CHAPTER-III PROFILE OF THE BJP IN HARYANA

Transcription

1 CHAPTER-III PROFILE OF THE BJP IN HARYANA This chapter attempts to presen ufile of th* RTP Kv stri party, social background of its office bearers, the nature of its leadership and the pattern of factionalism in the party. It is necessary to describe and analyze these because they have made a profound influence in shaping its support base in Haryana and on its failure in broadening the same. According to the constitution of the BJP, the state level organizational structure of the BJP in Haryana consists of the State Executive, the State Election Committee and the State Council. The Organizational Structure The State Executive includes, the President and not more than 16 members out of whom five should be women and five scheduled castes/tribes.1 The President is to be elected by the members of the State Council. He can nominate not more than five Vice Presidents, three General Secretaries, four Secretaries and one Treasurer. Out of the office bearers, one must be a woman. The 91

2 election of the President and the nomination of the office bearers by him does not require ratification by the National Executive of the BJP.2 Thus, constitutionally, the State Executive is independent of the control of the central leadership so far as the organizational dimension is concerned. But it can not do anything in violation of the principles of the BJP. However, it has been given the autonomy as far as the formulation of policies and supervision of the lower units are concerned.3 The state President can attend meetings of the National Council as an Ex-Officio member and can participate in its deliberations for policy making and is free to express his view there regarding matters pertaining to the state concerned. actual practice, it is more of a constitutional fiction and less of a ground reality. As a matter of fact, the President of the State unit is nominated by the National President of the BJP and works in accordance with the directions of central leadership of the party because the BJP is a highly centralized political organization.4 The former Presidents, Ram Bilas Sharma and O. P. Grover as well as the present President, Rattan Lai Kataria had been nominated by the National President in office at the time of their nomination. None of them had been initially elected by the State 92

3 Council, in fact their election was ratified by the State Council subsequently.5 The State Executive elects the State Election Committee consisting of 15 members.6 This Committee is required to propose the names of the party candidates for the parliamentary and assembly elections to the Central Elections Committee. It also does the finalization of the nominees of the party for the elections to the Municipalities, Panchayati Raj Institutions and the Cooperative Institutions. The election campaign of the party too is conducted by it. The State Election Committee can seek the required help from the front organization of the RSS like the m n Vishva Hindu Parishad, the Bajrang Dal, Swadeshi Jagran Morcha,9 Bhartiya Mazdoor Sangh,10 Akhil Bhartiya Vidyarthi Parishad,11 etc. and from the RSS leaders and the workers. The State Council of the BJP consists of the following categories of the members: 1) The members equal to the number of assembly seats to be elected by the district units. However, these should include the scheduled caste members equal to the number of the reserved assembly seats in the district. 93

4 2) Ten percent (but not more than 10 ML As) elected by the BJP Legislature Party of the state. 3) Ten percent (but not more than 3 MPs) by the party MPs from the state. 4) All members of the National Council from the state. 5) All members of the State Executive. 6) All former Presidents of the state unit. 7) All office-bearers of a Regional Committee. 8) Leaders of the Party in State Assembly and State Council. 9) Presidents and General Secretaries of the District Committees in the state. 10) Party Presidents/Chairmen of Corporations, Municipalities, Zila Parishads and Blocks. 11) Nominated members (not more than 25) by the State President. 12) State Presidents of allied Morchas and Cells. 94

5 Below the state level are the District Committees and Mandal Committees of the party. The District Committee consists of 20 members elected by the Mandal Committees.12 Three of them should be women and an equal number should be the scheduled castes. The President of the District Committee is elected by these 20 members. He nominates the office bearers of the district which include three Vice Presidents and one General Secretary. Actually, the Presidents are appointed through consensus by the state leadership. The District Committee merely formally elects him through a sort of ratification in the name of election. There are 20 District Committees in Haryana for the following districts: Panchkula, Ambala, Yamuna Nagar, Karnal, Panipat, Kurukshetra, Kaithal, Sonepat, Jhajjar, Rohtak, Jind, Hisar, Fatehabad, Sirsa, Bhiwani, Mohindergarh, Rewari, Gurgaon, Faridabad and Palwal.13 The Mandal Committee consists of 14 members elected by the Local Committees.14 However, two of them should be women and the same number the scheduled castes. The President of the Mandal Committee is elected by its members. He appoints office bearers including two Vice Presidents, one General Secretary and 95

6 one Treasurer. There are 156 Mandal Committees in the state at present and each has 21 members.15 The Local Committee is the party organization at the grass root level.16 It must have at least 50 members. However, if the population of an area is less than one thousand, it can have 25 members. The President of the Local Committee is elected by its members. He nominates the office bearers including two Vice Presidents. However, one of them should be a woman. Presently, there are 7208 Local Committees in the state.17 Each has 8 to 13 members. Besides these units of the party organization at various levels, there is BJP Legislature Party at the state level, its leaders and other office bearers are elected by the MLAs of the party. In addition to these, the BJP has the following Morchas and Cells18: 1. Kisan Morelia. 2. Yuva Morcha. 3. Mahila Morcha. 4. Scheduled Castes Morcha. 96

7 5. Minority Morcha. 6. Trader Cell. 7. Industry Cell. 8. Backward Class Cell. 9. Doctor s Cell. 10. Advocate s Cell. 11. Panchayati Raj Cell. 12. Local Bodies Cell. 13. Ex-Serviceman Cell. The Social and Political Background of the Present Office Bearers in the State Level Organization19 A. Office Bearers of the State Executive 1. The President: Rattan Lai Kataria, a local Ravidasia (scheduled caste) from a town (Ladwa) in Kurukshetra district and a member of Lok Sabha from Ambala (reserved) Parliamentary Constituency. 97

8 2. The Vice Presidents: i) Gurdial Singh, a local Sikh Saini from village Chanarthal (Kurukshetra), former MLA from Thanaser Assembly Constituency and a former MP from Kurukshetra Parliamentary Constituency. ii) Kishan Singh Sangwan, a local Hindu Jat from a town, Gohana, in Sonepat district, a former MLA from Gohana Assembly Constituency, an ex-minister of Haryana in Lok Dal (B), Janata Dal and SJP ministries and an MP from Sonepat Parliamentary Constituency. iii) Professor Ganeshi Lai, a local Hindu Bania from Sirsa, former MLA and a Minister in HVP-BJP ministry headed by Bansi Lai ( ). 3. The General Secretaries: i) Manohar Lai, a local Hindu Bania RSS worker from Rohtak. He looks after the organization of the party. ii) Om Prakash Dhankar, a local Hindu Jat RSS worker from Charkhi Dadri (Bhiwani). iii) Vir Kumar Yadav, a local Hindu Ahir from Rewari, who had been active in the ABVP. 98

9 4. The Secretaries: i) Ramesh Kashyap, a backward class Hindu Jhimmar from Karnal, a former MLA from Gharaunda Assembly Constituency. ii) Ms. Shakuntla Raj a local Hindu Jat woman from Jind. iii) Dev Kumar Sharma, a local Hindu Brahman RSS worker from Mandi Dabhwali (Sirsa). iv) Pradeep Kumar, a local Hindu Bania RSS worker from Rewari. 5. Office Secretary: Gulshan Walia, a Punjabi Hindu Khatri RSS worker from Rohtak. 6. Treasurer: Ram Niwas Goyal, a local Bania RSS worker from Hisar. B. Members of the Executive Committee 1. Ram Bilas Sharma, a local Hindu Brahman from Mohindergarh district. He has been MLA from Mohindergarh Assembly Constituency and minister in HVP-BJP ministry headed by Bansi Lai. There are following other members: 99

10 2. Om Prakash Grover, a Punjabi Hindu Arora RSS worker from Rewari who was earlier President of the state unit. 3. I. D. Swami, a local Hindu Brahman, a retired IAS officer, an MP from Karnal Parliamentary Constituency and a Minister of State for Home Affairs in the Union Government. 4. Krishan Pal, a local Hindu Gujjar, an MLA from Mewala Maharajpur, leader of Haryana BJP Legislature Party and a former Minister in Bansi Lai led HVP-BJP Coalition Government. 5. Ishwar Singh, a local Hindu Jat from Narnaund (Hisar), National Vice President of the Kisan Morcha of BJP. 6. Hans Raj Swan, a local Hindu Ramdasia scheduled caste settled at Panchkula, a retired IPS officer and National Vice Chairman of Scheduled Caste Morcha of BJP. 7. Ramesh Joshi, a local Hindu Brahman from Charkhi Dadri (Bhiwani), former General Secretary of the state unit of BJP. 8. Kamla Verma, a Hindu Punjabi Khatri woman from Yamuna Nagar, former MLA from Yamuna Nagar Constituency and had served as Minister in Devi Lai led Lok Dal-BJP Government and Bansi Lai led HVP-BJP Government. 100

11 9. Sita Ram Singhla, a local Hindu Bania from Gurgaon, former MLA who represented Gurgaon Assembly Constituency. 10. Purshotam Deshmukh, a local Hindu Brahman RSS worker from Rohtak. 11. Kailash Chand Sharma, a local Hindu Brahman from Narnaul, an ex-mla and a former Minister in Bansi Lai HVP-BJP Government. 12. Sat Prakash Rosha, a Punjabi Hindu Ahluwalia from Kurukshetra, Chairman of the Discipline Committee. 13. Prashant Kumar, a local Hindu Bania, RSS worker from Bhiwani. 14. Jang Bahadur Chauhan, a local Hindu Rajput from Karnal. 15. Santosh Ahuja, a Punjabi Hindu Arora woman from Karnal, member of the National Working Committee of the Mahila Morcha. 16. Ram Chandra Bainda, a local Hindu Jat of Hisar district and an MP from Faridabad Parliamentary Constituency. 17. Sudha Yadav, a local Hindu Ahir woman from Rewari, an MP from Mohindergarh Parliamentary Constituency. 101

12 18. Fateh Chand Aggarwal, a local Hindu Bania from Ambala City, ex-mla. 19. Veena Chhiber, a Punjabi Brahman woman, MLA from Ambala City. 20. Ved Kapoor Chand, a local Hindu Brahman MLA from Shahbad (Kurukshetra) and a former Minister in Bansi Lai led HVP-BJP Government. 21. Chander Bhatia, a Punjabi Hindu Khatri and an ex-mla from Faridabad. 22. Jai Narain, a local Hindu Ravidasia (SC) from Rohtak, ex- MLA from Kalanaur (Reserved) Assembly Constituency. 23. Sarita Narian, a local Hindu Ravidasia (SC) woman from Rohtak, ex-mla. 24. Devi Das, a Punjabi Hindu Arora, ex-mla from Sonepat. 25. Rao Ajit Singh, a local Hindu Ahir from Rampura, Rewari. He is son of Rao Birender Singh, former Union Minister and former Chief Minister of Haryana and a younger brother of Rao Inderjit Singh, a former MLA from Jatusana, MP from Gurgaon Parliamentary Constituency and a Minister in Congress Government led by Bhajan Lai. 102

13 26. Shashi Pal Mehta, a Punjabi Hindu Khatri, ex-mla from Karnal and an Ex-Minister who served in Bansi Lai led HVP-BJP Government. 27. Jagmohan Mittal, a local Hindu Bania RSS worker from Rohtak. 28. Raj Pal Suhag, a local Hindu Jat from Jhajjar. 29. Dashrath Chauhan, local Hindu Rajput from Rewari. 30. Harbans Lai Gandhi, a Punjabi Hindu Arora from Gurgaon. 31. Suraj Pal Singh, a local Hindu Rajput from Taoru (Gurgaon), former Chairman of State Land Development Bank, ex-mla from Taoru and an Ex-Minister in Bansi Lai led HVP-BJP Government. 32. Om Prakash Sharma, a local Hindu Brahman from Narwana (Jind). 33. Bansi Ram Mangla, a local Bania from Gurgaon. 34. Balbir Singh, a local Hindu Jat from Faridabad. 103

14 35. Swami Inder Vaish, a local Hindu Jat, Arya Samaji Sanyasi from Rohtak, an Ex-MP who was elected to Lok Sabha on the ticket of Lok Dal in 1980 Parliamentary Election. 36. Gobind Bhardwaj, a local Hindu Brahman from Narnaul (Hisar). Besides these 36 members, there are 16 Special Invitees to the Executive Committee: 1. Ram Nath Gupta, a local Hindu Bania from Chandigarh. 2. Krishan Nagal, a Punjabi Hindu Arora woman from Kurukshetra. 3. Neera Tomar, a local Hindu Rajput woman from Faridabad. 4. Ram Lai, a local Hindu Brahman from Mehiampur (Yamuna Nagar). 5. Dalip Singh, a local Hindu Jat from Sonepat. 6. Anuj Sharma, a local Hindu Brahman woman based at Delhi. 7. Kunwar Vijay Pal Singh, a local Hindu Rajput from Ladwa (Kurukshetra). 104

15 8. Satinder Parmar, a local Hindu Rajput from Samjharwas (Bhiwani). 9. Dharam Vir Punia, a local Hindu Jat from Bhiwani. 10. Sujan Chand, a local Hindu Saini from Ateli (Mohindergarh). 11. Savitri Grewal, a local Hindu Jat from Satrodkhund (Bhiwani). 12. Jyotika Saxena, a local Hindu Kaisth woman from Panipat. 13. Kamal Gupta, a local Hindu Bania from Hisar. 14. Kirpal Singh Bajwa, a Punjabi Jat Sikh from Sarawa (Yamuna Nagar). 15. Randhir Singh Golan, a local Hindu Rod from Pundri (Kaithal). 16. Anand Sharma, a local Hindu Brahman from Ballabhgarh (Faridabad). C. The Social and Political Background of the heads of the five Morchas and the eight Cells is as given below: 1. Kisan Morcha: Kanwar Pal Singh, local Hindu Gujjar MLA from Chhachrauli (Yamuna Nagar) Assembly Constituency. 105

16 2. Mahila Morcha: Neela Khera, a Punjabi Hindu Khatri from Panipat. 3. Yuva Morcha: Subhash Bhatia, a Punjabi Hindu Arora from Tohana (Fatehabad). 4. Minorities Morcha: Aurgzeb, a local Muslim Meo of Bissu (Gurgaon). 5. Scheduled Caste Morcha: Rattan Lai Bahmani, a local Hindu Balmiki (SC) from Sirsa. 6. Trader Cell: Krishan Prashad, a local Jain Bania from Ambala City. 7. Industrial Cell: Shashi Pal Mehta (His background has already been mentioned). 8. Backward Classes Cell: Rameshwar Lai Chauhan, a local Hindu Luhar (BC) from Rohtak. 9. Doctor s Cell: Dr. Dharam Vir Nandal, a local Hindu Jat from Gohana (Sonepat). 10. Advocate s Cell: Krishan Lai Bhardwaj, a local Hindu Brahman from Sonepat. 106

17 11. Panchayati Raj Cell: Kartar Singh, a local Hindu Saini of Jind. 12. Local Bodies Cell: Nitin Bhatia, a Punjabi Hindu Khatri from Panipat who has been President of Panipat Municipal Council. 13. Ex-Servicemen Cell: Col. Jai Narayan, a local Hindu Rajput from Bhiwani. D. Social and Political Background of the Presidents of the District Committees. 1. Ambala: Bharat Bhushan, a local Hindu Bania a Medical Practitioner of village Jatwad having RSS background. 2. Yamuna Nagar: Sardar Hardeep Singh, a local Jat Sikh Landlord of village Nagla Khalsa, district Yamuna Nagar. 3. Kurukshetra: Bharat Bhushan Bharti, a Punjabi Hindu Arora advocate from Pehowa, having RSS background. 4. Sonepat: Om Prakash Atri, a local Hindu Brahman of Sonepat having RSS background. 5. Panipat: Leela Dhar Verma, a Punjabi Hindu Arora of Palwal having RSS background. 107

18 6. Gurgaon: Anuradha Sharma, a Gurgaon based local Hindu Brahman woman worker of the BJP. 7. Rewari: Yogender Singh Yadav, a local Hindu Ahir Advocate of Rewari. 8. Mohindergarh: Ajit Singh Yadav, a local Hindu Ahir Advocate of village Kalahari in district Mohindergarh. 9. Bhiwani: Captain Dharam Pal, a local Hindu Rajput BJP worker of Bhiwani. 10. Rohtak: Manish Grover, a Punjabi Hindu Arora BJP worker from Rohtak. 11. Jhajjar: Usha Ahlawat, a local Hindu Jat woman worker of BJP from village Dujana, district Jhajjar. 12. Jind: Sita Ram Bagri, a local Hindu Bania of Narwana with RSS background. 13. Hisar: Ram Kumar Gautam, a local Hindu Brahman of Hisar having RSS background. 14. Panchkula: Kanwar Sein Singla, a local Hindu Bania RSS worker of Kalka in Panchkula district. 108

19 15. Karnal: Ram Kumar Walia, a local Hindu Bania from Karnal, having RSS background. 16. Sirsa: Girdhari Lai Wadhwa, a Punjabi Hindu of Mandi Dabwali having RSS background. 17. Fatehabad: Mahavir Prasad, a Hisar based local Hindu Bania having RSS background. 18. Faridabad: Jagdish Goyal, a local Hindu Bania with RSS background. 19. Panipat: Dr. Manohar Suneja, a Punjabi Hindu Arora RSS worker from Panipat. 20. Kaithal: Ravi Bhushan Garg, a local Hindu Bania from Kaithal having RSS background. Leadership The leadership of BJP in Haryana may be described, to a great extent, as a legacy from the Jana Sangh of the pre and the post re-organization periods. Mangal Sein, a Punjabi Hindu Khatri, homeopathic medical practitioner, who was a RSS worker of longstanding, emerged as the most important leader of the Jana Sangh in Haryana region in the pre-re-organization period after 109

20 his success from Rohtak in Punjab Legislative Assembly elections held in His position was further strengthened after he was again elected from there in the 1962 elections, Mangal Sein had not only been able to make a mark as a parliamentarian but also as an organizer and as a bold agitator in the Save Hindi Movement from In fact, he had been jailed twelve times in different agitations in a period of six years. Dr. Mangal Sein who was born at Thanaswar in district Sargoda of Pakistan in 1927 had started his political career as a life devotee RSS Parcharak in 1946 and had served in that capacity in Jammu and Kashmir before the partition and the independence in He remained bachelor to carry out his mission. Dr. Mangal Sein had joined the Jana Sangh at the time of its foundation in 1950 and had attended almost all the All India Sessions of the Jana Sangh at various places as a delegate. He retained that status after the creation of Haryana as a separate state on November 1, 1966 and remained leader of the Jana Sangh group in Haryana Legislative Assembly after his election in 1967 and in 1968 from Rohtak Assembly Constituency. However, he lost in 1972 elections from there. But was able to recover his position as a leader in the party through his role as General Secretary of Jana Sangharsh Samiti (J. P. Movement) in 110

21 Haryana during and his imprisonment during the emergency. He also remained as the most important leader of the Jana Sangh group in the Janata Party and served as a Minister in the Janata Government headed by Devi Lai ( ) and Bhajan Lai ( ) after his election to Haryana Assembly in 1977 from his old constituency. The position of Mangal Sein remained the same when the Jana Sangh faction of the Janata Party decided to form the BJP after the 1980 parliamentary elections. He remained leader of the BJP group in Haryana Assembly from 1980 to 1982 and 1982 to 1985 till he resigned from the Haryana Assembly in protest against the Punjabi Accord in 1985 and joined the Haryana Sangharsh Samiti Movement against it under the leadership of Devi Lai. He was again elected to Haryana Assembly in 1987 and remained the leader of the BJP Legislature Party till his death in It is also pertinent to mention that he had also been elected to Haryana Assembly from Rohtak Constituency in 1982 elections. Dr. Mangal Sein s contribution in strengthening of the BJP cannot be ignored. But his Punjabi and urban merchant caste background proved to be a barrier in the way of the expansion of the support base of the BJP among the agriculturist castes in ill

22 rural Haryana. In fact, his task had been made difficult by the historical, cultural, economic and political background of Haryana in which religion has been always eclipsed in the state politics by caste factor. Be that as it may, the BJP has remained leaderless after his death and the vacuum in the leadership caused by his death has not been filled up till now.21 After Dr. Mangal Sein s death, Suraj Bhan had begun to emerge as the leader of BJP in Haryana. This local Hindu Ravidasia (SC) had come into prominence in 1967 when he had been elected to Lok Sabha as a candidate of the Jana Sangh in 1967 from Ambala (Reserved) Parliamentary Constituency but he lost in 1971 parliamentary elections due to the Indira wave caused by the charisma of her personality and her politics of populism. However, he won it from here as the Janata Party candidate in 1977 and 1980 parliamentary elections. He remained President of the state unit of the BJP from He also remained member of Haryana Assembly in and a Minister in Devi Lai led Janata Dal-BJP Coalition Government in He had become Deputy Speaker of Lok Sabha in 1996 after his election to Lok Sabha that year. However, he lost in 1998 parliamentary elections from Ambala Parliamentary Constituency due to sabotage caused by the factionalism within the party and 112

23 was made Governor of U. P. after his defeat. This virtually ended his leadership in the BJP unit of Haryana.22 Sushma Swaraj, a local Hindu Brahman from Ambala Cantt. had also tried to emerge as a leader of the BJP in Haryana. She came to limelight on the eve of 1977 parliamentary elections on account of her oratory skill and became a Minister in Janata Government after her election to Haryana Assembly in 1977 from Ambala Cantt. Assembly Constituency. She failed to win from Karnal Parliamentary Constituency in the elections held in 1980, 1984 and After that she decided to shift to national politics. She had been Chief Minister of Delhi for a short time and had been a Minister in the Union Government. But she could never acquire leadership of the BJP in Haryana as she had no base of her own.24 Kamla Verma, a Punjabi Hindu Arora from Yamuna Nagar had also tried to emerge as a leader of the BJP. In fact, she had come to limelight in 1977 when she was elected to Haryana Assembly from Yamuna Nagar Assembly Constituency. In fact, she had been prominent in Jana Sangh since 1968 when she was made Vice President of the state unit. After the formation of the BJP, she was appointed President of the state unit in 1980 and has been a member of its Working Committee at the National level since then. Verma had been a Minister in the Coalition 113

24 Governments headed by Devi Lai and Bansi Lai.25 But despite her parliamentary, administrative and organizational experience and her participation in various agitations, Verma failed to acquire the position which Mangal Sein had been able to get on account of lack of her acceptability by rank and file of the party.26 Ram Bilas Sharma, a local Hindu Brahman who had been elected to Haryana Assembly from Mohindergarh in 1982, 1987, 1991 and 1996 Haryana Assembly elections emerged as the most important leader of the BJP and was made the President of its state unit. Like Mangal Sein, he too had started his political career as a RSS worker. He had been the General Secretary of Jana Sangh at district level, President of Bhartiya Yuva Morcha, Haryana, Vice President of All India Bhartiya Yuva Morcha, and General Secretary of the state unit of the BJP before his appointment as the President of the state unit.27 He was able to mobilize the Brahman support for the BJP because he had become the most influential leader of the Brahmans by filling up the vacuum caused by the death of Bhagwat Dayal Sharma. But this made him less unacceptable to other castes. His position was further weakened after the 1996 elections to Haryana Assembly when he served as a Minister in Bansi Lai led HVB-BJP Coalition Government ( ). His decision to pull down 114

25 that Government for becoming the Chief Minister of Haryana proved counterproductive and he was defeated in the 2000 elections to Haryana Assembly from both the constituencies which he had contested, Mohindergarh and Palwal.28 O. P. Grover, a Punjabi Hindus Arora, RSS worker from Rewari emerged as the most powerful leader in the BJP in 1999 after he became President of the state unit of the party. He, however, failed to provide effective leadership because of his Punjabi background which was not acceptable to leaders and workers of the party having the local background. Besides, despite his dedication to the party work, honesty and hard work, he lacked the qualities of leadership. In fact, his hesitation from adopting the style of manipulation failed to pay him the desired dividends and the BJP, despite its resounding success in 1999 parliamentary elections, lost ground in the 2000 Haryana Assembly Elections and he was replaced by Rattan Lai Kataria.29 Rattan Lai Kataria, a local Hindu Ramdasia (SC) had been active in RSS since his student days and had also worked in the ABVP.30 He had been elected to Haryana Assembly from Radaur (reserved) constituency in 1987 but could not win it in the 1991 and the 1996 elections. Kataria, who is a law graduate and a post-graduate in Political Science, is a forceful speaker. He had earlier held an important position in the Scheduled Castes 115

26 Morcha of the BJP at the national level. After his elections to Lok Sabha from Ambala (reserved) constituency in 1999, he emerged as an important leader in the state unit of the BJP and became the. choice of the central leadership of the party for organizing the Haryana unit of the BJP which had been demoralized after its poor performance in the 2000 Haryana Assembly elections. But Kataria failed to accomplish this task due to factionalism on one hand and his non-acceptability on the other. Moreover, he too lacked the leadership skill.31 Ganeshi Lai, a local Hindu Bania leader from Sirsa has also begun to emerge as an important figure in the race for the leadership of the BJP unit of Haryana. This former college lecturer from Sirsa had been active in the RSS since his student days. He has also got many organizational posts in the state unit of the party as well. But he gained prominence in 1996 after his elections to Haryana Assembly from Sirsa and his induction in Bansi Lai led HVP-BJP Coalition Government in which he had emerged as one of the most powerful ministers of Haryana. Ganeshi Lai enjoys backing of the powerful leaders of the BJP as well as of the RSS.32 Be that as it may, the BJP has virtually remained leaderless since the death of Dr. Mangal Sein before the 1991 elections. Its main problem has been its inability in having a tall leader who could 116

27 be acceptable to all castes, communities and factions. Even Dr. Mangal Sein did not qualify for that role. It is yet to be seen as to how far the BJP M. P. from Sonepat, Kishan Singh Sangwan, who had joined the party before the 1999 parliamentary elections after quitting the INLD on account of the refusal of that party to field him as its candidate in the 1999 parliamentary elections is able to acquire that position.33 Factionalism r Factionalism is intra-party struggle for power is a political party among various groups for capturing political power or/and ' gaining control over the party organization. It is present in all political parties at all the levels - the national, state and local. Although the BJP has often been projected by some political scientists and political analysts as a party with a difference, it has never been free from the factionalism at any time and/or at any level.34 The factionalism in the BJP s state unit of Haryana may be, to some extent, described as the legacy of the Jana Sangh era. Before its merger in the Janata Party in 1997, the factionalism had surfaced the Jana Sangh on the basis of personality, the RSS vs the non-rss background of the leaders and workers, their sociological background - Punjabi vs Local, Urban vs Rural. The 117

28 inter-caste cleavages amongst various castes of Haryana, issue of the alliances, clash of political ambitions, relations with the Chief Minister and linkage with the factions at the national level were other bajr^of factionalism in the Jana Sangh. It persisted in the Jana Sangh group in Haryana even after its merger in the Janata Party in 1977 and has continued in the BJP unit of Haryana since its formation in The factionalism based on clash of personalities has been prevalent in the BJP since the formation of the party. Every BJP leader has/had a group of his followers at various levels. These groups had tried to dominate, control, capture the organizational apparatus of the party. For illustration, there have been Mangal Sein, Suraj Bhan, Sushma Swaraj, Kamla Verma, Ram Bilas Sharma, Ganeshi Lai, O. P. Grover led groups from 1980 onwards. In the post 1999 parliamentary elections period, there have emerged Kataria and Sangwan groups as well. The permutation and combination of these groups have been changing from time to time. However, the competition between these groups or among their alliances has never assumed an intense form. But its existence could not be denied. Besides, right since the formation of the BJP in 1980, the leaders and workers of the BJP have always been broadly divided into two camps - those from the RSS background and those who have 118

29 joined the party directly without having been associated with RSS as members, workers and pracharaks. Those with RSS background feel that they are more genuine BJP men than others because of their long socialization, ideological commitment and contribution to the party. Those of the other category have been resenting the rigid outlook and approach of the RSS background people and resent their domination over the organization. This has naturally resulted in the factionalism between the two which has persisted throughout ever since the formation of the BJP. Moreover, the BJP has also been witnessing factionalism based on the Punjabi-Local divide. The Punjabis have been feeling that the locals have been trying to snatch the control of the party organization from them. On the other hand, the local leaders and workers have been resenting the domination of the party organization by the Punjabis. The Punjabi faction was earlier led by Mangal Sein before his death. After his death, O. P. Grover has been leading this faction. The local faction had been led by Ram Bilas Sharma and Ganeshi Lai. The difference between the factions of the natives/the sons of the soil (the locals) and the migrants (the Punjabis) are no secret for the observers of political scene of Haryana. Further, there have been caste based factions such as the Brahman faction led by Ram Bilas Sharma, Bania faction led to 119

30 Ganeshi Lai, Khatri/Arora factions led by Mangal Sein, Kamla Verma and O. P. Grover and the Jat faction led by Mohinder Singh Lathar and K. S. Sangwan. These have their core support in their own castes. The inter-caste cleavages in the social structure of Haryana find reflection not only in their structures but also in their working. Therefore, the existence of such factionalism in BJP cannot be denied. Besides inter-caste factions, there have also existed intra-caste factions in the BJP. There have been factions led by Mangal Sein, O. P. Grover, Fateh Chand Vij within the Khatris/Aroras all of whom are Punjabis and who have virtually become a caste like formation despite the fact that they belong to different castes. They perceive themselves as such and are perceived by others as such. These have been Sushma Swaraj and Ram Bilas Sharma factions within the Brahmans. Similarly, the Ravidasia local scheduled castes factions are led by Suraj Bhan and Kataria. Further, the issue of the nature of entry into the party has also been a base for the factionalism in the party. Those who had joined the BJP at the time of its formation and particularly those who had been in RSS and the Jana Sangh before the formation of the BJP are more genuine or pure partymen and have affiliations based on this identity. The others are those who have joined the 120

31 party directly, subsequently or had joined it after remaining in Lok Dal/Janata Dal and INLD or the HVP and the Congress. They feel that they are not acceptable to the direct or original, men in the party who do not want to share party tickets and offices with them. The co-option of the leaders of other parties into BJP for the electoral gain has created this type of factionalism. Here it may be mentioned that Mohinder Singh Lathar, Gurdial Singh Saini and K. S. Sangwan are in this category. Even Sushma Swaraj was not in the Jana Sangh group of the Janata Party. The issue of the alliances with other regional parties has also led to differences amongst various factions of the party. For illustration, Mangal Sein favoured alliance with the Lok Dal (B) in the 1982 Haryana Assembly elections, leaders like Sushma Swaraj were opposed to it. At the time of the 1996 parliamentary elections, some leaders favoured alliance with Samata but those close to Sushma Swaraj wanted the alliance with HVP of Bansi Lai. After the 1998 Lok Sabha elections, leaders like Ram Bilas Sharma and Chander Bhatia wanted the alliance with the HVP to be broken and the 1999 parliamentary elections to be contested in alliance with the INLD. Others like Sushma Swaraj and Ganeshi Lai were against it. In the post 1999 election period, 121

32 Kataria wanted the alliance to be snapped, I. D. Swami is reported to have favored its continuation. The relation of the BJP ministers with the Chief Ministers heading the Coalition Governments have also been instrumental in creating factionalism in the party. For illustration, during the period , Devi Lai gave more weightage to some BJP ministers and sidelined other and thus two groups were created. Similarly, during the period , Bansi Lai gave more importance to some ministers and had marginalized others. Consequently, they got divided into two camps. Last but not the least, the factionalism in the state unit has also been affected by the factionalism at the national level. For illustration, Ram Bilas Sharma, and I. D. Swami have been close to the Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee and Ganeshi Lai is close to L. K. Advani, the Deputy Prime Minister. Thus the national level factionalism also got reflected in the state unit. Be that as it may, the factionalism has been, like other parties, a salient feature of BJP in Haryana. However, it has never assumed an intense or an ugly form and has remained generally subdued and dormant and has come to the surface only occasionally particularly at the time of the elections of the party organization and at the time of parliamentary and assembly elections. It is 122

33 difficult to say as to what extent it has affected the support base of the party. But at the same line, it can not be said that it had made no impact at all.35 It is a well known fact that Suraj Bhan lost in 1998 parliamentary elections, as already mentioned, in addition to other factors due to the sabotage from within.36 An overview of this chapter makes us to derive the following broad but tentative observations: (I) The BJP has the structures of party organization at the state, district and Mandal levels. Besides, it has some fronts and cells for several sections. It has yet to be analyzed as to how far these^ have been functional or dysfunctional for its support base.^ (II) The BJP has accommodated all the sections of the Hindus, the urban and the rural, local and Punjabi and almost all the castes. However, the minorities have not been given adequate share and have only a token presence in its organizational structure. It remains to be traced as to have far has it affected the support base of the party in the state. (III) The BJP has been suffering from the crisis of leadership after the death of Mangal Sein. It has to be explored as to how far has this factor hampered the growth of the support base of the party in Haryana. 123

34 (IV) The BJP, like other parties, has factions based on various factors. However, the factionalism in the BJP has remained blunted. The impact of factionalism on the support base of the party requires to be traced. 124

35 FOOTNOTES AND REFERENCES 1. For the organization of the State Executive, refer to Article XVI1, BJP, Constitution and Rules, BJP Publications, New Delhi, Ibid. 3. This information was given to me by Mr. Pradeep Jain, a BJP leader, during my interview with him at BJP State Office, Rohtak. 4. This observation is based on my interview with a specialist of Haryana Politics in general and the BJP in Particular. 5. Ibid. 6. See Article, XXXVII, BJP Constitution and Rules, op.cit. 7. For the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, a revivalist Hindu organization which favours adopting a militant and unambiguous Hindu stance on political and social issues, refer to Yogendra K. Malik and V.B. Singh, Hindu Nationalists in India: The Rise of the Bharatiya Janata Party, Vistaar Publications, New Delhi, 1994, pp 70-95, and

36 8. The Bajrang Dal is the Youth wing or the militant wing of the VHP. See Ibid, pp 72, 144, 149, For Swadeshi Jagran Manch, see Ibid, pp and For Bhartiya Majdoor Sangh, see Christopher Jafferlot, Hindu Nationalist Movement and Indian Politics, Viking Publications, New Delhi, 1996, p For the details of ABVP, see Yogendra K Malik and V.B. Singh, op.cit, pp 32, 52, 109, 156, 157 and For the structure of the District Committee, see Article XV, The BJP Constitution and Rules, op.cit. 13. This information was given to me by the BJP State Office Rohtak. 14. For the composition of Mandal Committee, see Article XIV, Ibid. 15. As in foot note For the structure of Local Committee, see Article XIII, The BJP Constitution and Rules, op.cit. 17. As per foot note Ibid. 126

37 19. The information regarding social and political background of the office bearers, members of the executive and the heads of the Morchas and Cells was obtained through the interviews of BJP leaders and workers and other knowledgeable persons. 20. For the social and political background of Dr. Mangal Sein, see Haryana Vidhan Sabha Who s Who, 1987, Haryana Vidhan Sabha, Secretariat, Chandigarh, 1989, pp These views were expressed by a specialist on Haryana politics during the course of an interview with him. 22. For the social and political background of Suraj Bhan, see Haryana Vidhan Sabha, Who s Who 1987, op.cit, pp For the social and political background of Sushma Swaraj, see Ibid, pp These observations are based on my discussions with BJP workers at Kurukshetra. 25. For the social and political background of Kamla Verma, see Haryana Vidhan Sabha, Who s Who, 1987, op.cit, pp As per foot note

38 27. For the social and political backgrounds of Ram Bilas Sharma, see Haryana Vidhan Sabha, Who s Who, 1987, op.cit, pp These observations are based on the views express by a specialist on Haryana Politics. 29. As per foot note For the social and political background of Rattan Lai Kataria, see Haryana Vidhan Sabha Who s Who, 1987, op.cit, pp Ranbir Singh, Haryana Mein Dalit Netritav Ki Utpati Aur Vikas, Hari Bhoomi, January 1, These observations are based on the information gathered during the course of discussion with the BJP workers at Sirsa. 33. For the social and political background of Sangwan, see Haryana Vidhan Sabha, Who s Who, 1987, op.cit, For the significance of factionalism in Haryana Politics, refer to Paul Wallace, The Party Process : Political Institutionalization in Punjab and Haryana, in Paul Wallace (ed.), Region and Nation in India Oxford and IBH, New Delhi, 1985, pp

39 35. The analysis of factional alignments of the BJP in Haryana is based on the detailed discussions with some BJP leaders, workers and political observers, who do not want to disclose their identity. 36. There are conflicting views regarding the defeat of Suraj Bhan in these elections. According to one of the views, he lost because the upper castes in general and the dominant peasant castes in particular ensured his defeat as they perceived his rise as a threat to their hegemony. According to the second view, it was the polarization of anti BJP votes in favour of the BSP alliance candidate Aman Kumar Nagra, which led to his defeat. According to the third view, the defeat was due to the alliance of the BJP with the HVP of Bansi Lai and the strong reaction against the policy of prohibition of Bansi Lai led HVP-BJP Coalition Government. According to the fourth view, it was the sabotage within the party resulting in low turn out in the urban areas that caused his defeat. 129