community 1. Introduction Since its inception in 1967, ASEAN has experienced remarkable developments, transformed into a dynamic, and integrated economic region, and take into account globally. ASEAN has now become the third largest economic entity and contributes for more than 3% of the world s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) became the key for an integration of the Southeast Asian region with the launching of 3 forms of ASEAN community; and the ASEAN Economic Community (MEA) is likely to continue to receive major a"ention. In the midst of this MEA phenomenon, Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs) occupy a strategic position. The number of MSMEs in Indonesia reaches 52 million (99% of the total business units) and absorbs more than 97% of the workforce, even Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises become one of the respectable sectors that contributes big enough to GDP in Indonesia ( 167

178 Chapter V: ASEAN Of the approximately 52 million SMEs in Indonesia, creative industries in the field of handicrafts and fashion are the two largest. In general the creative industry is described as a business production that relies on individual creativity and utilizes the imagination of art, skill and talent. Thus, this industry provides employment opportunities for mothers and young women. The data obtained mention about perpetrators of SMEs are the women spread across Java women business actors began to increase throughout the year 2016 (ASPPUK, 2016). Women workers in the creative industry develop their skills and contribute to improve family welfare. Economic empowerment through the involvement of women in this kind of creative industry has and needs to continue to be appreciated as an effort to overcome poverty. A number of studies have encouraged the government to create policies and create innovations to encourage the strengthening of the potential of SMEs, especially the creative industry. In regard to this case, this research considers necessary to examine the existing policies in the weaving-based fashion industry in two regions in Indonesia, namely NTB and NTT. This is because the creative industry sector based on Ikat weaving has not received serious a#ention from the local government by implementing policies that are more pro-women. In some existing studies, the government does not have a gender-responsive policy to support women working in the creative industries sector in small and medium industries (IIM) (UNIDO Gender Newsle#er No. 4). In NTB, there has been Governor Rule in Pergub no 10 of 2016 article 13 which states that the government will support by providing convenience and incentives for the creative industry actors. NTT has a slight different condition compared to NTB. Although many women are weavers in NTT, their government neither City nor Province has local regulations (Perda) related to gender-based weaving and development. The existence of this local regulation becomes important in future and will be much needed to create order, legal certainty, and clear commitment in the development of cultural industries in East Nusa Tenggara Province (Setiawan and Suwarningdyah, 2014: 354). With regard to this concern, this research proposes three questions as follow: 1. Are local government policies of Ikat weaving creative industries in East Lombok Regency, NTB and Kupang Regency, NTT responsive to gender? 2. How is the policy formulation in creative weaving industry with gender perspective in East Lombok Regency, NTB and Kupang Regency, NTT? 3. How is the policy formulation in creative weaving industries in East Lombok Regency, NTB and Kupang Regency, NTT in order to contribute to create a gender responsive ASEAN Economic Community? 2. Research Methods The research method considered relevant in this study is qualitative research. This method is capable to describe the creative fashion industry which is based on woven fabric. This study involves a series of activities, namely: 1. Literature and Regulatory Mapping. This process detects to what extend each region translate the understanding of the creative fashion industry based on woven fabrics into policy products 2. Field Research Field research was conducted in Jakarta, East Lombok, NTB and Kupang, NTT. The data mining process was completed by conducting FGD as well as in-depth interviews with the relevant key actors in each region. 3. Observation. Observation enables the researchers to directly witness the development and practice of fashion creative industries based on woven fabric in East Lombok, NTB and Kupang, 168

179 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 NTT. 4. Institutional Audit. It aims to find out whether the creative fashion industry based on woven fabric and the existing gender analysis concept has been taken as a priority issue by the local government. 3. Findings and Discussion 3.1. Women and Weaving Based on the result of this research, it is found that the majority of women in East Lombok and Kupang City have double roles which are taking care of household and becoming weavers. The significance meaning of weaving in the life of women in Kupang City and East Lombok regency remains salient thus far, despite having to deal with modernization and socio-economic change in society. The logical consequence that must be faced is the shift of weaving function and the role of women in the process of making the woven fabric. Now the women in the village no longer plant co"on, the skills in co"on thus made the traditional yarn spinning equipment missing (Asni and Sri, 2013: 23).The need for weaving yarn is obtained from yarn manufacturing factory. Similarly to what happens with yarn, in the weaving-making process, women using traditional looms were asked to switch to ATBM by the government in order to improve effectiveness and efficiency. However, this conversion is not supported by intensive mentoring from the government so the weavers were going back to use traditional tools. The declining of social function of women s woven works such as for the prerequisite of marriage, thanksgiving and customary fines into money or other valuables indirectly shifts the role of women in society (Asni and Sri, 2013: 23). Women who originally only take care of households, and preserve the customs has transformed into productive individuals that produce high-value goods. Meanwhile, no significant changes happens with the role of men in the city of Kupang and in East Lombok regency. Yet, the role of men who originally was a single actor in earning a living begins to accept the presence of women as a financial support system in the family. As their reciprocity (read: men) towards women, also acting as a support system for women, men help the process of weaving, for instance prepare raw materials of natural staining or roll the yarn Balancing Inter-sectoral Roles and Planning In order to support, the intervention programs can be categorized into the following groups: 1) a program that provides capital facilities through a Joint Business Group (KUBE) and a weaver cooperative union in NTT. 2) programs focusing on creating markets to bring together weavers and weaver enthusiasts, 3) programs aimed at improving the skills of human resources, 4) programs that provide health care, 5) programs that support the delivery of woven aspirations such as the LED Forum and women musrenbang in NTB, and another 6) programs that we call strategic and have the goal of creating sustainability. Moreover, more gender-responsive intersectoral programs are needed so gender planning in development can achieve women s emancipation from their sub-ordination, and upward mobility of equality, equity and empowerment Women In Development / Gender And Development 1. Welfare. NTB appear to focus less on women s health welfare. It can be seen from the elimination of IVA and pap smear services. On the contrary, NTT has launched several health service programs for women. However, that the facility has not spread evenly to the villages in NTT. In addition, NTT is also quite concerned about the welfare of women in the economic field by providing financial assistance 169

180 Chapter V: ASEAN 170 and training to business groups in Kupang. 2. Equity Gender equality in NTT and NTB can be observed through organizational access given to women so that women can participate in musrembang and cooperative union as men do. Even, in NTT, women are given leadership training and public speaking so women can maximize their participation in the organization. According to the Office of Women Empowerment and Child Protection (PPPA), Kupang has preceded the number of women who served as leaders, for example lurah. Although there are still some cases where husbands disallow their wives to participate in an organization. Furthermore, according to the NTT Regional Office of Manpower and Transmigration Department, women play an important role in the economic field, for example service industries and weaving industries which are dominated by women. 3. Anti-poverty Economic improvement and empowerment programs have been implemented in both areas. Programs undertaken by the NTB government include (1) provision of training to increase productivity of weavers, (2) establishment of women weaver s cooperatives union. However, these programs are not supported by the provision of funds to the small business actors. While in NTT, the government (especially PKK) is not only giving a coaching, training and mentoring, but also provides financial assistance. This training also teaches the weavers to be more creative in order to generate more income. 4. Efficiency Women have been given an access to organize, but unfortunately the participation of women in this organization also looks inefficient because in the end the affairs of the men will be prioritized. Women s participation is still on invited space. The experience of women s involvement shows that women s voices have been articulated in the technocratic mechanism of government (of political space), through planning forums (Musrenbang). However, forums that are initiated by the citizens (popular space) are still very limited. In other words, the involvement of women in the planning process is still on invited space (because it is invited by the state / government), and has not yet shown the awareness of the grassroots (community) to create popular space. Consequently, if the state does not open the political space, then the interests of the citizens may not be accommodated in the policy process. From the point of view of democracy, participation based on the popular space is the marker of democratic progress. If it is measured from the degree of public participation in the development planning process, the degree of women s participation in public planning is still considered consultative, and has not been able to show the power or control in influencing the decisions or policies making. This is due to the lack of egalitarian social space, possibly because of the social structure that is still constrained by the domination of patriarchal culture, the dominance of the institutions initiated by the government, or the domination of civil society organizations. Beside women s lack of participation in the organization, economic empowerment with training and coaching can be considered inefficient because the most important problem is product marketing. The weavers face difficulties in marketing the products after they finished the weaving production. Sometimes they have to sell their woven cheaply because they needs money quickly. This is the only choice for them because if they sell their product in a souvenir shop it will take time until their products are sold, even the selling prices are also varies. The high price will certainly benefits the weavers.unfortunately, there are souvenir shop which sell their product in a low price.

181 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days Empowerment. Special economic empowerment program of women weaving creative industry has not been seen in NTB, government s program is more on creative industry in general. Meanwhile, the empowerment of the weavers in NTT has been implemented through training programs to improve the quality of women weavers and leadership training and the built of Center for Social Welfare for women in need. But unfortunately the information about this training is not spread out so some weavers are not aware of any training provided by Kupang. 4. Conclusion 1. Kupang policy is more gender perspective in weaving creative economy. On the contrary, East Lombok District Policy is weaker in addressing gender. 2. The formulation of gender-based weaving policy is still considered weak and disintegrative in both regions (elaboration of weaknesses and deficiencies in each region). 3. The result of this research a"empts to emphasize that MEA does not entrap women in capitalism (woven fabrics is not proper for mass production. The treatment is different from batik). Weaving creative economy can totally compete in MEA without implementing mass production. The proposed solution is semi-mass production model. In addition, triple role should be taken into account. Regarding mass production, it can be implemented to advanced products (cultivation) such as bags, shoes, etc. Moreover it is also important to involve the younger generation (women & men) in cultivation. 4. Affirmation of positioning à Review of creative economic terms. Our position supports weaving as a creative economy, which places women as subjects and not objects of economic competition in the context of the MEA. This is the major reason why the narratives of women in the process of production and marketing of weaving are needed. 5. Acknowledgement This research was supported by Hibah Riset Fisipol UGM, ASEAN Study Centre Fisipol UGM and our research assistant Farieda, Norin and Hadi who provide insight and expertise that greatly assisted this research. REFERENCES Books Aufa, Fakhrul dan Sri Mulyati Ekonomi Kreatif: Perekonomian Berbasis Seni sebagai alternatif pembangunan perekonomian Indonesia. Paper. Bogor: Institut Pertanian Bogor. Bilton, C Management and Creativity: From Creative Industries to Creative Management. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing: 3. Erfanie, S Dinamika Industri Kreatif dalam Perekonomian Nasional: Sebuah Pengantar dalam Erfanie, S. (Ed.). Dinamika Industri Kreatif dalam Perekonomian Nasional. Jakarta: LIPI Press. Henry, C. and de Bruin, A Introduction dalam Henry, C. and de Bruin, A. (Ed.). Entrepreneurship and the Creative Economy: Process, Practice and Policy. Massachuse"s: Edward Elgar Publishing, Inc.. Lazzere"i, L Culture, Creativity and Local Economic Development: Evidence from Creative Industries in Florence dalam Cooke, P. And Schwar%, D. (Ed.). Creative Regions: Technology, Cultureand Knowledge Entrepreneurship. Oxon (UK): Routledge. 171

182 Chapter V: ASEAN March, C., Smyth, I., Mukhopadhyay, M A guide to gender analysis frameworks. London: Oxfam. Montgomery, L China s Creative Industries: Copyright, Social Network Markets and the Business of Culture ina Digital Age. Glos (UK): Edward Elgar Publishing Limited: 36. Moser, C.O.N Gender planning and development: theory, practice & training. London: Routledge. Phillips, R.J Arts Entrepreneurship and Economic Development: Can Every City be Austintatious? Hanover (USA): Foundations and Trends in Entrepreneurship: 9. Po!s, J Creative Industries and Economic Evolution. Glos (UK): Edward Elgar Publishing Limited: 4. Roodhouse, S The Creative Industries Definitional Discourse. Dalam Henry, C. and de Bruin, A. (Ed.). Entrepreneurship and the Creative Economy: Process, Practice and Policy: Glos (UK): Edward Elgar Publishing Limited. Status of Women Canada. (1996). Gender-based analysis: a guide for policy making. Ontario: Staigh Associates Limited. Throsby, D The Economics of Cultural Policy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press: 89. Journals Aufa, Fakhrul dan Sri Mulyati Ekonomi Kreatif: Perekonomian Berbasis Seni sebagai alternatif pembangunan perekonomian Indonesia. Paper. Bogor : Institut Pertanian Bogor. Birch, S The Political Promotion of the Experience Economy and Creative Industries: Cases from UK, New Zealand, Singapore, Norway, Sweden and Denmark. Samfundsli!eratur: Frederiksberg C.: 34. Cabrita, M.R. and Cabrita, C. The Role of Creative Industries in Stimulating Intellectual Capital in Cities and Regions. Dalam Rodrigues, S.C.R.F. (Ed.). The Proceedings of the 2 nd European Conference on Intellectual Capital. Lisabon, Portugal, Maret 2010: 175. Reading (UK): Academic Publishing Limited. Manurung, Elvy Maria, Peran Perempuan dalam Membangun Kewirausahaan Kreatif Busana Muslim dan Film di Bandung, dalam Jurnal Studi Pembangunan Interdisiplin, Vol. XXII, Nomor 1, 2013, hal Setiawan, Budiana dan R.R. Nur Suwarningdyah, Strategi Pengembangan Tenun Ikat Kupang Provinsi Nusa Tenggara Timur, dalam Jurnal Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, Vol. 20, Nomor 3, September 2014, hal Setyaningsih, Santi, dkk., Women Empowerment through Creative Industry: A Case Study, prosiding, disampaikan dalam International Conference on Small and Medium Enterprises Development 2012, Procedia Economic and Finance. Simatupang, TM Perkembangan Industri Kreatif. Paper. Bandung: SMB ITB Rai, S. (2004). Gendering Global Governance. University of Warwick. Link to published version: h!p://dxd.doi.org/ / Weckerle, C., Gerig, M. and Söndermann, M Creative Industries Swi#erland: Facts. Models. Culture. Zurich: Zurich University of the Arts: Widiastiti, Anak Agung Istri Putera Resistensi Perempuan Bali pada Sektor Industri Kreatif di Desa Paksebali, Kecamatan Dawan, Kabupaten Klungkung. Fakultas Sastra Universitas Udayana, dalam Jurnal of Cultural Studies, Vol. 01, Nomor 1, Desember 2012, hal Newspapers/ Articles Abidin, M Z. November Kebijakan Fiskal dan Peningkatan Peran Ekonomi UMKM. www. kemenkeu.go.id 27 Februari 2017 Anggriawan, Shoqib. November Perempuan Pelaku UMKM di Jawa Bertambah Orang. h!p://asppuk.or.id/. 27 Februari

183 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 Broderick, E Applying a gender perspective in public policy: what it means and how we can do it beer. Retreived from h!ps:// on March 2, 2017 Elisabeth, Stephani. Agustus Merdi Sihombing Gandeng Penenun dari 9 Provinsi di Indonesia. Sinarharapan.net. 1 Maret 2017 Simatupang, T.M. (2007), Gelombang ekonomi kreatif, Pikiran Rakyat, 1 Agustus, hal. 25. Goverment documents, etc. ASEAN ECONOMIC COMMUNITY BLUEPRINT 2025 Hasil Konvensi Pengembangan Ekonomi Kreatif Yang Diselenggarakan Pada Pekan Produk Budaya Indonesia 2008 JCC, 4-8 Juni 2008 Peraturan Gubernur Nusa Tenggara Barat no 10 tahun 2016 Tentang Tata Cara Pemberian Insentif dan Kemudahan Penanaman Modal Nusa Tenggara Barat. (2016). Nusa Tenggara Barat: JDIH Provinsi NTB UNCTAD Creative Economy Report Geneva: UNCTAD 173

184 Chapter V: ASEAN The Political Economy of Asean ICT Integration: Digital Divide and Challenges for Regional Integration in Southeast Asia Dio Herdiawan T a,*, Ahmad Rizky M. Umar b, Aninda K. Dewayanti bc, Andi A. Fitrah d a Researcher at ASEAN Studies Center, UGM b Researcher at Center for Southeast Asian Social Studies, UGM c Rajaratnam School of International Studies d Nanyang Technological University, Singapore * dio_tobing@yahoo.com/dio.herdiawan.t@mail.ugm.ac.id Abstract We assess the persistence of digital divide in Southeast Asia. More specifically, we ask (1) why ASEAN regional integration in ICT development, which has been initiated since 1999, was unable to resolve the problem of digital divide in the region, particularly among Indochinese countries with the 5 original countries in the region; and (2) what ASEAN could offer in its regional policy framework to resolve the problem of digital divide. We argue that the persistence of digital divide is caused by the uneven economic development in the region. Builds upon a recent contribution on the intersection between political economy, uneven development, and digital divide, we theorise that digital divide has been caused, most prominently, by four key causes: internal Contradiction of Market-Led ICT Regionalisation after the ASEAN crisis; the differences of ICT Policy Framework in National Level, which affect state-market Relationships in ICT sectors; incomplete Policy Coordination between regional governance (ASEAN) and national government; and the negligence of stakeholders in the policymaking process. We conclude by drawing some policy implications to address uneven development in order to establish a more coherent framework of ASEAN Digital Community in the future, which is centred upon the involvement of multiple stakeholders in ICT sectors alongside effective inter-state coordination and the implementation of ASEAN ICT Masterplan. Keywords: ASEAN digital community, digital divide, ICT development, regional integration, ASEAN, uneven development. 1. Introduction In this paper, we aim to study the construction, progress, and achievement of cooperation related to information and communication technology in ASEAN. For that purpose, this study will engage two main questions, among others: (1) To what extent has ASEAN succeeded in integrating information and communication technology policy in Southeast Asia, as well as tackling digital divide in the region? (2) What causes the persistence of digital divide amidst the regional integration in ICT sectors? We argue that even though ASEAN has established a model of regional integration through ASEAN ICT Masterplan, its outreach is limited and it is still unable to tackle digital divide. It was due to uneven development in the region leads to the persistence of digital divide. We explore these causes by reviewing the 174

185 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 evolution of ICT regionalism in Southeast Asia, which follows the development of ASEAN integration since By focusing upon ASEAN ICT Masterplan, which was released in 2009 and was continued after 2015, we argue that the persistence of digital divide amidst the growing regional integration was caused by intertwined factors, namely (1) uneven economic development, which drives each ASEAN member states to pursue different degree of ICT development, and (2) different ICT policies undertaken by ASEAN member states, as a consequence of uneven economic development in the region. Whilst ASEAN ICT Masterplan has established a set of institutional framework in regional level, it fails to address these problems, which resulted in the persistence of digital divide in regional level. A multi- stakeholders and multi-level approach to ASEAN ICT governance is called to overcome such problems. 2. Research Methods We utilise a qualitative research method by combining a comparative historical analysis of ICT development between Indonesia and Singapore and a documentary analysis of ASEAN ICT integration projects after 2000, particularly the ASEAN ICT Masterplans ( ). This method will be framed from a multi-level governance perspective, in which ASEAN integration will be seen as a process conducted in both state and the regional level, and is resulted from political and economic contestations in both state and regional level. This approach will enable us to understand ASEAN ICT integration not only as a result of diplomatic practices but also a broader part of the extension of state territories into a new space in the global politics (see Harvey 2000). We propose that whilst ASEAN has attempted to formulate a specific policy and institutional framework in ICT integration, it was failed to address the root of uneven ICT development problem in the national level, which was historically constructed by the dominance of state-led development politics since 1970s (see Evers 2005). 3. Findings and Discussion Digital Divide as a Consequence of Uneven Development: A Framework for Analysis The concept of digital divide was first emerged in early 2000s, when the United Nations brought this issue to address the rapid development of Information and Communications Technology (ICT) and the gap between the haves and the have nots that underlies the development (see, for example, Min 2010, van Dijk 2003, Alden 2003, Selwyn 2004). Based on this definition, scholars have mapped at least four strands of literatures in defining the digital divide (see Sassi 2005). The first strand put much emphasis on the technocratic origins of digital divide, which lies on the role of the state in regulation ICT, economy, and access to information. Digital divide, from this viewpoint, is seen as a result of the gap in the access of internet as a consequence of government regulation of ICT. The second strand focuses on the relationships between technology and society, which reflects the social differentiation within the society and how each groups make use of ICT devices (Sparks, 2000, Norriss 2000, Min 2010). The third strand understands digital divide in terms of information structure, which relates to inclusion-exclusion process in the newly established information society. Digital divide, therefore, is not necessarily the problem of access, but also the problem of power/knowledge relations in the networked society (Castells 1996, Lash 1994). The fourth strand extends this approach to consider the paradoxes of modernity andcoming of postmodernity, in which the information society has reshaped our traditional thinking about society and bring about the question of digital divide to define identity and the role of human-being in society (Baumann 2001). Our argument will be departed upon the second approach, which stresses the role of social differentiation as the basis of digital divide. However, different with Sassi, Norris, and Sparks, we highlight not only social differentiation in the society, but also the uneven ICT development that was resulted by different state policies towards ICT development. We therefore see that social structure approach, as devised by Sassi (2005), is not inherently in contradiction 175

186 Chapter V: ASEAN with technocratic approach. Social differentiation in ICT access, in global level, could not be separated with different state policies, which is also heavily influenced by state s economic and developmental capacities in developing information and communication technologies. It is therefore necessary to consider the relationship between uneven economic development between the so-called global north and global south as the cause of digital divide. Regional Integration and ICT Industrialisation in Southeast Asia ( ): Historicising Divide Based on the report of Digital in 2017 Global Review released by We Are Social and Hootsuite, in January 2017 there were million Internet users who perform digital activities in Southeast Asia or equivalent to 53% of the total population in the region (Kemp 2017). 120% 100% 80% 60% 40% 20% 0% Internet Social Media #REF Graph 1.1. Internet and Social Media users in ASEAN Source: Kemp (2017) The divide has been caused mainly by the uneven early ICT development in the region since the 1980s. The early ICT development in the region (particularly in the 1980s) have showed that that digital divide in Southeast Asia is also present due to uneven distribution of digital infrastructure in ASEAN member countries. In this case, developed countries like Singapore have envisioned themselves as the hub for e-commerce in Asia by building integrated data centers with each other. Meanwhile, countries like Laos, Myanmar and Cambodia are much different, both motivationally and infrastructureally. These countries still tend to focus on economic growth and have not made development of ICT infrastructure as a priority. In addition to the internal factors of the country, the inequality of access is also due to the construction of a state-centered cooperation that marginalizes ICT communities in the process of cooperation building. A highly co-operative approach based on state leads to industrial and human resource growth to be highly dependent on policies taken at the country level. In addition, less optimal functional cooperation scheme established in ASEAN makes integration processes not up to the level of policy breakers at the ministry level. The lack of stakeholder involvement in the integration process in the digital sector is also at the root of the problem of inequality. Narrowing Regional Digital Divide: ASEAN s approach to Regional ICT Integration The beginning of regional initiatives for ICT integration in Southeast Asia can be traced back in 1999 when ASEAN leaders established the e-asean Task Force focusing on encouraging and facilitating the growth of e-commerce and including prescriptive measures to narrow the digital divide within the region (Paul, 2002) to late-2000s as ASEAN leaders signed the e-asean Framework Agreement. This agreement was prepared for reaching digital readiness through various elements in the field of connectivity, local content, a seamless environment for electronic commerce, a common marketplace for ICT goods and services, human resource development and e-governance (ASEAN, 2012).[1] Specific bodies were chosen by ASEAN to focus on ICT issues. These bodies include the ASEAN Telecommunications and IT Ministers Meeting (TELMIN) and ASEAN Telecommunication Senior Officials Meeting 176

187 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 (TELSOM), and ASEAN Telecommunications Regulator Council (ATRC), acting as advistor to TELMIN. ASEAN chose these bodies to deal with ICT development issues one year after the adoption of e-asean Framework Agreement. Moreover, Irawan (2013) showed that in the same year, as these bodies were formed, ASEAN members countries agreed to eliminate tariff and non-tariff barriers on intra-asean trade in 1,986 ICT products (does not include Cambodia) through 3 tranches as a follow up of e-asean agreement. All These initiatives were then followed up by the adoption of Master Plan on ASEAN Connectivity at the 17 th ASEAN Summit in Hanoi a decade later. The practical measures to implement such ambition was continued by the formation of ASEAN ICT Master Plan, formed by TELMIN. As then, ASEAN has agreed on six strategic thrusts, the master plan was expected to deliver five goals; empowering, transformational, inclusive, vibrant, and integrated. The first three strategic thrusts are the priority of the Master Plan, and it includes; infrastructure development, human capital development, and bridging the digital divide. Meanwhile, the 2 nd Master Plan ( ) was adopted by the 15 th TELMIN meeting in Danang City, Vietnam. Laid down in this Master Plan, ASEAN agreed to adopt eight strategic thrusts, covering; economic development and transformation, people integration and empowerment through ICT, innovation, ICT infrastructure development, human capital development, ICT in the ASEAN single market, new media and content, and information security and assurance. This Master Plan is a continuation of the first Master Plan, geared towards developing a digitally-enabled economy in ASEAN. Why does Digital Divide Persists? A Critical Assessment on ASEAN ICT Integration We argue that the persistence of digital divide has been caused by two inter-related factors in the regional level: the uneven ICT development that has not been addressed by ASEAN in its Masterplans and ICT cooperation since 2000s, and the limits of ASEAN institutional mechanism to provide a comprehensive approach in tackling digital divide due to the so-called ASEAN s Way of non-interference to state s national development policies. The completion report shows that ASEAN measures the success of the 2015 ICT Master Plan based on whether or not projects have been implemented. However, it is unfortunate that only small number of projects are sustainable and would give significant long-term impact towards ICT development within the region. Apart from that, the majority of projects are centered into short- term strategies, such as plans, establishment of frameworks, workshops, and trainings. Moreover, we also argued that the insignificance implementing measures of ASEAN ICT Master Plans are another cause why narrowing digital divide in ASEAN is problematic. This is led by the fact that ASEAN shares the characteristics of network organization (Lallana, 2012). 4. Conclusion It could be therefore concluded that even though ASEAN has established a set of regional institutional framework for ASEAN ICT integration since 2000, and furthermore has attempted to address digital divide, yet it is still unable to address the problem properly. Two things need to be taken into account. First, digital divide has its root in uneven ICT policy framework and uneven political and economic backdrop of each ASEAN member states, which has not been addressed by ASEAN ICT integration and Masterplans. Therefore, it is important for ASEAN to address digital divide by enabling a model of policy coordination besides the projectbased integration framework, as well as to connect the ICT integration with another framework of narrowing development gap in ASEAN. Second, it is equally important to develop a multilevel governance approach to ICT integration, in which both domestic and regional level of analysis are accounted in crafting regional integration. So far, ASEAN has put each level in a separate position, in which the perceived ASEAN Way of non-interference constrained the state to coordinate their domestic development policies related to ICT with other states. If ASEAN member states want to seriously break the digital divide in the region, they need to be more open for policy coordination, harmonisation, and furthermore to address the uneven development program in the domestic level. It means that further regional integration is 177

188 Chapter V: ASEAN needed to tackle digital divide in the region. 5. Acknowledgement We would like to thank Siti Widyastuti for her assistances in this project, as well as HE Ambassador Ong Keng Yong for his time to be interviewed for this research. Financial support from the Faculty of Social and Political Sciences through the Collaborative Research Grant is gratefully acknowledged. This paper is a part of research collaboration between ASEAN Studies Center, Universitas Gadjah Mada and Centre for Southeast Asian Social Studies, Universitas Gadjah Mada. REFERENCES ASEAN ICT Masterplan (AIM2015) ASEAN ICT Masterplan 2015 Completion Report ASEAN Sectoral Integration Protocol for e-asean, Vientiane, Lao PDR, 29 November 2004 Bali Declaration in Forging Partnership to Advance High Speed Connection to Bridge Digital Divide in ASEAN, Bali, Indonesia, 29 August 2008 Bangkok Statement on Transforming ASEAN: Moving Towards Smart Communities, Bangkok, Thailand, 23 January 2015 Brunei Action Plan, Enhancing ICT Competitiveness: Capacity Building, Brunei Darussalam, 19 September 2006 Da Nang Declaration on Towards a Digitally-enabled, Inclusive, Secure and Sustainable ASEAN Community, Viet Nam, 27 November 2015 Ha Noi Agenda on Promoting Online Services And Applications To Realize e-asean, Ha Noi, Viet Nam, 26 September 2005 Mactan Cebu Declaration on Connected ASEAN: Enabling Aspirations, Mactan, Cebu, The Philippines, 16 November 2012 Manila Declaration, Manila, the Philippines, 28 August 2002 Memorandum of Understanding Between The Association of South East Asian Nations and The People s Republic of China on Cooperati on in Information and Communications Technology, Singapore, 15 November 2013 Memorandum of Understanding Between The Association of South East Asian Nations and The People s Republic of China on Cooperati on in Information and Communications Technology, Bali, Indonesia, 8 October 2003 Nay Pyi Taw Statement on ICT: Engine for Growth in ASEAN, Nay Pyi Taw, the Republic of the Union of Myanmar, 9 December

189 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 The Shifting Strategy of Middle Power Diplomacy: An Overview of Indonesian Foreign Policy Under the Presidency of Jokowi and Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono Rizky Alif Alvian a.1,*, Irfan Ardhani a.2, Ganesh Cintika Putri a.3 a Researcher at Institute of International Studies, Fisipol UGM * rizky.alif.a@mail.ugm.ac.id Abstract This paper will examine the shifting foreign policy from President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to President Joko Widodo in practicing middle power diplomacy. Despite the shifting strategy occurs between the reigns of the two presidents, both Yudhoyono and Jokowi share the same postulate that Indonesia is a middle power country. How the two presidents implement middle-power diplomacy will be examined based on the distinction between meta-power and relationalpower. Relational- power occurs when an actor a!empts to gain power in the existing order. On the contrary, meta- power appears when an actor tries to escape from a hegemonic order and at the same time initiates a new one. While the existing works tend to define middle power only as an effort to survive in the established system, this paper offers a different approach. It states that middle power can also be identified based on its capacity to change the order of power using both material and non-material sources. By looking on the two president s policy on democracy, Islam and human rights issues as well as border and maritime issues, this paper argues that a shifting strategy takes place between the presidency of Yudhoyono and Jokowi. It shows that relational power shifts into metapower. In some cases, the shifting is not perfect but a combination of the two. Keywords : middle power diplomacy, foreign policy, jokowi, susilo bambang yudhoyono 1. Introduction President Joko Widodo s victory in the 2014 general election marked a shift in Indonesian orientation of foreign policy. Outward looking orientation during Yudhoyono s era is replaced by inward looking orientation in Jokowi s. The efforts to take a global role through multilateral activities are replaced by the efforts to develop foreign policy that can bring domestic benefits and strengthen Indonesian sovereignty. Despite this changing orientation, the two presidents posit Indonesia as a middle power country and both leaders a!empted to build middle power diplomacy. The shifting of Indonesian foreign policy can firstly be traced from the alteration of direction under the reigns of the two leaders. As interdependence between nations increased, Yudhoyono s government encourages cooperation between countries to overcome collective challenges. Meanwhile, under Jokowi s reign, Indonesia carries out different direction. Jokowi explicitly seeks to reposition Indonesia s role in facing issues on the global stage (2014: 12). In addition, he is commi!ed to preserve freedom in determining the direction 179

190 Chapter V: ASEAN of foreign affairs that serves national interest and also places Indonesia as a regional power by selectively involving this country on prioritized issues which based on national interest (ibid.). Jokowi s foreign policy direction can be perceived as a critic toward Yudhoyono s which is considered as elitist vision without direct correlation with national interest. This article a"empts to compare middle power strategy in Indonesia during Yudhoyono s and Jokowi s reign and identify its change. As the paradigm in viewing international politics from the two presidents alters, the fact that the two leaders keep maintaining middle power dipl omacy is an interesting issue. How do President Yudhoyono and Jokowi implement middle power diplomacy? What approach does each leader offer? Is there any shifting strategy between the two? The novelty of this article lies on the alteration of Indonesia s middle power diplomatic strategy which needs to be viewed as the changing type of power. In contrast with the previous studies of middle power, this approach does not treat middle power as an actor which has status-quo-oriented in its political behavior and ambition. Conversely, it is an a"empt to avoid the suppresion of state s hegemony and at the same time build its own hegemonic arena. This article argues that Indonesia s middle power strategy has shifted mainly on the type of power used to conduct diplomacy. By using Krasner s conceptualization of relational-power and meta- power, this article argues that the role of meta-power is increasingly central to Indonesia s middle power diplomatic strategy. Previously, Indonesia s middle power diplomacy strategy was built more on the concept of relational-power. In other words, Indonesia gained popularity by following established order, but now it seeks to achieve its interests by influencing, altering, and building a new order. However, in some cases, this shifting trend is not a perfect changing. The turning to meta- power direction has never completely eliminated relational-power-based strategy. In order to make a thorough argumentation on the topic above, the next section will examine Indonesian foreign policy by focusing on democratic and maritime issues. Both issues are selected to represent priority issue carried out by each president in international forum. 2. Research methods This research begins by mapping the existing studies of middle power. Generally, the current works on the topic are consisted of two approaches. The first approach was inspired by Cooper s liberal analysis, Higgot, and Nossal (1993). Meanwhile, the second approach is highly influenced by the arguments of neorealism formulated by Holbraad (1984). First, Cooper, Higgot and Nossal argue that the middle power state can be defined based on the pa"ern of behavior. This approach presupposes that middle-power status is determined by the choice of behavior it takes, namely involvement in multilateralism, the tendency to take a compromise stance, and the eagerness to be a good international citizen. Although very influential, this approach has been criticized for its inability to explain the behavior of countries that do not fit Cooper, Higgot and Nassal definition, but in the other hand can not be classified as great power or small power. The second approach influenced by neorealism argument is able to fill the previous gap. Consequently, this paper will use the second approach as a starting point. By se"ing Holbraad s argument as a foundation, middle-power is known as a position which is suppressed by the international order, but at the same time has the capacity to survive and take opportunities. The middle power state can be seen by its capacity to change the order and to establish influence within a particular order. The distinction between meta-power and relational power will be the basis for this research to see how Indonesian strategy changes as middle power state. Relational power performs when the actor grabs his power in a particular order. Meanwhile, the metapower appears when the actor tries to escape from hegemonic order while creating a new order. To borrow Acharya s approach (2015) and Laksmana (2011), this paper will examine the power gained by Indonesia in terms of both material and non-material resources. Using the Holbraad approach, the shifting strategy under the reign s President SBY and 180

191 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 President Jokowi will be considered as an efforts for Indonesia to survive amid the hegemony of international order. At the same time, it is an a"empt for Indonesia to emerge into a great power despite how slow and uncertain the case is. This research use qualitative methods in which the data collection is obtained by conducting literature study. The literature study is undertaken to examine the policies or statements delivered by the Indonesian government in bilateral, multilateral and national forums which received response from abroad. The sources are taken from speeches, media releases and news about Indonesia s statements which have relation to maritime and border issues; Islam, human right and democracy. 3. Findings and Discussion Although both Yudhoyono and Jokowi conduct middle power strategy, a number of strategic shifts have occurred under the reign of the two leaders. This section argues that Yudhoyono s and Jokowi s approach appear to be dissimilar in maritime and border issues and also in Islam, democracy and human rights. In maritime and border issues, Yudhoyono and Jokowi implement different strategies to protect Indonesia s territorial border. Yudhoyono is well known with his peaceful approach to resolve conflict. Meanwhile, Jokowi tends to take a more assertive approach. Yudhoyono s peaceful approach prioritizes a dialogue with disputing parties to minimize inter-state tensions. This tendency can easily be seen from diplomatic dialogue held by Yudhoyono to settle the dispute over Ambalat waters (Sindonews, 26 Oktober 2011). Yudhoyono stated that Indonesia strives for peaceful means only and considers war as the last resort to resolve conflict. Similar tendency was also expressed by Yudhoyono in a ZEE boundary dispute with the Philippines and a boundary agreement with Singapore (Kabar24, 23 Mei 2014). The example of Yudhoyono s approach stated above shows that he sees maritime diplomacy not merely as the assurance of Indonesian sovereignty. Maritime diplomacy also serves as a platform for Indonesia to demonstrate that this country is a part of the international community that upholds international peace and order. This type of strategy can be classified as relational power. Yudhoyono tried to infiltrate into the construction of a certain normality-in this case, good international citizenship-and seeks power by taking a role in it. Meanwhile, Jokowi s government is willing to confront with any parties which are considered as disruption for Indonesia s maritime sovereignty. The more confrontational attitude is demonstrated in Jokowi s decision to change the name of South China Sea into North Natuna Sea. In addition, a more assertive policy was demonstrated through the Indonesian initiative to strengthen IUU Fishing as a Transnational Organized Crime (TOC) (VOA, 10 June 2017). Jokowi, without any doubt, has shot 256 fishing boats and uses Indonesian waters protection to justify this act (Kompas, 17 Januari 2017). Jokowi s maneuver above shows his tendency to move towards meta-power. This is initially conducted by drawing the distance from the influence of Western countries and China. In addition, Indonesia attempts to promote its idea of maritime sovereignty as an alternative normality and encourage the institutionalization of this idea through its campaigns on IUU Fishing. Meanwhile, in another issue, both Yudhoyono and Jokowi try to build the image that potrays Indonesia as a democratic country which has a moderate Islamic view and shows concern on human rights issue However, both leaders have a different approach to perpetuate their interest on the global stage. Yudhoyono tends to be more strict in maintaining the image of Indonesia in international forums. Meanwhile, Jokowi tries to balance the the international community demands (for Indonesia to be democratic, pro-human rights, and moderate) with the idea of national sovereignty. However, the desire to build harmony between international demands and national sovereignty makes Indonesia, in some cases, inconsistent with the demands of the international community. As in democracy issues, Yudhoyono uses relational power approach in his strategy. 181

192 Chapter V: ASEAN Indonesia seeks to strengthen its position in international politics by complying the hegemonic narrative of democracy and human rights. Indonesia, under Yudhoyono s reign, initiated various initiatives for example, establishing an interfaith dialogue forum with the United States and Italy to discuss the challenges of peace. At the same time, Yudhoyono created the Bali Democracy Forum (BDF) in which Asia-Pacific countries able to exchange views on democracy. In addition, he also helps pushing ASEAN and its member states to strengthen its commitment to human rights and democracy. Indonesia takes a quite different approach under Jokowi era. Despite wri"en on its manifesto, Indonesia does not strive to make moderate democracy and Islam as its key identity in foreign politics. Jokowi did not a"end the BDF in His presence in 2016 itself can be understood more as an a"empt to maintain the image of Indonesia in the middle of a series of Islamic defense action (Front Pembela Islam/ FPI) at the end of that year. Jokowi also executes a series of death penalties despite moratorium released by Yudhoyono. In order to response international criticism for this policy, Jokowi justifies this law as a protection over Indonesia sovereignty. No state can disrupt this policy as it is a part of national domain (BBC, 24 February 2015). The argument of sovereignty also used to respond Basuki Tjahja Purnama verdict Jusuf Kalla stated in his lecturer in University of Oxford (Jakarta Post, 20 May 2017). However, Jokowi does not necessarily reject the narrative of democracy, human rights, and moderation. On various occasions, he keeps portraying Indonesia as a democratic, moderate country which has concern on human rights. Jokowi s efforts can be understood as a reflection of his desire to harmonize the demands of the international community and the imperative of sovereignty. On the one hand, Jokowi has not got power and interest to completely reject the discourse of democracy, human rights, and moderation. On the other hand, the desire to present a more independent image of Indonesia requires Jokowi to distance himself from these demands. Although this step can not be categorized as a meta-power, Jokowi s steps above illustrate that Indonesia is moving to abandon the relational power approach in democracy, human rights and moderate Islam issues. Shifting strategy from Yudhoyono to Jokowi has made the international community shift their view towards Indonesia. Indonesia was previously appreciated for its efforts to affirm democracy and human rights but being critized under Jokowi administration. Even so, Indonesia under Jokowi s reign is portrayed as a country that has the commitment and initiative to overcome IUU Fishing by identifying it as the world security threat. 4. Conclusion This paper seeks to examine the change of Indonesia s diplomatic strategy as middle power state from President Yudhoyono to President Jokowi. Using border and maritime issues as well as democracy, Islam and human rights, this paper shows that Indonesia s strategy is changing. Yudhoyono tried to build a middle-oriented power oriented diplomacy approach. Meanwhile, Jokowi brings Indonesia to move closer to meta-power. REFERENCES A. Laksmana, E. (2011). Indonesia s Rising Regional and Global Profile: Does Size Really Ma"er? CONTEMPORARY SOUTHEAST ASIA, 33(2), 157. h"ps://doi.org/ /cs33-2a Acharya, A., & World Scientific (Firm). (2015). Indonesia ma!ers: Asia s emerging democratic power. Singapore; Hackensack, N.J.: World Scientific Pub. Co. Retrieved from h"p://site.ebrary. com/id/ Berenskoe"er, F., & Williams, M. J. (Eds.). (2007). Power in world politics. London ; New York: Routledge. Chapnick, A. (1999). The middle power. Canadian Foreign Policy Journal, 7(2), h"ps://doi. 182

193 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 org/ / Cooper, A. F. (1997). Niche Diplomacy: A Conceptual Overview. In A. F. Cooper (Ed.), Niche Diplomacy (pp. 1 24). London: Palgrave Macmillan UK. Retrieved from h!p://link.springer. com/ / _1 Cooper, A. F., Higgott, R. A., & Nossal, K. R. (1993). Relocating middle powers: Australia and Canada in a changing world order. Vancouver: UBC Press. Holbraad, C. (1984). Middle powers in international politics. London: Macmillan. Krasner, S. D. (1985). Structural conflict: the Third World against global liberalism. Berkeley: University of California Press. Ruhama, Z. (2016, Agustus). Indonesia s Middle Power Project in the Indo-Pacific: During the Precidencies of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Joko Widodo, Flinders University. Santikajaya, A. (2016). Walking the middle path: The characteristics of Indonesia s rise. International Journal: Canada s Journal of Global Policy Analysis, 71(4), h!ps://doi. org/ / Speeches and Newspaper Article Antara, Joko Widodo: Jalesviva Jayamahe, 20 October 2014, h!p:// berita/459658/joko-widodo-jalesveva-jayamahe BBC. Jokowi: Eksekusi adalah kedaulatan Indonesia. 24 February h!p:// indonesia/berita_indonesia/2015/02/150224_jusufkalla_brasil_eksekusi Jakarta Post, VP Urges Intl Audience to Respect Ahok Verdict. 20 May Kabar24, Batas ZEE Indonesia dan Filipina ditetapkan, SBY: negosiasi selama 20 tahun. 23 May h!p://kabar24.bisnis.com/read/ /19/230412/batas-zee-indonesia-filipinaditetapkan- sby-negoisasi-selama-20-tahun Kompas, Menteri Susi: 236 Kapal Pencuri Ikan Ditenggelamkan Sepanjang 2016, 17 January 2017, h!p://ekonomi.kompas.com/read/2017/01/17/ /menteri.susi.236.kapal.pencuri. ikan.dit enggelamkan.sepanjang.2016 Sindonews, Ribut dengan Malaysia, SBY hindari jalan perang. 26 October h!ps:// nasional.sindonews.com/read/520700/14/ribut-dengan-malaysia-sby-hindari-jalanperang Widodo, Joko. 2014a. Visi Misi dan Program Aksi Jokowi-Jusuf Kalla 2014: Jalan Perubahan untuk Indonesia yang Berdaulat, Mandiri dan Berkepribadian. Dapat diakses di h!p:// kpu.go.id/koleksigambar/visi_misi_jokowi-jk.pdf. Yudhoyono, Susilo Bambang Pidato. Disampaikan Pembukaan Bali Democracy Forum Tirto, Teks Lengkap Pidato Kenegaraan Presiden Jokowi, 16 Agustus 2017, h!ps:// tirto.id/teks-lengkap-pidato-kenegaraan-presiden-jokowi-cufy Varma, A. (2003). The economics of slash and burn: A case study of the Indonesian forestfires. Ecol. Econ. Vol. 46. ASEAN Agreement of Transboundary Haze Pollution Singapore Transboundary Haze Pollution Act

194 Chapter V: ASEAN Universal Health Rights and Regional Integration in Southeast Asia: A Multi-Level Governance Analysis Ahmad Rizky M. Umar a,*, Rizky Alif Alvian b, Dedi Dinarto c a Researcher at ASEAN Studies Center, UGM b Researcher at Institute of International Studies, UGM c Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore * ahmad.rizky.m@mail.ugm.ac.id Abstract In this paper, we aim to assess the extent to which ASEAN integration scheme accommodates the universal health rights. Furthermore, based on the assessment, we aim to develop an alternative agenda for health cooperation in ASEAN that is abel to accommodate health rights, as a part of ASEAN s social purpose as people-oriented and peoole-centred institution. In so doing, we draw upon Bob Jessop s contribution on multi-level governance from a strategic-relational approach, which understand regional governance as a site for contestation of ideas and interests in an institutionalised site. We argue that whilst ASEAN institutional framework does not explicitly mention Health Rights, nor does it incorporate Health Rights in the regional institutional and policy framework, the Universal Health Rights has been institutionalised in both national and subnational level. In this context, we suggest that health cooperation in ASEAN is best understood as a governance of network, in which ASEAN plays role in crafting two important aspects, namely (1) policy coordination and (2) channeling the global governance framework to the national-level governance. ASEAN s role is complementary with the work of World Health Organisation, particularly its South-East Asia Regional Office (SEARO), which has been established previously. Understanding ASEAN as a Governance of Network from the case of ASEAN Health Cooperation brings a broader insight to understand ASEAN Regional Governance in general. Keywords: universal health rights, regional integration, ASEAN, policy coordination, multi-level governance, governance of network, healt cooperation 1. Introduction We aim to assess the extent to which ASEAN integration scheme accommodates the universal health rights and, furthermore contribute to provide universal healthcare across the region. As the regional integration flourished in Southeast Asia since 2003 (when 10 ASEAN member states agreed to launch more complex form of regionalism by 2016) and the signing of ASEAN Charter (2007), ASEAN has developed a complex for of health cooperation in the region. Since 2000s, ASEAN has institutionally a#empted to strengthen cooperation in preventing disease and promoting healthy lifestyle (see Arunanondchai and Fink 2007, Arase 2010, APHDA 2016). However, it is also evident that ASEAN member states still face the gap in health provision, as well as high wasting condition among children below 5 years old and high TBC prevalence in the region. It leads to some gaps between ASEAN member states in terms of Health provision. What explains the persistence of this problem in Southeast Asia? We argue that there has been 184

195 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 a missing link between universal health rights, which pushes the political authority (such as state) to provide universal health coverage to all of its citizen in a non-discrimanatory basis (Audrey 2017), with the politics of regional integration, which witnessed a higher degree of policy coordination across the region and institutional formation in ASEAN in the last 15 years (Jetschke 2009, Cockerham 2010; see also Beeson 2008). This research adresses two key questions. First, to what extent ASEAN integration scheme could accommodate the universal health rights? Second, From the lens olf multi-level governance, how does each level of governance coherently formulate a specific framework of Health Governance and where is the position of Health Rights? 2. Research Methods To answer these questions, we study the multi-level health governance ihealth governance in Southeast Asia by assessing 63 regional policy documents, which will be supported by an assessment of national policy frameworks in 3 states (Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore), as well as and 4 subnational government in Indonesia (Magelang and Surakarta) as well as Malaysia (Selangor and Penang). Theoretically, we draw upon Bob Jessop s contribution on multi-level metagovernance, which understand governance as strategy to manage a network of actors in multiple levels. 3. Findings and Discussion Health Rights and Regional Integration: Contending Perspectives This section a"empts to map contending perspectives on global health governance and locate this article s position amidst growing body of literature on this topic. There are at least four distinctive approaches in the study of Global Health Governance. Firstly, numerous literatures a"empt to understand the genesis and dynamics of health governance through the lens of social constructivism. This perspective, whilst acknowledges health problems as real, material phenomenon, also contends that such phenomenon could not be understood as a health problem unless actors a"ribute meanings to that phenomenon. Secondly, several literatures depart from critical security studies to elucidate the formation and operation of global health governance. Literatures departing from this point of view argued that concern over security works as the organizing principle of health governance. In contradistinction to social constructivists, this strand of literature does not perceive global health governance as a contested space within which different frames compete with each other. Thirdly, various literatures emphasize the importance of critical political economy in understanding the emergence of global health governance. This perspective argued that the transformation of global health governance is strongly influenced by capitalism and its contemporary ideology, neoliberalism. This perspective contends that global health governance is embedded in a wider political-economic landscape, dominated by capitalism and neoliberalism. Fourthly, numerous literatures depart from liberal functionalism. This strand of literature uses mutual interdependencies among actors as the main explanandum of global health cooperation. This perspective differs in how it portray the landscape of global health governance. Despite of the differences, these competing perspectives on health governance depart from similar assumptions. Firstly, it assumes the existence of a new mode of health governance, usually called as global health governance or post-westphalian health governance, in distinction with previous mode of governance called international health governance. Secondly, the role of state in perspectives discussed above remains unclear. Mainstream trends argue that state s role in global health governance is increasingly eroded by NGOs and international organizations. States role, however, remains crucial in guaranteeing the operations of global health governance. States, for instance, provide global health governance with legal frameworks which enable various actors including NGOs and IOs to pursue their interests or, even, compete with states. 185

196 Chapter V: ASEAN A Strategic-Relational Approach to State and Governance: Re-Understanding Health Cooperation in ASEAN In order to fill in these gaps, this paper will employ Jessop s strategic relational approach to state and governance. Jessop (1997, 2003, 2004) characterises the state and governance that maintains its activities in two distinct ways. Firstly, actors always work within ensemble of rules of strategic selectivities which already privilege certain actors and disserve others. Secondly, in contradistinction to argumentations that the role of states in politics is diminishing, SRA argues that states remain crucial. States provide other actors with underlying rules in Jessop s word, metagovernance which make governance at different levels compatible with each other. This implies that actors involved in governance are not completely equal. However, as discussed previously, this process occurs within the realm of politics. Cooperation occurs within the influence of strategic selectivities. Actors decisions to develop cooperation are structured by the selectivities although their agency is not withered by them. Such governance, in turn, also drives actors behaviour. Similarly, metagovernance intended to steer interactions among governance also determines actors range of possible actions. Therefore, we could argue that every practice of governance has been strategically influenced by a specific construction of ideas, which is manifested in the institutional form of governance in either domestic or international level. This paper a$empts to identify the dynamics of health governance in Southeast Asia as a form of multi-level governance. In conducting the analysis, this paper carves out different forms of governance of health in Southeast Asia the regional at ASEAN level, the national, and the local. Departing from Jessop s SRA, this paper will treat health governance in Southeast Asia as reflexive self-organization of independent actors involved in complex relations of reciprocal interdependence, with such self-organization being based on continuing dialogue and resource-sharing to develop mutually beneficial joint projects and to manage contradictions and dilemmas inevitably involved in such situations (Jessop, 2004: 1). This definition is selected by this paper since it succesfully captures the multi-actor, multi-level, and multi-space nature of health governance. Health governance is neither controlled by a centralized institution making top-down decisions on the subject or by the anarchy of the market. It is instead composed by multiplicity of actors at various levels who make collective a$empts to tackle health issues. The Evolution of Health Cooperation in ASEAN: A Multi-Level Governance Analysis To substantiate the claim based on the Strategic-Relational Approach, we present a model of multi-level governance analysis of health cooperation in the region. After identifying the regional health governance from a historical perspective, we move to analyse the health governance in both national and sub-national context. In national level, we pick up three examples of health governance in Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore to illustrate how Health Rights was exercised. In sub-national level, we pick up two sub-national health governance in Magelang and Surakarta (in Indonesian context), as well as two sub-national health governance in Penang and Selangor (in Malaysian context In Southeast Asia, we identify three level of governance in which health issues are exercised, namely (1) regional level; (2) national level; and (3) sub-national level. In the regional level, we reconstruct the evolution of ASEAN health governance by dividing it into 3 phases, namely: (1) Health Sovereignty phase ( ); (2) Health Security Phase ( ); and (3) Neoliberal Healthy Lifestyle phase (2009-present). This phase then constitute the metagovernance of regional health integration processes, which put Health Rights as the subordinate of the three metagovernance in each phases. The process could be drawn in the diagram below. Health Sovereignty Health Security Healthy Lifestyle Figure 2. The Evolution of Health Cooperation in ASEAN 186

197 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 As advised by Lamy and Pua (2012) and Acuin et. al (2011), the persistence of national sovereignty in regional health governance could be seen through the absence of a sufficient regional framework for health governance in between 1970s-1990s. There are several explanation on this absence. First, it was because the idea of universal health rights and universal health coverage is mainly advocated, and institutionalised globally through, the United Nations. Second, it was also due to the limited nature of ASEAN s institutional regime in its early establishment. How does national-level governments perceive and institutionalise Health Rights? In this paper, we take the case of Indonesia, Singapore, Malaysia to illustrate our argument that whilst Health Rights seems to disappear in the regional health cooperation, it is indeed emerge as a part of national development and healthcare system. Indonesia, Singapore and Malaysia articulates Universal Health Rights through a nationwide centralised planning, which is supported by government programs and budget commitments to provide national health provision. Whilst Malaysia and Singapore are inherited the National Health Service system by the British colonial government, Indonesia (particularly during the New Order era) incepted the Health Rights provision to the central programs of the Ministry of Health. The difference between the three states is in the provision system and the degree of centralisation. In Singapore, national health provision is highly centralised and market-based, which results in a highly efficient health system in the country. State, however, has an authority to intervene the health provision on Malaysia takes a more state-led developmental approach in providing health service, but since 1990s started the two-tier system for healthcare service (see WHO SEARO 2007). A deeper look in the sub-national level shows a variance of healthcare provision and how the Government take initiatives in managing health and fulfilling Health Rights. In the case of Wonosobo District, Indonesia, which is renowned with its role as Human Rights District, the Local Government tends to pay more a$ention on fulfilling Human Rights in public delivery service including health. Surakarta, on the other hand, pays more a$ention to fulfill the rights of HIV/AIDS patients with some policies, as well as improving a participatory approach to local governance, which includes health delivery system that involves local community in RT/RW level. Malaysian two-tier system of healthcare provision was taken up by the Penang Federal Government to develop a model of medical tourism. In the case Selangor, with its strategic location in the central area of Malaysia, the demand came from workforce, which prompt the Federal Government to take a more emphasis on well-being and productivity of workers. Rethinking Health Rights in ASEAN Regional Governance --Neglected or Networked? What accounts the construction of health cooperation in ASEAN and to what extent ASEAN integration scheme could accommodate the universal health rights? Our analysis has suggested that health cooperation in ASEAN is best understood as a governance of network, in which ASEAN does not play key role in regulating a powerful health institution in the region, nor it construct a strong institutional framework to incorporate health rights in the regional integration process. From the lens olf multi-level governance, we also suggest that Health Rights in ASEAN is not necessarily neglected. Instead, Health Rights is networked through multiple levels, particularly the national, subnational, and global level. 4. Acknowlegement We thank Annisa Maulia Fahmi and Husna Yuni Wulansari for their assistances in this research projet, as well as to the Faculty of Social and Political Sciences for the financial assistance through Competitive Collaborative Research Grant (2017) in completing this Research Project. Heartfelt thanks also due to Institute of International Studies and ASEAN Studies Center UGM who provide research facilities and resources. 187

198 Chapter V: ASEAN REFERENCES ASEAN Declaration of The 5th ASEAN Health Minister Meeting on Healthly ASEAN 2020, Yogyakarta, Indonesia ASEAN th ASEAN Summit Declaration on HIV/AIDS, Brunei Darussalam ASEAN Declaration of the 6th ASEAN Health Ministers Meeting On Healthy ASEAN Lifestyles (Vientiane Declaration), Vientiane, Lao PDR ASEAN ASEAN Regional Programme on HIV/AIDS Prevention and Control. ASEAN Joint Declaration of Special ASEAN Leaders Meeting on Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome (SARS), Bangkok, Thailand ASEAN Joint Statement of the Special ASEAN-China Leaders Meeting on the Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome (SARS), Bangkok, Thailand ASEAN ASEAN+3 Framework of Cooperation on Integration of Traditional Medicine/ Complementary and Alternative Medicine Into National Healthcare Systems, Penang, Malaysia ASEAN Co-Chairs Statement of the 7th ASEAN Health Ministers Meeting and the 1st ASEAN + 3 Health Ministers Meeting, Penang, Malaysia, 23 April 2004 ASEAN Joint Ministerial Statement on the Current Poultry Disease Situation, Bangkok, Thailand. ASEAN Declaration of the 8th ASEAN Health Ministers Meeting, ASEAN Unity in Health Emergencies Yangon, Myanmar ASEAN Declaration of the 8th ASEAN Health Ministers Meeting, ASEAN Unity in Health Emergencies Yangon, Myanmar ASEAN ASEAN Commitments on HIV and AIDS, Cebu, Philippines ASEAN Bangkok Declaration on Traditional Medicine in ASEAN ASEAN Hanoi Declaration on Traditional Medicine In ASEAN ASEAN Joint Statement of the Tenth ASEAN Health Ministers Meeting, Health People, Healthy ASEAN, Singapore. ASEAN ASEAN Declaration of Commitment:Ge!ing To Zero New HIV Infections, Zero Discrimination, Zero AIDS-Related Deaths, Bali, Indonesia ASEAN Jakarta Call for Action on the Control and Prevention of Dengue, Jakarta, Indonesia ASEAN Tawangmangu Declaration on Traditional Medicine In ASEAN, Indonesia ASEAN Joint Statement 11th ASEAN Health Minister Meeting, Phuket, Thailand. ASEAN ASEAN Dengue Day ASEAN Bandar Seri Begawan Declaration on Non-Communicable Diseases in ASEAN ASEAN Yangon Call for Action on the Prevention and Control of Dengue, Yangon, Republic of the Union of Myanmar ASEAN Fifth ASEAN-China Health Ministers Meeting Joint Statements, Hanoi, Vietnam Twelveth AHMM Joint Statements, Hanoi, Vietnam. ASEAN ASEAN Post-2015 Health Development Agenda. ASEAN ASEAN Declaration of Commitment: Ge!ing to Zero New HIV Infections, Zero Discrimation, Zero AIDS-Related DeathsREPRESENTATION OF ROMANTIC-SEXUAL 188

199 CHAPTER VI SOCIAL MEDIA AND JOURNALISM

200

201 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 Representation Of Romantic Sexual Kissing in Indonesian Drama Film: Analysis of Roland Barthes s Se miotics on Indonesian Drama Film Ada Apa Dengan Cinta? (2001) and Ada Apa Dengan Cinta 2 (2016) Eva Ulviati a,* a Master Program in Department of Communication Sciences, Fisipol UGM * ulvia_eva@yahoo.com Abstract Film as mass media has the ability to presents a whole track of stories and in order to deliver that message in easily way to its viewers it helped by visually and audiology. Visualization in film is a form of conceptual inspiration for representing processes. Visualization in Film is a form of conceptual inspiration for representing processes. The meanings are produced and exchanged in between members of Cultures. Discussion on this essay is about texts films that has purpose of analyzing, identifying romantic-sexual kissing as in lover as a couple who is loving each other which is being reconstruction and represented in these films. In this research, the definition for romantic-sexual kissing is about close touches on lip to lip which is has short or longer durations intake. This discussion of views based on Indonesian drama films on Ada Apa Dengan Cinta? (2001) and Ada Apa Dengan Cinta 2 (2016). This kiss would be analyzing from point of romanticism and sexualism, using methods of semiotics analysis by Roland Barthes. This study shows the existences of romantic-sexual kissing, that reinforces the romanticism and sexualism ideology. Keywords: representation, semiotics, film, romantic-sexual kissing 1. Introduction The kissing phenomenon exists and found in previous society even until now still a!ract the attention of society. It is proven by the emergence of many social controversies that are always as a hot topic, News like a kiss that occurred in several European countries (Samuel, 2013). Although the European country is a central state of first lips kiss appears even popular, but the emergence of a kiss in the public sphere is also not out of the spotlight. In Indonesia a case of kissing is quite attention, it s a case of lip kisses performed by a pair of teenagers who recorded practice of kissing on the lips at the garden Malang City (Taman Tugu Kota Malang) that more than eleven online sites preaching on it. In the view of Indonesia, kisses are still interpreted part of the practice that must be done in the private sphere that is always associated with sexuality is also in separable from religious point of view. Visualization of lips kissing practices that appear in Indonesian film is not the least that reaps the controversy due to the kiss scene in it. One of the films that had reaped controversy due to the appearance of the kiss scene even the title of the label, labeled kiss is a film Buruan Cium Gue! (2004). Although not only in Indonesia, in Hollywood was the sensor related kiss scene also happens that is called Hollywood Code (1927) (Lewis, 2002, p. 86). In Indonesia, the prohibition of kissing scene is clearly emblazoned in chapters written by Indonesian Commission Broadcasting (Komisi Penyiaran Indonesia or also called as KPI) (2004, p. 30 & 2012, p. 52), Indonesian Film Act (Undang-Undang Perfilman Indonesia) (PPRI nomor 7, 1994) even in the rules Pornography Act (Undang-Undang Prornografi). Here, it is then seen how the kiss in Indonesia 191

202 Chapter VI: Social Media and Journalism in particular became one of the topics that always invited the important spotlight both in the media and society in the first order. The kiss itself has many good meanings related to the aspect of romance, sexualism and intimacy. Representation kisses in the movie is also not necessarily present because there is interference film censorship agency (Lembaga Sensor Film). The word of kiss is explicitly present in the third section of the censorship criteria of the chapter IV/ third section of the article 19/year It is clear how important this kiss until it s written in Indonesian Film Act. It seems that none of the films did not experience cu!ing or deleting portions of images, scene, sounds, and translated texts as those written in Constitution no. 8/1992 about the Indonesian government film and regulation no. 7 of 1997 on film censorship institution. Rejection or acceptance of kissing practices characterized by the presence of controversy in the film is none other than because of the representation of kisses in the eyes of Indonesia is still considered taboo and not deserve to be publicized, especially when outside the context of married couples. Representation is capable of producing a culture that is continuous with the spread of meaning. The meaning itself flows through the language (Hall, 1997, p. 1-2). Thus through languages in mass media, meaning will be communicated to the audiences including kiss representation. The result, the kiss is often interpreted as a practice that considered taboo and more meaningful in negative point of view. Film Ada Apa Dengan Cinta? (2001) and Ada Apa Dengan Cinta 2 (2016) further in this study will be called AADC 1 and AADC 2. This AADC 1 (2001) film invites the audience to enter into the picture of teenage school children friendship and romantic romance. But, interestingly, in the end of the story closed with a lips kiss scene with duration of about 13 seconds before the couple is finally separated. While in the AADC 2 (2016) film the story continues after more than 14 years or a decade. But in the AADC 2 film, status of Rangga and Cinta is not a pair of lovers anymore. Cinta has been engaged to another Man (Trian) while Rangga still single. Althought they still love each other. The appearance of kisses in AADC 1 and AADC 2 movies differs both in terms of numbers, the laying of kissing scene and kissing actors. In AADC 1, a scene of kissing is shown at the end of the story, while in AADC 2 kissed two scenes with three kiss scenes in the middle of film and at the end of the film. Other than that, AADC 1 and AADC 2 during its release is still has a rating of the highest number of audiences even though it has been present in the different decades (lapse of 14 years from the release of AADC 1) namely AADC 1 is able to draw the audience s a!ention to 1.3 Million viewers and AADC 2 is able to become a pioneer of public a!ention as Indonesia s most wanted drama film with 3.6 Million (filmindonesia, 2016). In this research the kiss viewed from the side of perspective refers to the context of romantic and sexual kisses, especially in the context of Indonesian drama film as one of the social reality. A kiss that is considered a sexual romantic kiss is a kiss that brings the lip to the lips in the context of heterosexual couples the researcher will explore the questions and focus on the concept of romantic-sexual kissing and the film is a kiss in the sense of meeting contact between the lips met lips (lips to lips) that lasts long enough, in the look of affection between lovers who love each other. 2. Research methods This research is qualitative explorative by using semiotics approach by Roland Barthes. Semiotic method proposed by Roland Barthes will be used by researcher to explain or reveal the meaning of representation of romantic-sexual kissing in various viewpoints. Roland Barthes s semiotics method was chosen by the researcher because this method is the only one that emphasizes the myths in its data analysis that is the excavation further than the signification. In the denotation level the language will present conventions or social codes that are explicit while at the language connotation level present implicit code of meaning. The myth in understanding Barthes is a communication system, a message, that myth is not an object, concept or idea, but it is a mode of signification, a form (Barthes, 1972, p. 113). Myth is not defined based on message object but by the way in which the object conveys the message, it 192

203 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 is by itself a part of the semiotic system that involves signification. In the other words myth is a system of representation that serves to distort and then naturalize an ideology as to make it a natural in a social relation. 3. Findings and Discussion In the film AADC 1, Cinta (Dian Sastrowardoyo) as the main character is describe as a figure of a woman who has everything both in school and skill achievement in making poetry, smart and independent. While Rangga (Nicholas Saputra) is described as an intelligent male student who is also good at making poetry but also a book worm and does not have many friends. Signs of intimacy between Cinta and Rangga are shown with the start of a touch of physical. This physical contact which is then leads to a sensitive part, from just holding hands to touching lips by Cinta. It is said to be sensitive because the lips themselves are part of a human organ that has a high level of sensitivity in comparison with other body parts (K.Opler, 1969, p. 1). As the first stage of Freud s psychosexual development in the oral phase, it is assumed that the fundamental or basic accompaniment of human sexual interest is characterized by the lips as the earliest zone of popular satisfaction (K.Opler, 1969, p. 1). This means, that Cinta is actually not only passively accepting Rangga s treatment of her, but she also gives a deliberate form of deliberate touch to seduce Rangga. Through this touching depiction indicates the emergence of a kiss as the culmination of the closeness that they intertwine at the end of the film story. This film indirectly represents the figure of Cinta who has a Myriad of achievements and courage to express her feelings first to Rangga as a women who do not have to always surrender and accept the object of the role of male power, but as a woman figure Cinta is also a discursive subject who is powerless to deny the presence of a man in her life, so the emergence of the power to defend and pursue Rangga. The emergence of other value or negotiation that other than women are considered passive but a woman also has a bargaining value to not only accept all the treatment of men. In addition, this film wants to reject the ideological taboo that has developed in Indonesia. This tabological ideology is raised in films with kisses performed in public places (Airport) by teenage couples who are still in high school. In other words, the kisses between Rangga and Cinta scene reflect the subversive form of the entry of the modern world as a subversive symbol of individual freedom. It symbolizes new freedoms as being done in public places form of demonstration of their relationship to the public as the meaning of kisses developed in Europe. Although the appearance of a lips kiss in Indonesian film AADC 1 is not the first thing but it simply signifies the form of freedom given the existence of the control system of Indonesian film act but this film pass the sensor. In the movie AADC 2 Cinta shows the shape of the physical contact directly through the handshake then kissed Rangga first. Cinta is described in AADC 1 as a passive woman who is follows the path of Rangga, not reject the form of treatment that emerged from Rangga side as Cinta initiative to kiss Rangga first in AADC 2. This means that Cinta turned into an active figure (subject) again the man with Rangga who became the object. This is in contrast to ideology of patriarchy and marginalization. Women as subordinate as described in AADC 1. This means that AADC 2 film raises an ambiguous element of Cinta s character that is ideological ba"le form on independent woman s representation can be subject not to be male anymore. Although Cinta s status is a Trian fiancé this doesn t affect or prevent Cinta for kissing Rangga first. Cinta with all that she has achieved then became the subject of modern women who have been successful in her life. Nevertheless behind all these articulation the established women remain a discursive subject which does not rule out the presence of males in her life. So in the end still representation of the character Cinta back to the figure of the helpless woman from the power of the man through the feelings of the excited feeling of love and as a form of demonstration of her feelings then manifested through a kiss pinned by her to Rangga. The kiss in the AADC 1 and AADC 2 however shows a romantic-sexual kissing. The kiss also appears to be something so iconic and popular as a kisses that fill important episodes 193

204 Chapter VI: Social Media and Journalism in the history of romance and classic romance that the kiss is the culmination of everything before the end of the audience is brought to the scene of the kiss placed at the end of the story. In particular male character most often express ideal types whereas female characters most often express challenges. It is also presented by Tood (2014, p. 4) that the literature on love and romance is primarily shown for female consumers this assumption is supported by the opinion of Giddens as Tood (2014, p. 4) that the ideology to be built behind it is the fostering of love is entirely the duty of women so that the remaining space is a space intended for women to foster her love affair and romanticism especially shown to the female audiences. This phenomenon is related to traditional romantic ideology that refers to perspective culture script dictating how love evolves and enforces. This script is said to be very pegged to refer to gender. This is related to what the gendered dictation script is about how each member of the sex should show love determines the role in love, for men against woman and vice versa. Rudman and Glick (2008, p. 205) argue that the ideology of romantic love has traditionally restricted the freedom to apply specific love in a way that is like holding onto genders. Cinta in the film depicted several times biting her lips and also busy beautify her lips with lipstick. This shows the form of sexual imagination and the pleasure that it want to emphasize in the film that the lip of a woman is very important part of sexual pleasure. The scene in which Cinta is often portrayed biting her lips is related to the historical aspect that Benson has expressed that the taste of a kiss depends on the lips of the woman. As has been said by Benson (1901, p ) that is as the flavor of a kiss depends on the woman s mouth or in other words a woman is portrayed beautifully if her lips are well formed and sweet to smell the sense of a kiss depends on a woman s lips. 4. Conclusion Based on the results of research on both AADC films, its shows there is a connection between the exposure of romantic drama film and the validation of the belief on the relationship and idealistic form of a couple in particular. This film supports kisses as endorsement of romantic beliefs. These findings have implications for some ideas from a romantic perspective the second outcome at this study gives a sense of support for the support discourse that the pattern in the AADC films are in accordance with the principles of similar film in terms of both romanticism and sexualism globally. The kiss in its representation in the film is none other than but to maintain a sincere tone to mask subordination in the patriarchal stereotype itself. The practice of kissing in the film has then inculcated the value of obsession with its viewers over everything visually documenting the power of symbolism. 5. Acknowledgement This research is masterpiece of my Master degree study program. Although only my name appears on the cover of this research in fact there are so many people who have contributed to the writing and the creation of this paper. The words I give here cannot fully express my immense gratitude to the people who have helped my success. My first gratitude is to God, for the blessing of this writing is finally done. My second gratitude is to my parents, my beloved dad Rudjito and my beloved mother Sringatun, because they always helped me, their concern, their love, their prayers, everything for me for the sake of my study. The next important person is Mas Budi Irawanto M.A., Ph.D. He is my mentor, with his wisdom and patience, has guided me through the difficult stage of writing Thesis with precision that really change my writing. He showed me that revision is not a sign of weakness but a sign of commitment to my skills, ssomeone who would give me the opportunity to spend some precious time helping and teaching me to accomplish this writing. For my good friends without any exceptions and also the Hibah FISIPOL UGM team who has given me the opportunity to get aid fund as a form of appreciation for my research. This is the most beautiful moment ever in my life I am glad to be present in this time 194

205 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 REFERENCES Benson, Walter. (1901). The Kiss and Its History. Provo, Utah: Oliver & Boyd Edinburgh. Barthes, Roland. (1972). Mythologies (Selected and translated from French by Annette Lavers). New York Farrar, Straus & Giroux: The noonday Press. Film Indonesia. (2016, Oktober 1). Data Penonton. < h!p://filmindonesia.or.id/movie/ viewer/2016#.wd9t4h2cziu>, <h!p://filmindonesia.or.id/movie/review/rev4cd636ea84c34_ ada-apa-dengan-cinta#.wii-htj97iu> Hall, Stuart. (1997). Representation: Cultural Representations and signifying Practices. London: SAGE Publication. K.Opler, Marvin. (1969). Cross-Cultural Aspects of Kissing. Medieval Aspect of Human Sexuality, 3 (2); 11,13,17, Komisi Penyiaran Indonesia. (2004). Pedoman Perilaku Penyiaran dan Standar Program Siaran. Jakarta.. (2012). Pedoman Perilaku Penyiaran (p3) dan Standar Program Siaran (SPS). Jakarta. Lewis, Jon. (2002). Hollywood v. Hard Core: How the Struggle Over Cencorship Saved the Modern Film Industry. New York and London: New York University Press. Peraturan Pemerintah Republik Indonesia. (1994). Tentang Lembaga Sensor Film Presiden Republik Indonesia. Menteri Negara Sekretaris Negara Republik Indonesia. Jakarta. Rudman, Laurie A. & Glick, Peter. (2008). The social Psychology of Gender: How Power and Intimacy Shape Gender Relations. New York: The Guilford Press. 195

206 Chapter VI: Social Media and Journalism Urban Muslimah Lifestyle at Instagram (Contents Analysis of Urban Muslimah Lifestyle Representation in Instagram Dian Pelangi) Fitrinanda An Nur a,* a Master Program in Department of Communication Sciences, Fisipol UGM * fitnanda@m ail.ugm.ac.id Abstract This study aims to explain the lifestyle representation of urban muslimah in Dian Pelangi s Instagram. The background of this research is the widespread use of the veil that is now transformed into Muslim women s lifestyle. Instagram becomes a new way for Muslimah to actualize themselves. Dian Pelangi is one of the most active hijabers in Instagram, besides being a muslim fashion designer, she also has other businesses as well. This research uses qualitative content analysis method, by looking at four photos from four selected hashtags. The results of this study indicate that the lifestyle of muslimah appear through the choices of consumption Dian Pelangi in everyday life. Dian Pelangi activities cannot be separated from leisure activities such as travelling. Dian Pelangi also showed her interest in branded products. This style of consumption behavior cannot be separated from Dian Pelangi s work background. Keywords: lifestyle, muslimah, urban, instagram, Dian Pelangi 1. Introduction After experiencing the ups and downs of the hijab acceptance, now the Muslim women are facing freedom in opinion and expression. This freedom also marked by the development of the hijab industry. The entry of covered clothes in various aspects of life, making hijab no longer interpreted as a mere duty to obey the aurat law, but now the veil becomes a lifestyle for the Muslim community. Hijab is basically aimed to cover head, shoulders, and face. In English the hijab is known as veil. Hijab itself is derived from the Arabic word meaning cover, covering, or hide while in plural Indonesian is called jilbab (Guindi, 2005). The use of hijab is now the lifestyle of muslimah in Indonesia. This is certainly encouraged by the presence of celebrity or icons representing the hijab, such as Zaskia Adya Mecca, Dewi Sandra, Zaskia Sungkar, etc. Media is a way used by Muslim women to introduce hijab to other Muslim women. The emergence of celebrities who wear hijab became a magnet for muslimah in Indonesia. The presence of events in the month of Ramadan presenting hijabi women increased the use of hijab in Indonesia. Even the phenomenon of the Ayat-Ayat Cinta movie in 2008 lead to the history of the hijab popularity. The fame of this movie also opened the path for religion-themed movies in Indonesia. For example, Ketika Cinta Bertasbih (2009), Perempuan Berkalung Sorban (2009), 99 Cahaya di Langit Eropa (2013), and so on. Along with the technology advancement, changes in lifestyle become inevitable. Lifestyle changes that occur in society seem to have a major influence among women. These influences can be seen in terms of wearing hijab among the community (Pakuna, 2014). 196

207 Proceeding Fisipol's Research Days 2017 As technology developments come in, and the use of social media is increasing, this ultimately makes the women be able to wear hijab freely without pressure from anyone. The well-known hijaber through social media guided the popularity of hijab. Every hijab designer showcase a modern lifestyle through its fashion and style. The growth of hijab style, and the rise of hijab campaigns in the media encourage muslimah to wear hijab. Meanwhile, with the use of social media such as Blog, Twitter, and Instagram, making the popularity of hijab unstoppable. Through the social media, the hijaber shows hijab tutorial, trend, mix and match through Outfit of the Day (OOTD). Thus, it is convinced that hijab is no longer a mere obligation of muslimah in order to cover their private parts, but it has been transformed into modern lifestyle and become a guide in style. The growth of hijab fashion business makes investors competing to create their own hijab brand. Hijab is now be!er known as fashion for muslimah, and also a feature to show their class. Therefore, the birth of the leading brands of hijab is based on the desire to become an exclusive Muslim woman with stylish and fashionable fashion but still honoring the piety. Dian Pelangi as a hijaber began to be famous at the start of her business in the fashion field. The uniqueness of Dian Pelangi (DP) is based on the selection of colors that are considered brave. DP blends bright colors into the design of her clothes. DP modifies the old-fashioned syar i hijab into a fashionable hijab style. In contrast to other hijab designers, Dian Pelangi offers the latest fashion trends which not only following the market taste, but also has its own characteristics. Dian was not only developing in the fashion industry, but she also expanded its business through the muslimah community which was named Hijabers Community in Additionally, Dian Pelangi established business in the field of print media that was aimed for muslimah namely Hijabella. Researcher assumed that the figure of Dian Pelangi has depicted the new identity, as well as a more modern lifestyle of muslimah through photo sharing in her Instagram account. By displaying the various modes of clothing and cosmetics, as well as the variety of activities that she displays. This will then lead women to be consumptive. Therefore, this study would like to explain how the lifestyle of urban muslimah is represented in Dian Pelangi Instagram. 2. Research Methods This qualitative research used qualitative content analysis approach. The research object are Dian Pelangi Instagram posts within There were four photos with most likes and those photos reflected four chosen hashtags. These choices were based on most used hashtags on her posts. One photo may represent one selected hashtag, as there are a high number of photos and might have same theme. The selected photos were 1) #DPxoxoHijup with photo title Jedah, collected likes; 2) #DPstylingtips with photo title Outfits for Umrah, collected likes; 3) #DPdreamteam with photo title Mercedes Benz Fashion Week Doha, collected 64,420 likes; and 4) #LDKEurotripWithWardah with photo title Paris, collected likes. The analysis unit in this research were aspect of Instagram and lifestyle. Instagram aspect consists of photo, photo title, arroba (@), hashtag (#), geotagging (location of Instagram user), likes, and comments. Lifestyle defined by leisure activity and fashion. All these aspects should not be present on every photo being analyzed, as the features or aspect on Instagram is an option for its users. 3. Findings and Discussion In the overall hashtag usage in Dian Pelangi s Instagram posts, those were similar in indicating activity. These promotional activities are both related to the hashtag made. It can be seen how Dian Pelangi wanted to show meaning and message through photograph. Dian Pelangi used some of Instagram features to promote some products through her posts about her activities. Thus, these lead other muslimah who become Dian Pelangi Instagram followers to be consumptive and adoring beauty through fashion, the selection of accessories, how to 197

208 Chapter VI: Social Media and Journalism dress up, the choice of fashion brands, and so on. Dian Pelangi take advantage of her position as a brand ambassador to attract followers, by posting various activities related to travel and also information about the product. She made her Instagram distinguished from other fashion designers who also have Instagram, as she doesn t only post her selfie. Once again, Dian Pelangi used her popularity as a designer to make Instagram a medium to gain profit. This promotional activity does not look monotonous, as she has a skill to highlight the interesting side in promotional activities. She combined the emotion of her traveling behavior and her fashion style to create a selling post without explicitly doing it. Through her activities, Dian Pelangi telling her story about her interest in Islamic fashion style. Besides that, Dian Pelangi also interpreted her job as a pleasure, by maximizing her spare time between hectic schedule. Therefore, Dian Pelangi spent more time in working, while her leisure activities did not separated from the scope of her work. Again, Dian s choices on leisure activities are closely related to her work as a fashion designer. Besides, Dian also show her activities with her family, as well as with friends in Hijabers Community. It indicates that Dian s choice is strongly influenced by her job background and the scope of her activities. This choice becomes more impressive as she represented herself as a hard worker and give concern about her surrounding. Related to that, urban people understand the importance of good time management, as they have high mobility level. In accordance with its characteristics, urban people are also more concerned with work-related interests. In relation with fashion, muslimah clothing was eventually become a commodity that makes it as an object of exploitation for the capital owners. This restores the basic issues of physical worship that pushes women to be consumptive because physical is the main thing. It also means that the capital ownders also work hard to find a way to be able to target the market and this is a capitalism attempt to stabilize the market. In the process of spreading the lifestyle, she aimed to return women to their domestic territory by the way of 198