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1 The Consolidation of Latin America, ,,,. Listen to Chapter 26 U on MyHistoryLab LEARNING OBJECTIVES On a rainy morning in 1867, on the Hill of Bells just outside the Mexican city ofquere taro, the handsome, erect figure of the young Austrian Archduke Maximilian stood, flanked by his loyal generals, before a Mexican firing squad. The story of his fall is a strange one. Just three years before, he and his wife, Carlota, had been sent by Carlota's grandfather, Napoleon Ill, to become emperor and empress of Mexico. They had replaced Benito Juarez, a reformist Mexican leader whose government had been toppled by Napoleon as a result of its refusal to pay the debts of its predecessors. Assured by Napoleon and the Conservative party of Mexico that the Mexican people enthusiastically awaited their arrival, Maximilian and Carlota believed they would bring stability to the troubled land. lost the support of the conservatives. Juarez refused to spare his life, as a warning to other ambitious nations that Mexico would remain independent. Manet's painting of the execution of Maximilian, shown here flanked by his two loyal generals facing the firing squad reflected Europe's shock. (Edouard Manet ( ), "The Execution of Emperor Maximilian of Mexico, June 19, 1867." Oil on canvas. Location: Staedtische Kunstha/le, Mannheim, Germany. Art Resource, NY.) 612

2 l J l 264 Watch the Video Series on MyHistorylab Learn about some key topics related to this chapter with the MyHistoryLab Video Series: Key Topics in World History ) Maximilian and Carlota were both well educated and well intentioned. They had tried to bring reforms to their adopted country and had even invited Juarez and other political opponents to join in the new government-an offer that was resolutely refused. In fact, Maximilian and Carlota had been gravely misled as to the attitude of the Mexican people toward their new rulers. Their authority rested on foreign bayonets, and their very presence was seen as an insult by the majority of Mexicans, who were determined to maintain the political independence they had won after a long and bitter struggle. Juarez and Maximilian could not have been more different in most ways. Benito Juarez, the diminutive Zapotec Indian who had risen from poverty and obscurity to become Mexico's leading liberal politician, and Maximilian von Habsburg, the foreign-backed emperor who had blood ties to every royal house in Europe, represented two different visions of what Latin America should become. Their clash not only determined the fate of Mexico but also served as an example and a warning to other foreign states with imperialist designs. Before the execution, Carlota had traveled all over Europe, pleading her husband's case, and numerous calls for clemency had reached Juarez's desk. But for the good of his country, Juarez refused to spare Maximilian, although he confided to friends that he could not bring himself to meet the man for fear that his determination on this point would waver. Maximilian died a tragic figure; his last words were"long live Mexico, long live independence" (Figure 26.1 ). Carlota spent the next 60 years in seclusion. Even more tragically, by the time of Maximilian's death, hundreds of thousands of Mexicans had perished in the civil wars that had brought him to, and finally toppled him from, the throne. In the late 18th century the former colonies of Spain and Portugal were swept by the same winds of change that transformed Europe's society and economy and led to the independence of the United States. Although at present Latin America is sometimes considered part of the developing world along with many Asian and African nations, in reality its political culture was formed in the 18th century by the ideas of the Western Enlightenment. To a large degree, both Juarez and Maximilian shared these liberal ideals. In the early 19th century, the various regions of Latin America fought for their political independence and created new nations, often based on the old colonial administrative units. But what kind of nations were these to be? The form of government, the kind of society, the role of religion, and the nature of the economy all had to be defined in each of the new countries, and deep divisions over these questions and others created bitter political struggles. Then too, there was always the shadow of foreign interference-from the old colonial powers, from new imperialist regimes, and from neighbors seeking territory or economic advantage. Latin America in the 19th century was shaped both by its internal struggles over these questions and by the dominant international forces of the day. Despite their many differences, most 19th-century Latin American leaders shared with Western political figures a firm belief in the virtues of progress, reform, representational and constitutional government, and private property rights. At the same time, Latin American leaders faced problems very different from those of Europe and the United States. The colonial heritage had left little tradition of participatory government. A highly centralized colonial state had intervened in many aspects of life and had created both dependence on central authority and resentment of it. Class and regional interests deeply divided the new nations, and wealth was very unequally distributed. Finally, the rise CHAPTER 26 The Consolidation of Latin America,

3 1800 C.E C.E C.E C.E C.E C.E Slave rebellion in St. Domingue (Haiti) 1804 Haiti declares independence Spanish-American wars of independence 1808 Portuguese court flees Napoleon, arrives in Brazil; French armies invade Spain 1810 In Mexico, Father Hidalgo initiates rebellion against Spain 1821 Mexico declares independence; empire under Iturbide lasts to Mexican-American War Caste War in Yucatan French intervention in Mexico War of the Triple Alliance (Argentina, Brazil, and Uruguay against Paraguay) Ten-year war against Spain in Cuba 1822 Brazil declares 1850s Beginnings of independence; railroad construction empire established in Cuba, Chile, and under Dom Pedro I Brazil 1823 Monroe 1854 Benito Juarez Doctrine indicates leads reform in U.S. opposition to Mexico 1869 First school for girls in Mexico Porfirio Diaz rules Mexico European ambitions in the Americas Juan Manuel de Roses rules Rio de la Plata 1830 Bolivar dies; Gran Colombia dissolves into separate countries of Venezuela, Colombia, and Ecuador Cuba and Brazil abolish slavery 1889 Fall ofbrazilian empire; republic established Cuban Spanish-American War; United States acquires Puerto Rico and Philippines 1903 Panamanian independence; beginning of Panama Canal (opens in 1914) of European industrial capitalism created an economic situation that often placed the new nations in a weak or dependent position. These problems and tensions are the focus of our examination of Latin America in the 19th century. FROM COLONIES TO NATIONS A combination of internal developments and the Napoleonic wars set Latin American independence movements in motion. In what ways were the Latin American independence movements part of the political and intellectual changes in 18th- and early 19th-century Europe? By the late 18th century, the elites of American-born whites or Creoles (criollos) expressed a growing self-consciousness as they began to question the policies of Spain and Portugal. At the same time, these elites were joined by the majority of the population in resenting the increasingly heavy hand of government, as demonstrated by the new taxes and administrative reforms of the 18th century. But the shared resentment was not enough to overcome class conflicts and divisions. Early movements for independence usually failed because of the reluctance of the colonial upper classes to enlist the support of the American Indian, mestizo, and mulatto masses, who, they thought, might later prove too difficult to control. The actual movements were set in motion only when events in Europe precipitated actions in America. Causes of Political Change Latin American political independence was achieved as part of the general Atlantic revolution of the late 18th and early 19th centuries, and Latin American leaders were moved by the same ideas as those seeking political change elsewhere in the Atlantic world. Four external events had a 614 PARTY The Dawn of the Industrial Age,

4 l l J particularly strong impact on political thought in Latin America. The American Revolution, from 1775 to 1783, provided a model of how colonies could break with the mother country. The French Revolution of 1789 provoked great interest in Latin America, and its slogan, "liberty, equality, and fraternity:' appealed to some sectors of the population. As that revolution became increasingly radical, however, it was rejected by the Creole elites, who could not support regicide, rejection of the church's authority, and the social leveling implied by the Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen. This was especially true in the regimes where slaves were a large segment of the population. The third external event was partially an extension of the French Revolution but had its own dynamic. Torn by internal political conflict during the turmoil in France, the whites and free people of color in St. Domingue, France's great sugar colony in the Caribbean, became divided. The slaves seized the moment in 1791 to stage a general rebellion under able leadership by Toussaint L' ouverture and after his capture and death, by Jean Jacques Dessalines. Various attempts by France, England, and Spain to subdue the island were defeated, and in 1804 the independent republic of Haiti was proclaimed. For Latin American elites, Haiti was an example to be avoided. It was not accidental that neighboring Cuba and Puerto Rico, whose elites had plantations and slaves and were acutely aware of events in Haiti, were among the last of Spain's colonies to gain independence. For slaves, former slaves, and free people of color throughout the Americas, however, Haiti became a symbol of freedom and hope. What eventually precipitated the movements for independence in Latin America was the confused Iberian political situation caused by the French Revolution and its aftermath. France invaded Portugal and Spain, and a general insurrection erupted in Spain in 1808, followed by a long guerrilla war. During the fighting, a central committee, or junta central (HOON-tuh sehn-trahl), ruled in the Spanish king's name in opposition to Napoleon's brother, whom Napoleon had appointed king. Who was the legitimate ruler? By 1810 the confusion in Spain had provoked a crisis in the colonies. In places such as Caracas, Bogota, and Mexico, local elites, pretending to be loyal to the deposed king Ferdinand, set up juntas to rule in his name, but they ruled on their own behalf. Soon the more conservative elements of the population-royal officials and those still loyal to Spain-opposed the movements for autonomy and independence. A crisis of legitimacy reverberated throughout the American colonies. Spanish American Independence Struggles The independence movements divided into three major theaters of operation. In Mexico, a conspiracy among leading Creoles moved one of the plotters, the priest Father Miguel de Hidalgo, to call for help from the American Indians and mestizos of his region in He won a number of early victories but eventually lost the support of the Creoles, who feared social rebellion more than they desired independence. Hidalgo was captured and executed, but the insurgency smoldered in various parts of the country. Eventually, after 1820 when events in Spain weakened the king and the central government, conservative Creoles in Mexico were willing to move toward independence by uniting with the remnants of the insurgent forces. Agustin de Iturbide, a Creole officer at the head of an army that had been sent to eliminate the insurgents, drew up an agreement with them instead, and the combined forces of independence occupied Mexico City in September Soon thereafter, with the support of the army, Iturbide was proclaimed emperor of Mexico. This was a conservative solution. The new nation of Mexico was born as a monarchy, and little recognition was given to the social aspirations and programs of Hidalgo and his movement. Central America was briefly attached to the Mexican empire, which collapsed in Mexico became a republic, and the Central American states, after attempting union until 1838, split apart into independent nations. In South America and the Caribbean, the chronology of independence was a mirror image of the conquest of the 16th century. Formerly secondary areas such as Argentina and Venezuela were among the first to opt for independence and the best able to achieve it. The old colonial center in Peru and Bolivia was among the last to break with Spain. The Caribbean islands of Cuba and Puerto Rico, fearful of slave rebellion and occupied by large Spanish garrisons, remained loyal until the end of the 19th century, although there were plots for independence in that period and Cuba endured a bloody ten-year civil war. L'ouverture, Toussaint [TOO-san LOO-vuhr-tyuhr] ( ) Leader of slave rebellion on the French island of St. Domingue in 1791 that led to creation of independent republic of Haiti in ril View the Closer Look on U MyHistoryLab: The Haitian Revolution: Guerilla Warfare Hidalgo, Father Miguel de [mee-gehl duh hih-dal-goh] Mexican priest who established independence movement among American Indians and mestizos in 181 O; despite early victories, was captured and executed. Iturbide, Agustin de [AHguhs-tehn duh ee-tur-bee-thay] ( ) Conservative Creole officer in Mexican army who signed agreement with insurgent forces of independence; combined forces entered Mexico City in 1821; later proclaimed emperor of Mexico until its collapse in Read the Document on l.:i.i:i MyHistoryLab: Jose Morelos, Sentiments of the Nation (Mexico), 1813 CHAPTER 26 The Consolidation oflatin America,

5 Read the Document on MyHistoryLab: Simon de Bolivar, l:ii:il "Address to Second National Congress" (Venezuela), 1819 ' ' - - political independence in northern South America. Son of a wealthy Creole family, he became an ardent proponent of independence and a firm believer in the republican form of government. On his deathbed, Bolivar asked his closest aide to burn all of his letters and other writings. Knowing how valuable these papers would be to future historians, the aide disobeyed the order.... f,. In northern South America, a movement for independence centered in Caracas had begun in After early reverses, Simon Bolivar, a wealthy Creole officer, emerged as the leader of the revolt against Spain (Figure 26.2). With considerable military skill and a passion for independence, he eventually mobilized support, and between 1817 and 1822 he won a series of victories in Venezuela, Colombia, and Ecuador. Until 1830, these countries were united into a new nation called Gran Colombia. Political differences and regional interests led to the breakup of Gran Colombia. Bolivar became disillusioned and fearful of anarchy. ''America is ungovernable;' he said, and "those who have served the revolution have plowed the sea:' To his credit, however, Bolivar rejected all attempts to crown him as king, and he remained until his death in 1830 firmly committed to the cause of independence and republican government. Meanwhile, in southern South America, another movement had coalesced under Jose de San Martin in the Rio de la Plata. Buenos Aires had become a booming commercial center in the late 18th century, and its residents, called portefios, particularly resented Spanish trade restrictions. Pushing for freedom of trade, they opted for autonomy in 1810 but tried to keep the outlying areas, such as Paraguay, under their control. The myth of autonomy rather than independence was preserved for a while. By 1816, however, the independence of the United Provinces of the Rio de la Plata had been proclaimed, although the provinces were far from united. Upper Peru (Bolivia) remained under Spanish control, Paraguay declared independence in 1813, and the Banda Oriental (Uruguay) resisted the central authority of Buenos Aires. In Buenos Aires, San Martin had emerged as a military commander willing to speak and act for independence. From Argentina his armies crossed the Andes to Chile to help the revolutionary forces in that colony. After winning victories there, the patriot forces looked northward. Peru was still under Spanish control. Its upper class was deeply conservative and not attracted to the movements for independence. San Martin's forces entered Peru, and Creole adherence was slowly won after major victories like the battle of Ayacucho in 1824, where royalist forces were defeated (Figure 26.3). By 1825 all of Spanish South America had gained its political independence. Despite various plans to create some form of monarchy in many of the new states, all of them emerged as independent republics with representative governments. The nations of Spanish America were born of the Enlightenment and the ideas of 19th-century liberalism. The wars of independence became the foundational moments of their heroic birth, but the challenge of deciding what kind of governments they would have and how the disparate groups could be forged into a nation remained in most cases unanswered. Bolivar, Simon [see-mohn BOHlee-vahr] Creole military officer in northern South America; won series of victories in Venezuela, Colombia, and Ecuador between 1817 and 1822; military success led to creation of independent state of Gran Colombia. Gran Colombia Independent state created in South America as a result of military successes of Simon Bolivar; existed only until 1830, at which time Colombia, Venezuela, and Ecuador became separate nations. Brazilian Independence Although the movement for independence in Brazil was roughly contemporaneous with those in Spanish America, and many of the causes were similar, independence there was achieved by a very different process. By the end of the 18th century, Brazil had grown in population and economic importance. The growth of European demand for colonial products, such as sugar, cotton, and cacao, contributed to that growth and to the increase in slave imports to the colony. Although Brazilian planters, merchants, and miners sometimes longed for more open trade and fewer taxes, they feared that any upsetting of the political system might lead to a social revolution or a Haitian-style general slave uprising. Thus, incipient movements for independence in Minas Gerais in 1788 and Bahia in 1798 were unsuccessful. As one official said, "Men established in goods and property were unwilling to risk political change:' The Napoleonic invasions provoked an outcome in Portugal different from that in Spain. When in 1807 French troops invaded Portugal, the whole Portuguese royal family and court fled 616 PART V The Dawn of the Industrial Age,

6 l 262 j \_ 26.J j ) FIGURE 26.3 The battle of Maipu in April 1818 sealed the fate of the royalist forces in Chile. Jose de San Martin led the combined Chilean and Argentine insurgent forces and their victory led to the independence of Chile. Throughout South America between1810 and 1825 the rebel forces were slowly mobilized into effective armies, but subsequently the new nations had to confront the personal and institutional power of the former commanders. the country and, under the protection of British ships, sailed to Brazil. Rio de Janeiro became the capital of the Portuguese empire. Brazil was raised to equal status with Portugal, and all the functions of royal government were set up in the colony. As a partial concession to England and to colonial interests, the ports of Brazil were opened to world commerce, thus satisfying one of the main desires of the Brazilian elites. Unlike Spanish America, where the Napoleonic invasions provoked a crisis of authority and led Spanish Americans to consider ruling in their own name, in Brazil the transfer of the court brought royal government closer and reinforced the colonial relationship. Until 1820, the Portuguese king, Dom Joao VI, lived in Brazil and ruled his empire from there. Rio de Janeiro was transformed into an imperial city with a public library, botanical gardens, and other improvements. Printing presses began to operate in the colony for the first time, schools were created, and commerce, especially with England, boomed in the newly opened ports. The arrival of many Portuguese bureaucrats and nobles with the court created jealousy and resentment, however. Still, during this period Brazil was transformed into the seat of empire, a fact not lost on its most prominent citizens. Matters changed drastically in 1820 when, after the defeat of Napoleon in Europe and a liberal revolution in Portugal, the king was recalled and a parliament convoked. Joao VI, realizing that his return was inevitable, left his young son Pedro as regent, warning him that if independence had to come, he should lead the movement. Although Brazilians were allowed representation at the Portuguese parliament, it became clear that Brazil's new status was doomed and that it would be recolonized. After demands that the prince regent also return to Europe, Pedro refused, and in September 1822 he declared Brazilian independence. He became Dom Pedro I, constitutional emperor of Brazil. Fighting against Portuguese troops lasted a year, but Brazil avoided the long wars of Spanish America. Brazil's independence did not upset the existing social organization based on slavery, nor did it radically change the political structure. With the brief exception of Mexico, all of the former Spanish American colonies became republics, but Brazil became a monarchy under a member of the Portuguese ruling house. San Martin, Jose de (b d. 1850) A leader of the struggle for independence in southern South America. Born in Argentina, he served in the Spanish army but joined in the movement for independence; led the revolutionary army that crossed the Andes and helped to liberate Chile in , and with Simon Bolivar, Peru. For political reasons, he went into exile in Europe in Joao VI [JWOW] Portuguese monarch who established seat of government in Brazil from 1808 to 1820 as a result of Napoleonic invasion of Iberian peninsula; made Brazil seat of empire with capital at Rio de Janeiro. Iii View the Closer Look on M MyHistorylab: Imagining Brazilian Independence Pedro I ( ) Son and successor of Joao VI in Brazil; aided in the declaration of Brazilian independence from Portugal in 1822; became constitutional emperor of Brazil. CHAPTER 26 The Consolidation oflatinamerica,

7 l 26.1 \ 26.3 l 26.4 J NEW NATIONS CONFRONT OLD AND NEW PROBLEMS The new nations confronted difficult problems: social inequalities, political representation, the role of the church, and regionalism. These problems led to political fragmentation that allowed leaders having strong personal followings and representing various interests and their own ambitions, to rise to prominence. ). PACIFIC OCEAN uma Why were many of the new nations politically unstable? By 1830 the former Spanish and Portuguese colonies had become independent nations. The roughly 20 million inhabitants of these nations looked hopefully to the future. Many of the leaders of independence had shared ideals: representative government, careers open to talent, freedom of commerce and trade, the right to private property, and a belief in the individual as the basis of society. There was a general belief that the new nations should be sovereign and independent states, large enough to be economically viable and integrated by a common set of laws. On the issue of freedom of religion and the position of the church, however, there was less agreement. Roman Catholicism had been the state religion and the only one allowed by the Spanish crown. While most leaders attempted to maintain Catholicism as the official religion of the new states, some tried to end the exclusion of other faiths. The defense of the church became a rallying cry for the conservative forces. The ideals of the early leaders of independence often were egalitarian. Bolivar had received aid from Haiti and had promised in return to abolish slavery in the areas he liberated. By 1854 slavery had been abolished everywhere except Spain's remaining colonies, Cuba and Puerto Rico, as well as in Brazil; all were places where the economy was profoundly based on it. Despite early promises, an end to American Indian tribute and taxes on people of mixed origin came much more slowly, because the new nations still needed the revenue such policies produced. Egalitarian sentiments often ATLANTIC OCEAN ode Janeiro MAP 26.1 Independent States of Latin America in 1830 Despite its size, traditions, language, and religion provided certain unities. At independence a number of large states were formed out of coalitions, but these eventually divided because of regional differences and rivalries. 618 PARTY The Dawn of the Industrial Age, were tempered by fears that the mass of the population was unprepared for self-rule and democracy. Early constitutions attempted to balance order and popular representation by imposing property or literacy restrictions on voters. Invariably, voting rights were reserved for men. Although many had participated in the independence struggles, women were still disenfranchised and usually were not allowed to hold public office. The Creole elite's lack of trust of the popular classes was based on the fact that in many places the masses had not demonstrated a clear preference for the new regimes and had sometimes fought in royalist armies mobilized by traditional loyalties and regional interests. Although some mestizos had risen to leadership roles in the wars of independence, the old color distinctions did not disappear easily. In Mexico, Guatemala, and the Andean nations, the large Indian population remained mostly outside national political life. The mass of the Latin American population-american Indians and people of mixed origins-waited to see what was to come, and they were suspicious of the new political elite, who were often drawn from the old colonial aristocracy but were also joined by a new commercial and urban bourgeoisie. Political Fragmentation The new Latin American nations can be grouped into regional blocks (Map 26.1). Some of the early leaders for independence had dreamed of creating a unified nation in some form, but regional rivalries, economic competition, and political divisions soon made that hope impossible. Mexico emerged as a short-lived monarchy until a republic was proclaimed in 1823, but its government remained unstable until the 1860s because of military coups, financial failures, foreign intervention, and political turmoil. Central America broke away from the Mexican monarchy and formed a union, but regional antagonisms and resentment of Guatemala, the largest nation in the region, eventually led to dissolution of the union in Spain's Caribbean colonies, Cuba and Puerto Rico, suppressed early movements for independence and remained outwardly loyal. The Dominican Republic was occupied by its neighbor Haiti, and after resisting Haiti as well as France and Spain, it finally gained independence in 1844.

8 1 J l 2.3 ) 264 In South America, the old colonial viceroyalty of New Granada became the basis for Gran Colombia, the large new state created by Bolivar that included modern Ecuador, Colombia, Panama, and Venezuela. The union, made possible to some extent by Bolivar's personal reputation and leadership, disintegrated as his own standing declined, and it ended in 1830, the year of his death. In the south, the viceroyalty of the Rio de la Plata served as the basis for a state that the peoples of Argentina hoped to lead. Other parts of the region resisted. Paraguay declared and maintained its autonomy under a series of dictators. Modern Uruguay was formed by a revolution for independence against the dominant power of its large neighbors, Argentina and Brazil. It became an independent buffer between those two nations in The Andean nations of Peru and Bolivia, with their large Indian populations and conservative colonial aristocracies, flirted with union from 1829 to 1839 under the mestizo general Andres Santa Cruz, but once again regional rivalries and the fears of their neighbors undermined the effort. Finally, Chile, somewhat isolated and blessed by the opening of trade in the Pacific, followed its own political course in a fairly stable fashion. Most attempts at consolidation and union failed. Enormous geographic barriers and great distances separated nations and even regions within nations. Roads were poor and transportation rudimentary. Geography, regional interests, and political divisions were too strong to overcome. The mass of the population remained outside the political process. The problems of national integration were daunting. What is striking is not that Spanish America became 18 separate nations but that it did not separate into even more. Santa Cruz, Andres Mestizo general who established union of independent Peru and Bolivia between 1829 and Caudillos, Politics, and the Church The problems confronting the new nations were many. More than a decade of warfare in places such as Venezuela, Colombia, and Mexico had disrupted the economies and devastated wide areas. The mobilization of large armies whose loyalty to regional commanders was often based on their personal qualities, rather than their rank or politics, led to the rise of caudillos, independent leaders who dominated local areas by force and sometimes seized the national government itsel In times of intense division between civilian politicians, a powerful regional army commander became the arbiter of power, and thus the army sometimes made and unmade governments. Keeping the army in the barracks became a preoccupation of governments, and the amount of money spent on the military far exceeded the needs. The military had become important in the 18th century as Spain tried to shore up the defense of its empire, but it became a preserver of order. Military commanders and regional or national caudillos usually were interested in power for their own sake, but they could represent or mobilize different groups in society. Many often defended the interests of regional elites, usually landowners, but others were populists who mobilized and claimed to speak for American Indians, peasants, and the poor and sometimes received their unquestioning support. A few, such as the conservative Rafael Carrera, who ruled Guatemala from 1839 to 1865, sincerely took the interest of the American Indian majority to heart, but other personalist leaders disregarded the normal workings of an open political system and the rule of law. Personalist leaders depended not on political ideology but on loyalty to help them personally. Other common issues confronted many of the new nations. Most political leaders were agreed on the republic as the basic form of government, but they could not agree on what kind of republic. A struggle often developed between centralists, who wanted to create strong, centralized national governments with broad powers, and federalists, who wanted tax and commercial policies to be set by regional governments. Other tensions developed between liberals and conservatives. Liberals stressed the rights of the individual and attacked the corporate (based on membership in a group or organization) structure of colonial society. They dreamed of a secular society and looked to the United States and France as models. Often they wanted a decentralized, or federalist, form of government. Conservatives believed in a strong centralized state, and they often wanted to maintain aspects of colonial society. They believed that a structure in which corporate groups (such as the American Indians), artisan guilds, or institutions (such as the church) provided the most equitable basis of social action should be recognized in law. To the conservatives, society was not based on open competition and individualism but was organic: Each group was linked to the others like parts of a body whose health depended on the proper functioning of each part. Not all conservatives resisted change, and some-such as Mexican intellectual and politician LucasAlaman-were among the most enlightened leaders in terms of economic and commercial reforms, but as a group the conservatives were skeptical of secularism and individualism and strove to keep the Catholic Iberian heritage alive. caudillos [kow-dee-yuhs] Independent leaders who dominated local areas by force in defiance of national policies; sometimes seized national governments to impose their concept of rule; typical throughout newly independent countries of Latin America. Read the Document on l:ii:il MyHistorylab: Friederich Hassaurek, How to Conduct a Latin American Revolution, 1865 centralists Latin American politicians who wished to create strong, centralized national governments with broad powers; often supported by politicians who described themselves as conservatives. federalists Latin American politicians who wanted policies, especially fiscal and commercial regulation, to be set by regional governments rather than centralized national administrations; often supported by politicians who described themselves as liberals. CHAPTER 26 The Consolidation of Latin America,

9 l 6.2 J Rosas, Juan Manuel de Strongman leader in Buenos Aires; took power in 1831; commanded loyalty of gauchos; restored local autonomy. Santa Anna, General Antonio Lopez de Seized power in Mexico after collapse of empire of Mexico in 1824; after brief reign of liberals, seized power in 1835 as caudillo; defeated by Texans in war for independence in 1836; defeated by United States in Mexican-American War in 1848; unseated by liberal rebellion in l 4 ) The role of the church became a crucial issue in politics. It divided conservatives from the more secular liberals. In Mexico, for example, the church had played a major role in education, the economy, and politics. Few questioned its dogma, but liberals tried to limit its role in civil life. The church fought back with the aid of its pro-clerical supporters and with the power of the papacy, which until the 1840s refused to fill vacant positions in the hierarchy or to cooperate with the new governments. Political parties, often calling themselves Liberal or Conservative, sprang up throughout Latin America. They struggled for power and tried to impose their vision of the future on society. However, their leaders usually were drawn from the same social class of landowners and urban bourgeoisie, with little to differentiate them except their position in the church or on the question of federalism versus centralization. The general population might be mobilized by the force and personality of a particular leader such as Juan Manuel de Rosas in Argentina or General Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna in Mexico, but political ideology rarely was an issue for most of the population. The result was political turmoil and insecurity in much of Latin America in the first 50 years after independence. Presidents came and went quickly. Written constitutions, which both liberals and conservatives thought were a positive thing, were often short-lived and were overturned with a change in government because the margin for interpretation of the constitution was slight. Great efforts were made to make constitutions precise, specific, and definitive, but this resulted in an attempt to change them each time there was a change in government. Some nations avoided the worst aspects of instability. After enacting a constitution in 1833 that gave the president broad powers, Chile established a functioning political system that allowed compromise. Brazil, with its monarchical rule, despite a period of turmoil from 1832 to 1850, was able to maintain a political system of compromise, although it was dominated by the conservatives, who were favored by the emperor. Its 1824 constitution remained in force until The issue of slavery, however, continued to gnaw at the nation's conscience, especially after It is fair to say that in much of Latin America the basic questions of government and society remained unresolved after independence. Some observers attributed these problems to personalism, a lack of civic responsibility, and other defects in the "Latin" character. Nevertheless, the parallel experience of later emerging nations in the 20th century suggests that these problems were typical of former colonial dependencies searching for order and economic security in a world in which their options were constrained by their own potential and by external conditions. LATIN AMERICAN ECONOMIES AND WORLD MARKETS, Latin American economies stagnated in the aftermath of the wars of independence. Toward mid-century, a new prosperity began as some nations found new markets for their exports that allowed liberal governments to initiate social and political changes. Monroe Doctrine American declaration stated in 1823; established that any attempt of a European country to colonize in the Americas would be considered an unfriendly act by the United States; supported by Great Britain as a means of opening Latin American trade. How did the region fit into the world economy? The former colonies of Spain and Portugal now entered the world of diplomatic relations and international commerce. The new nations sought diplomatic recognition and security. In the 1820s, while Europe was undergoing the post-napoleonic conservative reaction and monarchies were being restored, various plans to help Spain recolonize Latin America were put forward. Great Britain generally opposed those ideas, and because Great Britain was the dominant power at sea, its recognition of Latin American sovereignty was crucial. Moreover, the newly independent United States also felt an affinity and sympathy for the new nations to the south. The Monroe Doctrine of 1823, discussed in Chapter 24, stated clearly that any attempt by a European power to colonize in the Americas would be considered an unfriendly act by the United States. The United States at the time probably could have done little to prevent such actions, but Britain could, and its support of Latin American independence provided needed protection. There was a price for this support. During the turmoil of the 1820s, British foreign minister Lord Canning had once said, "Spanish America is free and if we do not mismanage our affairs sadly, she is English:' He was referring to the broad economic and commercial advantages that the new nations offered. British commerce had legally penetrated the area in the 18th century, and Britain had profited from illegal trade as well. Now it could afford to offer its diplomatic recognition in exchange for the freedom to trade with the new nations. Although little capital had been invested directly in Latin 620 PARTY The Dawn of the Industrial Age,

10 America before 1850, Latin American governments now turned to foreign governments and banks for loans. Meanwhile, Britain became a major consumer of Latin American products. In return Britain sold about 5 million worth of manufactured goods to the new nations each year, about half of which went to Brazil, where British merchants were especially strong. Although some historians argue that this was a small portion of Britain's overseas trade, it was crucial for Latin America. In some ways, Britain replaced Spain as a dominant economic force over the area in a sort of neocolonial commercial system. Although other nations, notably France and the United States, also traded with Latin America, Britain remained predominant before Open ports and the influx of foreign goods, often of better quality and cheaper than local products, benefited the port cities that controlled customhouses and the large landowners whose hides, sugar, and other products were exported. But these policies tended to damage local industries or regions that had specialized in producing for internal markets. Latin America became increasingly dependent on foreign markets and foreign imports and thereby reinforced the old colonial economic heritage in which land was the basis of wealth and prestige. Mid-Century Stagnation From about 1820 to 1850, the economy of Latin America was stagnant. Wars had destroyed many industries, roads were poor, and much money was still tied up in land. Only Cuba, with its booming sugar economy, expanded, but Cuba was still a colony of Spain. After 1850, however, this situation began to change as the expansion of the European economy created new demands for Latin American products. Coffee in Brazil, hides and beef in Argentina, and minerals and grains in Chile provided the basis of growth and allowed some Latin American governments to address social issues. For example, Peru exploited enormous guano (bird droppings) deposits on islands off its coast. Between 1850 and 1880, exports of this fertilizer earned Peru more than 10 million, and this income allowed the government to end American Indian tribute and to abolish slavery by compensating the owners. Latin American cities began to grow and provide good internal markets, and the introduction of steamships and railroads began to overcome the old problems of transportation. By the 1840s, steamship lines improved communication within countries and opened up new possibilities for international commerce, and by the 1860s, railroads were being built, usually to link export-producing regions to the ports. Wealth based on large land holdings and exports continued to characterize the economies of the region, as they had in the colonial era. As the levels of exports and the governments' dependence on them increased, Latin America's vulnerability to the vagaries of the world economy increased as well. Without detailing all the complex changes within the Latin American nations during the 19th century, we can discern a few general patterns. After the turmoil of independence, liberal reform - ers tried to institute a series of programs in the 1820s and 1830s intended to break the patterns of the colonial heritage and to follow the main social and economic trends of western Europe by improving primary education, promoting individualism and private property, supporting small industries, and promoting secular attitudes. These ideas often were imposed on societies and economies unprepared for drastic change, especially because the strength of opposing institutions, such as the church and the army, remained intact. By the 1840s, conservatives had returned to power in many places to slow or stop the reform measures. Some of them tried to speak for the lower classes or the American Indians, who wanted to see the paternal aspects of the old colonial state reimposed to protect them from the reforms of the liberals. In some ways, an alliance between the landowners and the peasantry emerged in opposition to the changes suggested by the middle-class, urban modernizers. Economic Resurgence and Liberal Politics By the last quarter of the century, as the world economy entered a phase of rapid expansion, there was a shift in attitude and possibilities in Latin America. Liberals returned to power in many places in Latin America and initiated a series of changes that began to transform their nations. The ideological basis of the new liberal surge was also changing. Based on the ideas of positivism of the French philosopher Auguste Comte, who stressed observation and a scientific approach to the problems of guano Bird droppings utilized as fertilizer; exported from Peru as a major item of trade between 1850 and 1880; income from trade permitted end to American Indian tribute and abolition of slavery. positivism French philosophy based on observation and scientific approach to problems of society; adopted by many Latin American liberals in the aftermath of independence. Comte, Auguste [uh-goost KONTJ French philosopher (19th century); founder of positivism, a philosophy that stressed observation and scientific approaches to the problems of society. CHAPTER 26 The Consolidation oflatin America,

11 society, Latin American politicians and intellectuals found a guiding set of principles and a justification of their quest for political stability and economic growth. This shift was caused in large part by the general economic expansion of the second industrial revolution and the age of imperialism. The application of science to industry created new demands for Latin American products, such as copper and rubber, to accompany the increasing demand for its consumer products such as wheat, sugar, and coffee. The population of Latin America doubled to more than 43 million inhabitants in the 60 years between 1820 and After 1850, economies grew rapidly; the timing varied greatly, but the expansion of exports in places such as Colombia, Argentina, and Brazil stimulated prosperity for some and a general belief in the advantages of the liberal programs. The desire to participate in the capitalist expansion of the Western economy dominated the thinking of Latin American leaders. Foreign entrepreneurs and bankers joined hands with philosophical liberals, landowners, and urban merchants in Latin America to back the liberal programs, which now became possible because of the increased revenues generated by exports. The leaders of the post-1860 governments were a new generation of politicians who had matured during the chaotic years of postindependence politics. Their inspiration came from England, France, and the United States. They were firm believers in progress, education, and free competition within a secular society, but they were sometimes distrustful of the mass of their own people, who seemed to represent an ancient "barbarism" in contrast to the "civilization" of progress. That distrust and their sometimes insensitive application of foreign models to a very different reality in their own countries-what one Brazilian author has called "ideas out of place" -prevented many from achieving the progress they so ardently desired. Economic growth and progress were costly. Responding to international demand, landowners increased their holdings, often aided by the governments they controlled or influenced. Peasant lands were taken away by the government in Chile, Peru, and Bolivia; small farmers were displaced in Brazil and Costa Rica; church lands were seized in Mexico. Labor was needed. Immigrants from Europe flooded into Argentina and Brazil, and in other countries new forms of tenancy, peonage, and disguised servitude developed. manifest destiny Belief of the government of the United States that it was destined to rule the continent from coast to coast; led to annexation oftexas and Mexican-American War. li1i View the Closer Look on M MyHistoryLab: Texas: From Mexican Province to U.S. State Mexico: Instability and Foreign Intervention After the short monarchical experiment, a Mexican republic was established. Its constitution of 1824, based on the examples of France, the United States, and Spain, was a federalist document that guaranteed basic civil rights. Nevertheless, this constitution did not address the nation's continuing social problems and needs: the maldistribution of land, the status of the American Indians, the problems of education, and the situation of vast numbers of poor people among the approximately 7 million people in Mexico, the most populous of the new nations. Politics soon became a complicated struggle between the conservative centralists and the liberal federalists and was made even more complicated by jockeying for advantage by commercial agents of Great Britain and the United States. For a short period from 1832 to 1835, the liberals were in control and tried to institute a series of sweeping social and economic reforms, but their attack on the church led to violent reaction and the assumption of power by General Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna. The mercurial Santa Anna remained until his death the maker of Mexican politics. He was a typical caudillo, a personalist, autocratic leader. But Mexico's instability resulted not only from his personality. Santa Anna was merely the symptom of deeper problems. Mexico's instability and financial difficulties made it a target for various foreign interventions. Even more threatening to the nation, Anglo-American settlers were occupying Texas, the vast area of Mexico's northern frontier. They brought their language, customs, and religion despite restrictions on the latter. Although the Texans at first sought more autonomy as federalists within the Mexican nation, as had been done in Yucatan and other Mexican provinces, ethnic and religious differences as well as Santa Anna's attempts to suppress the Texans in 1836 led to widespread fighting and the declaration of Texan independence. Santa Anna, captured for a while by the Texans, returned to dominate Mexican politics, but the question of Texas festered and became acute when in 1845 the United States, with its eye on California and manifest destiny-a belief that it was destined to rule the continent from coast to coast-voted to annex Texas. The result was war. A border dispute and the breakdown of negotiations over California led to hostilities in Santa Anna, who had been in exile, returned to lead the Mexican forces, but U.S. troops seized California, penetrated northern Mexico, and eventually occupied the Mexican capital. 622 PART V The Dawn of the Industrial Age,

12 l 262 j 26.3 l 264 Mexico was forced to sign the disadvantageous Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo (1848), in which the United States acquired about one-half of Mexico's national territory but less than 5 percent of its population. The Mexican-American War and the treaty left a bitter legacy of distrust of the northern neighbor, not only in Mexico but throughout the region. For Mexico there was also a serious loss of economic potential, but the heroic battle against the better-equipped Americans produced a sense of nationalism and a desire to confront the nation's serious internal problems, which also bore some responsibility for the war and the defeat. Politics could not revert to the prewar situation. Santa Anna did return to office for a while, more unstable and despotic than ever, but now he was opposed by a new generation of liberals: intellectuals, lawyers, and some rural leaders, many of them from middle-class backgrounds, some of them mestizos and even a few American Indians. Perhaps the most prominent of them was Benito Juarez ( ), a Zapotec Indian of humble origins who had received a legal education and eventually become the governor of his state (Figure 26.4). He shared the liberal vision of a secular society based on the rule of law in which the old privileges of the church and the army would be eliminated as a way of promoting economic change and growth. The liberal revolt, called La Reforma, began in 1854 and triumphed within a year. In a series of laws integrated into a new constitution in 1857, the liberals set the basis for their vision of society. Military and clerical privileges were curtailed, and church property was placed on sale. Indian communal lands also were restricted, and the government forced the sale of these lands to individuals-to the indigenous people themselves it was hoped. The goal of these programs was to create a nation of small independent farmers. However, speculators or big landowners often bought up the lands, and the result was that the peasants and American Indians lost what land they had. By 1910 about half of Mexico's rural population was landless. Good intentions had brought disastrous results. The liberal program produced the expected conservative reaction. The church threatened to excommunicate those who upheld the new constitution. Civil war erupted, and in reaction Juarez, now Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo Agreement that ended the Mexican-American War; provided for loss oftexas and California to the United States; left legacy of distrust of the United States in Latin America. Mexican-American War Fought between Mexico and the United States from 1846 to 1848; led to devastating defeat of Mexican forces, loss of about one-half of Mexico's national territory to the United States. Juarez, Benito [beh-nee-toh WAHR-ehz] ( ) Indian governor of state of Oaxaca in Mexico; leader of liberal rebellion against Santa Anna; liberal government defeated by French intervention under Emperor Napoleon Ill of France and establishment of Mexican Empire under Maximilian; restored to power in 1867 until his death in Reforma, La The liberal rebellion of Benito Juarez against the forces of Santa Anna. View the Closer Look on MyHistorylab: Benito Juarez FIGURE 26.4 Benito Juarez, a Zapotec Indian from southern Mexico, rose to the presidency and began a series of sweeping reforms. His uncompromising resistance to foreign intervention and monarchy made him a symbol of Mexican sovereignty and independence. CHAPTER 26 The Consolidation of Latin America,

13 l 26.1 I l 262 Habsburg, Maximilian von Proclaimed Emperor Maximilian of Mexico following intervention of France in 1862; ruled until overthrow and execution by liberal revolutionaries under Benito Juarez in J \. 6.4 J president, pushed forward even more radical measures. Losing ground in the war, the conservatives turned to Europe and convinced Napoleon III of France to intervene. Attracted by possible economic advantage, dreams of empire, and a desire to please Catholics in France, Napoleon III justified French intervention by claims of a shared "Latin" culture (this was the origin of the term Latin America). French forces landed in 1862 and soon took the capital. At the urging of the French, Maximilian von Habsburg, an Austrian archduke, was convinced to take the throne of Mexico. Well intentioned but ineffective, Emperor Maximilian tried to get the support of Juarez and the liberals and even kept many of the laws of the Reforma in place, to the dismay of his conservative supporters. But Juarez absolutely rejected the idea of a foreign prince ruling Mexico. French troops and the United States' distraction with its own Civil War allowed Emperor Maximilian and his Empress Carlota to rule. When French troops were withdrawn, the regime crumbled. It was then, in 1867, that Maximilian and his loyal generals were captured and executed (as described in the chapter opening). Maximilian's death shocked Europeans. Juarez had sent a message to Europe: "Hands off Mexico:' Juarez returned to office, but his administration was increasingly autocratic-a reality that he felt was unavoidable after so long a period of instability. By his death in 1872, the force of his personality, his concern for the poor, and his nationalist position against foreign intervention had identified liberalism with nationalism in Mexico and made Juarez a symbol of the nation. By 1880 Mexico was poised on the edge of a period of strong central government and relative political stability. One of Juarez's generals, Porfirio Diaz, became president and then virtual dictator. His government witnessed rapid economic growth. Foreign companies began to invest in the exploitation of Mexican resources, and large landowners expanded their operations. Diaz, through political repression, provided a seemingly stable environment for this growth, but the seeds of revolution were also being planted. 624 PART V The Dawn of the Industrial Age, Argentina: The Port and the Nation Whereas Mexico and its silver had been the core of Spain's empire in America, the rolling plains, or pampas, of the Rio de la Plata in southern South America had been a colonial backwater until the 18th century, when direct trade began to stimulate its economy. The port of Buenos Aires and its merchants dominated the Rio de la Plata, but the other areas of the region had their own interests and resented the power and growth of the port city and its surrounding countryside. The United Provinces of the Rio de la Plata, which declared their independence in 1816, soon split apart, and local caudillos, able to call on the support of gauchos, dominated each region. In Buenos Aires, the liberals gained control in the 1820s and instituted a series of broad reforms in education, finance, agriculture, and immigration. These included a program of public land sales, which stimulated the growth of cattle ranches and the power of the rancher class. As in Mexico, liberal reforms including freedom of religion produced a similar negative reaction from conservatives and the church. But the liberals' main sin was centralism, a desire to create a strong national government. Centralists (called unitarians in the Argentine context) provoked the reaction of the federalists, who by 1831 had taken power under Juan Manuel de Rosas, who commanded the loyalty of the gaucho employees of the ranchers. Under Rosas, the federalist program of a weak central government and local autonomy was instituted, but Rosas's federalism favored the ranchers of the Buenos Aires province and the merchants of the great port. He campaigned against the American Indians to the south to open new lands to the cattle ranchers. Exports of hides and salted meat increased, but the revenues collected at the port were not shared with the other provinces. Although popular with the gauchos and the urban poor and remembered today as a nationalist who resisted British and French economic pressure, Rosas proved to be a despotic leader, crushing his opponents and forcing people to display his slogan: "Death to the savage, filthy unitarians:' His brand of populist, authoritarian, personalist politics drove liberal opponents into exile, where they plotted his overthrow. Eventually, the liberal exiles joined forces with the caudillos jealous of the advantages Rosas's brand of federalism had given Buenos Aires province. In 1852 this coalition defeated Rosas and drove him from power. There followed a confused decade of rival governments because the questions of federalism and the role of Buenos Aires within the nation remained unresolved.a new constitution was issued in 1853 under the influence of Juan Bautista Alberdi, an able and progressive journalist who was also a strong believer in the need to encourage immigration. This constitution incorporated the programs of the federalists but guaranteed national unity through the power of the presidency over the provincial governors. By 1862, after considerable fighting, a compromise was worked out and the new, unified nation, now called the

14 l 264 Argentine Republic, entered into a period of prosperity and growth under a series of liberal presidents whose programs paralleled the Reforma in Mexico. The age of the liberals was now in full swing. Between 1862 and 1890, able and intelligent presidents like Domingo F. Sarmiento ( ) initiated a wide series of political reforms and economic measures designed to bring progress to Argentina. Sarmiento was an archetype of the liberal reformers of the mid-century. A great admirer of England and the United States, a firm believer in the value of education, and an ardent supporter of progress, Sarmiento had been a constant opponent of Rosas and had been driven into exile. During that time, he wrote Facundo, a critique of the caudillo politics of the region, in which the "barbarism" of the gauchos and their leaders was contrasted to the "civilization" of the liberal reformers. (See the Document feature in this chapter.) Now in power, Sarmiento and the other liberal leaders were able to put their programs into practice, improving the infrastructure, promoting immigration, and expanding education. They were aided by several factors. Political stability made investment more attractive to foreign banks and merchants. The expansion of the Argentine economy, especially exports of beef, hides, and wool, created the basis for prosperity. Foreign trade in 1890 was five times as great as it had been in Argentine Republic Replaced state of Buenos Aires in 1862; result of compromise between centralists and federalists. Sarmiento, Domingo F. ( ) Liberal politician and president of Argentine Republic from 1868 to 1874; author of Facundo, a critique of caudillo politics; increased international trade, launched internal reforms in education and transportation. DOCUMENT Confronting the Hispanic Heritage: From Independence to Consolidation SIMON BOLIVAR ( ), "THE LIBERATOR;' was a man of determination and perception. His campaigns for independence were defeated on several occasions, yet he did not despair. In 1815, while in exile on the island of Jamaica, he penned a letter to a newspaper that gave his evaluation of Latin America's situation and his vision for the future for its various parts. He advocated a republican form of government and rejected monarchy, but he warned against federalism and against popular democracies that might lead to dictatorships: ''As long as our countrymen do not acquire the abilities and political virtues that distinguish our brothers to the north, wholly popular systems, far from working to our advantage, will, I greatly fear, bring about our downfall:' Spain had left America unprepared, and in this letter Bolivar summarized many of the complaints of Latin Americans against Spanish rule and underlined the difficulty of the tasks of liberation-political, social, and economic. The famous "Letter of Jamaica'' is one of the most candid writings by a leader of Latin American independence. The following excerpts suggest its tone and content. BOUVAR'S "JAMAICA LETTER" (1815) We are a young people. We inhabit a world apart, separated by broad seas. We are young in the ways of almost all the arts and sciences, although, in a certain manner, we are old in the ways of civilized society. I look upon the present state of America as similar to that of Rome after its fall. Each part of Rome adopted a political system conforming to its interest and situation or was led by the individual ambitions of certain chiefs, dynasties, or associations. But this important difference exists: those dispersed parts later reestablished their ancient nations, subject to the changes imposed by circumstances or extent. But we scarcely retain a vestige of what once was; we are, moreover, neither Indian nor European, but a species midway between the legitimate proprietors of this country and the Spanish usurpers. In short, although Americans by birth we derive our rights from Europe, and we have to assert these rights against the rights of the natives, and at the same time we must defend ourselves against the invaders. This places us in a most extraordinary and involved situation... The role of the inhabitants of the American hemisphere has for centuries been purely passive. Politically they were nonexistent. We are still in a position lower than slavery, and therefore it is more difficult for us to rise to the enjoyment of freedom... States are slaves because of either the nature or the misuse of their constitutions; a people is therefore enslaved when the government, by its nature or its vices infringes on and usurps the rights of the citizen or subject. Applying these principles, we find that America was denied not only its freedom but even an active and effective tyranny... We have been harassed by a conduct which has not only deprived us of our rights but has kept us in a sort of permanent infancy with regard to public affairs. If we could have at least managed our domestic affairs and our internal administration, we could have acquainted ourselves with the processes and mechanics of public affairs. We should also have enjoyed a personal consideration, thereby commanding a certain uncon - scious respect from the people, which is so necessary to preserve amidst revolutions. That is why I say we have even been deprived of an active tyranny, since we have not been permitted to exercise its functions. Americans today, and perhaps to a greater extent than ever before, who live within the Spanish system occupy a position in society no better than that of serfs destined to labor, or at best they have no more status than that of mere consumers. Yet even (continued on next page) CHAPTER 26 The Consolidation of Latin America,

15 (continued from previous page). 2 I.,) L 26 J this status is surrounded with galling restrictions, such as being forbidden to grow European crops, or to store products which are royal monopolies, or to establish factories of a type the Peninsula (Spain) itself does not possess. To this add the privileges, even in articles of prime necessity, and the barriers between the American provinces, designed to prevent all exchange of trade, traffic, and understanding. In short, do you wish to know what our future held?-simply the cultivation of the fields of indigo, grain, coffee, sugar cane, cacao, and cotton; cattle raising on the broad plains, hunting wild game in the jungles; digging in the earth to mine its gold-but even these limitations could never satisfy the greed of Spain. So negative was our existence that I can find nothing comparable in any other civilized society. By mid-century, Latin American political leaders were advocating "progress" and attempting to bring Latin America closer to the norms of life set by Europe. For liberals such as Argentine soldier, statesman, and author Domingo F. Sarmiento ( ), his nation's task was to overcome the "barbarism" of rural life and implant the "civilization" of the Europeanized cities. Sarmiento saw in the bands of mounted rural workers, or gauchos, and their caudillo leaders an anachronistic way of life that held the nation back. His comparison of the gauchos to the Berbers of north Africa demonstrates the ancient hostility of "civilized" urbandwellers to the nomadic way of life. In a way, Sarmiento saw the dictatorship of Juan Manuel de Rosas as a result of the persistence of the gauchos and the manipulation of the lower classes-a sort of living example of what Bolivar had warned against. The following excerpt from Sarmiento's classic Life in the Argentine Republic in the Days of the Tyrants, or Civilization and Barbarism (1868) demonstrates his admiration for European culture, including that of Spain, and his desire to model his nation on it. That such a program might involve economic and cultural dependency did not concern Sarmiento and others like him. THE SEARCH FOR PROGRESS Before 1810 two distinct, rival, and incompatible forms of society, two differing kinds of civilization existed in the Argentine Republic: one being Spanish, European, and cultivated, the other barbarous, American, and almost wholly of native growth. The revolution which occurred in the cities acted only as the cause, the impulse, which set these two distinct forms of national existence face to face, and gave occasion for a contest between them, to be ended, after lasting many years, by the absorption of one into the other. I have pointed out the normal form of association, or want of association, of the country people, a form worse a thousand times, than that of a nomad tribe. I have described the artificial associations formed in idleness, and the sources of fame among the gauchos-bravery, daring, violence and opposition to regular law, to the civil law, that is, of the city. These phenomena of social organization existed in 1810, and still exist, modified in many points, slowly changing in others, and yet untouched in several more. These foci about which were gathered the brave, ignorant, free, and unemployed peasantry, were found by thousands through the country. The revolution of 1810 carried everywhere commotion and the sound of arms. Public life, previously wanting in this Arabo-Roman society, made its appearance in all the taverns, and the revolutionary movement finally brought about provincial, warlike associations, called montoneras [mounted gaucho guerrilla bands], legitimate offspring of the tavern and the field, hostile to the city and to the army of revolutionary patriots. As events succeed each other, we shall see the provincial montoneras headed by their chiefs; the final triumph, in Facundo Quiroga [a caudillo leader], of the country over the cities throughout the land; and by their subjugation in spirit, government, and civilization, the final formation of the central consolidated despotic government of the landed proprietor, Don Juan Manuel de Rosas, who applied the knife of the gaucho to the culture of Buenos Aires, and destroyed the work of centuries-of civilization, law, and liberty... They [revolutions for independence] were the same throughout America, and sprang from the same source, namely, the progress of European ideas. South America pursued that course because all other nations were pursuing it. Books, events, and the impulses given by these, induced South America to take part in the movement imparted to France by North American demands for liberty, and to Spain by her own and French writers. But what my object requires me to notice is that the revolution-except in its external symbolic independence of the king-was interesting and intelligible only to the Argentine cities, but foreign and unmeaning to the rural districts. Books, ideas, municipal spirit, courts, laws, statues, education, all points of contact and union existing between us and the people of Europe, were to be found in the cities, where there was a basis of organization, incomplete and comparatively evil, perhaps, for the very reason it was incomplete, and had not attained the elevation which it felt itself capable of reaching, but it entered into the revolution with enthusiasm. Outside the cities, the revolution was a problematical affair, and [in] so far [ as J shaking off the king's authority was shaking off judicial authority, it was acceptable. The pastoral districts could only regard the question from this point of view. Liberty, responsibility of power, and all the questions that the revolution was to solve, were foreign to their mode of life and to their needs. But they derived this advantage from the revolution, that it tended to confer an object and an occupation upon the excess of vital force, the presence of which among them has been pointed out, and was to add a broader base of union than that to which throughout the country districts the men daily resorted. The Argentine Revolutionary War was twofold: first, a civilized warfare of the cities against Spain; second, a war against the cities on the part of the country chieftains with the view of shaking off all political subjugation and satisfying their hatred of civilization. The cities overcame the Spaniards, and were in their turn overcome by the country districts. This is the explanation of the Argentine Revolution, the first shot of which fired in 1810, and the last is still to be heard. QUESTIONS To what extent did the leaders of independence see their problems as a result of their Hispanic heritage? What would have been the reaction of the mass of the population to Sarmiento's idea of progress? Were the leaders naive about Latin America's possibilities for political democracy? 626 PART V The Dawn of the Industrial Age,

16 The population tripled to more than 3 million as the agricultural expansion, high wages, and opportunities for mobility attracted large numbers of European immigrants. Buenos Aires became a great, sprawling metropolis. With increased revenues, the government could initiate reforms in education, transportation, and other areas, often turning to foreign models and foreign investors. There was also an increased feeling of national unity. A long and bloody war waged by Argentina, Brazil, and Uruguay against their neighbor Paraguay from 1865 to 1870 created a sense of unity and national pride. That sense was also heightened by the final defeat of the Indians south of Buenos Aires by 1880 as more land was opened to ranching and agriculture. At about the same time as in the United States, the railroad, the telegraph, and the repeating rifle brought an end to the Indians' resistance and opened their lands to settlement. The native peoples who were pushed far to the south, and the gauchos, whose way of life was displaced by the tide of immigrants, received little sympathy from the liberal government. By 1890, Argentina seemed to represent the achievement of a liberal program for Latin America. The Brazilian Empire It was sometimes said that despite its monarchical form, Brazil was the only functioning"republic" in South America in the 19th century. At first glance it seemed that Brazil avoided much of the political instability and turmoil found elsewhere in the continent and that through the mediation of the emperor a political compromise was worked out. However, problems and patterns similar to those in Spanish America lay beneath that facade. The transition to nationhood was smooth, and thus the basic foundations of Brazilian society-slavery, large landholdings, and an export economy-remained securely in place, reinforced by a new Brazilian nobility created for the new empire. Brazilian independence had been declared in 1822, and by 1824 a liberal constitution had been issued by Dom Pedro I, the young Brazilian monarch, although not without resistance from those who wanted a republic or at least a very weak constitutional monarchy. But Dom Pedro I was an autocrat. In 1831 he was forced to abdicate in favor of his young son, Pedro (later to become Dom Pedro II), but the boy was too young to rule, and a series of regents directed the country in his name. What followed was an experiment in republican government, although the facade of monarchy was maintained. The next decade was as tumultuous as any in Spanish America. The conflict between liberalism and conservatism was complicated by the existence of monarchist and antimonarchist factions in Brazil. A series of regional revolts erupted, some of which took on aspects of social wars as people of all classes were mobilized in the fighting. The army suppressed these movements. By 1840, however, the politicians were willing to see the young Dom Pedro II begin to rule in his own name (Figure 26.5). Meanwhile, Brazil had been undergoing an economic transformation brought about by a new export crop: coffee. Coffee provided a new basis for agricultural expansion in southern Brazil. In the provinces of Rio de Janeiro and then Sao Paulo, coffee estates, or fazendas, began to spread toward the interior as new lands were opened. By 1840 coffee made up more than 40 percent of Brazil's exports, and by 1880 that figure reached 60 percent. Along with the expansion of coffee growing came an intensification of slavery, Brazil's primary form of labor. For a variety of humanitarian and economic reasons, Great Britain pressured Brazil to end the slave trade from Africa during the 19th century, but the slave trade continued on an enormous scale up to More than 1.4 million Africans were imported to Brazil in the last 50 years of the trade, and even after the trans-atlantic slave trade ended, slavery continued. At mid-century, about one-fourth of Brazil's population was still enslaved. Although some reformers were in favor of ending slavery, a real abolitionist movement did not develop in Brazil until after Brazil did not finally abolish slavery until As in the rest of Latin America, the years after 1850 saw considerable growth and prosperity in Brazil. Dom Pedro II proved to be an enlightened man of middleclass habits who was anxious to reign over a tranquil and progressive nation, even if that tranquility was based on slave labor. The trappings of a monarchy, a court, and noble titles kept the elite attached to the regime. Meanwhile, railroads, steamships, fazendas Coffee estates that spread within interior of Brazil between 1840 and 1860; created major export commodity for Brazilian trade; led to intensification of slavery in Brazil. Iii View the Closer Look M on MyHistorylab: Coffee Plantation in Brazil FIGURE 26.5 Dom Pedro II, an enlightened man of middle-class habits who was anxious to reign over a tranquil and progressive nation despite the role that slavery continued to play in its social and economic life. CHAPTER 26 The Consolidation of Latin America,

17 Read the Document on li::ii:i MyHistorylab: Millenarianism in Late-Nineteenth-Century Brazil-Canudos and the telegraph began to change communication and transportation. Foreign companies invested in these projects as well as in banking and other activities. In growing cities such as Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo, merchants, lawyers, a middle class, and an urban working class began to exert pressure on the government. Less wedded to landholding and slavery, these new groups were a catalyst for change, even though the right to vote was still very limited. Moreover, the nature of the labor force was changing. After 1850 a tide of immigrants, mostly from Italy and Portugal, began to reach Brazil's shores, increasingly attracted by government immigration schemes. Between 1850 and 1875, more than 300,000 immigrants arrived in Brazil; more than two-thirds of them went to work in the coffee estates of southern Brazil. Their presence lessened the dependence on slavery, and by 1870 the abolitionist movement was gaining strength. A series of laws freeing children and the aged, the sympathy of Dom Pedro II, the agitation by abolitionists (both black and white), and the efforts of the slaves (who began to resist and run away in large numbers) brought in 1888 an end to slavery in Brazil, the last nation in the Western Hemisphere to abolish it. Support for the monarchy began to wither. The long War of the Triple Alliance against Paraguay ( ) had become unpopular, and the military began to take an active role in politics. Squabbles with the church undercut support from the clergy. The planters now turned increasingly to immigrants for their laborers, and some began to modernize their operations. The ideas of positivism-the modernizing philosophy discussed above in relation to Mexico that attempted to bring about material progress by applying the scientific principles of logic and rationality to government and society-attracted many intellectuals and key members of the army. Politically, a Republican party formed in 1871 began to gather support in urban areas from a wide spectrum of the population. The Brazilian monarchy, long a defender of the planter class and its interests, could not survive the abolition of slavery. In 1889 a nearly bloodless military coup deposed the emperor and established a republic under military men strongly influenced by positivist intellectuals and Republican politicians. But such "progress" came at certain costs in many nations in Latin America. In the harsh backlands of northeastern Brazil, for example, the change to a republic, economic hardship, and the secularization of society provoked peasant unrest. Antonio Conselheiro, a religious mystic, began to gather followers in the 1890s, especially among the dispossessed peasantry. Eventually their community, Canudos, contained thousands of followers of this messianic leader. The government feared these "fanatics" and sent four military expeditions against Canudos, Conselheiro's "New Jerusalem:' The fighting was bloody, and casualties were in the thousands. Conselheiro and his followers put up a determined guerrilla defense of their town and their view of the world. The tragedy of Canudos's destruction moved journalist Euclides da Cunha to write Rebellion in the Back/ands ( Os sertoes, 1902), an account of the events. Like Sarmiento, he saw this resistance as a struggle between civilization and barbarism. However, da Cunha maintained great sympathy for the followers of Conselheiro, and he argued that civilization could not be spread in the flash of a cannon. The book has become a classic of Latin American literature, but the problems of national integration and the disruption of traditional values in the wake of modernization and change remained unresolved. In Brazil that was especially true because of the legacy of slavery and the need to integrate the ex-slaves into the nation. SOCIETIES IN SEARCH OF THEMSELVES A tension in cultural life existed between European influences and the desire to express an American reality, or between elite and folk culture. Social change came very slowly for American Indians, blacks, and women, but by the end of the century the desire for progress and economic resurgence was beginning to have social effects. What were the positive and negative effects of its bounty of raw materials needed by an industrializing Europe? The end of colonial rule opened up Latin America to direct influences from the rest of Europe. Scientific observers, travelers, and the just plain curious-often accompanied by artists-came to see and record, and while doing so introduced new ideas and fashions. Artistic and cultural missions sometimes were brought directly from Europe by Latin American governments. The elites of the new nations adopted the tastes and fashions of Europe. The battles and triumphs of independence were celebrated in paintings, hymns, odes, and theatrical pieces in the neoclassical style in an attempt to use Greece and Rome as a model for the present. Latin Americans followed the lead of Europe, especially France. The same neoclassical tradition also was apparent in the architecture of the early 19th century. 628 PART V The Dawn of the Industrial Age,

18 Cultural Expression After Independence In the 1830s, the generation that came of age after independence turned to romanticism and found the basis of a new nationality in historical images, the American Indian, and local customs. This generation often had a romantic view of liberty. They emphasized the exotic as well as the distinctive aspects of American society. In Brazil, for example, poet Ant6nio Gonc;:alves Dias ( ) used the American Indian as a symbol of Brazil and America. In Cuba, novels sympathetic to slaves began to appear by mid-century. In Argentina, writers celebrated the pampas and its open spaces. Sarmiento's critical account of the caudillos in Facundo described in depth the life of the gauchos, but it was Jose Hernandez who in 1872 wrote Martin Fierro, a romantic epic poem about the end of the way of the gaucho. Historical themes and the writing of history became a political act because studying the past became a way of organizing the present. Many of Latin America's leading politicians were also excellent historians and the theme of their writing was the creation of the nation. By the 1870s, a new realism emerged in the arts and literature that was more in line with the scientific approach of positivism and the modernization of the new nations. As the economies of Latin America surged forward, novelists appeared who were unafraid to deal with human frailties such as corruption, prejudice, and greed. Chilean Alberto Blest Gana and Brazilian mulatto J. Machado de Assis ( ) wrote critically about the social mores of their countries during this era. Throughout the century, the culture of the mass of the population had been little affected by the trends and tastes of the elite. Popular arts, folk music, and dance flourished in traditional settings, demonstrating a vitality and adaptability to new situations that was often lacking in the more imitative fine arts. Sometimes authors in the romantic tradition or poets such as Hernandez turned to traditional themes for their subject and inspiration, and in that way they brought these traditions to the greater attention of their class and the world. For the most part, however, popular artistic expressions were not appreciated or valued by the traditional elites, the modernizing urban bourgeoisie, or the new immigrants. Old Patterns of Gender, Class, and Race Although significant political changes make it appealing to deal with the 19th century as an era of great change and transformation in Latin America, it is necessary to recognize the persistence of old patterns and sometimes their reinforcement. Changes took place, to be sure, but their effects were not felt equally by all classes or groups in society, nor were all groups attracted by the promises of the new political regimes and their views of progress. For example, women gained little ground during most of the century. They had participated actively in the independence movements. Some had taken up arms or aided the insurgent forces, and some-such as Colombian Policarpa (La Pola) Salvatierra, whose final words were "Do not forget my example" -had paid for their activities on the gallows. After independence, there was almost no change in the predominant attitudes toward women's proper role. Expected to be wives and mothers, women could not vote, hold public office, become lawyers, or in some places testify in a court of law. Although there were a few exceptions, unmarried women younger than 25 remained under the power and authority of their fathers. Once married, they could not work, enter into contracts, or control their own estates without permission of their husbands. As in the colonial era, marriage, politics, and the creation of kinship links were essential elements in elite control of land and political power, and thus women remained a crucial resource in family strategies. Lower-class women had more economic freedom-often controlling local marketing-and also more personal freedom than elite women under the constraints of powerful families. In legal terms, however, their situation was no better-and in material terms, much worse-than that of their elite sisters. Still, by the 1870s women were an important part of the workforce. The one area in which the situation of women began to change significantly was public education. There had already been a movement in this direction in the colonial era. At first, the idea behind education for girls and women was that because women were responsible for educating their children, they should be educated so that the proper values could be passed to the next generation. By 1842 Mexico City required girls and boys age 7 to 15 to attend school, and in 1869 the first girls' school was created in Mexico. Liberals in Mexico wanted secular public education to prepare women for an enlightened role within the home, and similar sentiments were expressed by liberal regimes elsewhere. CHAPTER 26 The Consolidation of Latin America,

19 630 PART V The Dawn of the Industrial Age, Public schools appeared throughout Latin America, although their impact was limited. For example, Brazil had a population of 10 million in 1873, but only about 1 million men and half that number of women were literate. The rise of secular public education created new opportunities for women. The demand for teachers at the primary level created the need for schools in which to train teachers. Because most teachers were women, these teacher training schools gave women access to advanced education. Although the curriculum often emphasized traditional female roles, an increasing number of educated women began to emerge who were dissatisfied with the legal and social constraints on their lives. By the end of the 19th century, these women were becoming increasingly active in advocating women's rights and other political issues. In most cases, the new nations legally ended the old society of castes in which legal status and definition depended on color and ethnicity, but in reality much of that system continued. The stigma of skin color and former slave status created barriers to advancement. Indigenous peoples in Mexico, Bolivia, and Peru often continued to labor under poor conditions and to suffer the effects of government failures. There was conflict. In Yucatan, a great rebellion broke out, pitting the Maya against the central government and the whites, in 1839 and again in Despite the intentions of governments, indigenous peoples resisted changes imposed from outside their communities and were willing to defend their traditional ways. The word Indian was still an insult in most places in Latin America. For some mestizos and others of mixed origin, the century presented opportunities for advancement in the army, professions, and commerce, but these cases were exceptions. The former slaves throughout Latin America sought the benefits of full citizenship, but while legal equality came with abolition, their economic condition changed slowly. In many places, expansion of the export economy perpetuated old patterns. Liberalism itself changed during the century, and once its program of secularization, rationalism, and property rights was made law, it became more restrictive. Positivists at the end of the century still hoped for economic growth, but some were willing to gain it at the expense of individual freedoms. The positivists generally were convinced of the benefits of international trade for Latin America, and large landholdings increased in many areas at the expense of small farms and Indian communal lands as a result. A small, white Creole, landed upper class controlled the economies and politics in most places, and they were sometimes joined in the political and economic functions by a stratum of urban middle-class merchants, bureaucrats, and other bourgeois types. The landed and mercantile elite tended to merge over time to create one group that, in most places, controlled the government. Meanwhile, new social forces were at work. The flood of immigration, beginning in earnest in the 1870s, to Argentina, Brazil, and a few other nations began to change the social composition of those places. Increasingly, rapid urbanization also changed these societies. Still, Latin America, although politically independent, began the 1880s as a group of predominantly agrarian nations with rigid social structures and a continuing dependency on the world market. The Great Boom, Between 1880 and 1920, Latin America, like certain areas of Asia and Africa, experienced a tremen - dous spurt of economic growth, stimulated by the increasing demand in industrializing Europe and the United States for raw materials, foodstuffs, and specialized tropical crops. Mexico and Argentina are two excellent examples of the effects of these changes, but not all groups shared the benefits of economic growth. By the end of the 19th century, the United States was beginning to intervene directly in Latin American affairs. Latin America was well prepared for export-led economic expansion. The liberal ideology of individual freedoms, an open market, and limited government intervention in the operation of the economy had triumphed in many places. Whereas this ideology had been the expression of the middle class in Europe, in Latin America it was adopted not only by the small urban middle class but also by the large landowners, miners, and export merchants linked to the rural economy and the traditional patterns of wealth and land owning. In a number of countries, a political alliance was forged between the traditional aristocracy of wealth and the new urban elements. Together they controlled the presidential offices and the congresses and imposed a business-as-usual approach to government at the expense of peasants and a newly emerging working class. The expansion of Latin American economies was led by exports. Each nation had a specialty: bananas and coffee from the nations of Central America; tobacco and sugar from Cuba; rubber

20 l l l 26.3 J and coffee from Brazil; hennequen (a fiber for making rope), copper, and silver from Mexico; wool, wheat, and beef from Argentina; copper from Chile. In this era of strong demand and good prices, these nations made high profits. This allowed them to import large quantities of foreign goods, and it provided funds for the beautification of cities and other government projects. But export-led expansion was always risky because the world market prices of Latin American commodities ultimately were determined by conditions outside the region. In that sense, these economies were particularly vulnerable and in some ways dependent. Also, export-led expansion could result in rivalry, hostility, and even war between neighboring countries. Control of the nitrates that lay in areas between Chile, Peru, and Bolivia generated a dispute that led to the War of the Pacific ( ), pitting Chile against Bolivia and Peru.Although all were unprepared for a modern war at first, eventually thousands of troops were mobilized. The Chileans occupied Lima in 1881 and then imposed a treaty on Peru. Bolivia lost Antofagasta and its access to the Pacific Ocean and became a landlocked nation. Chile increased its size by a third and benefited from an economic boom during and after the war. In Peru and Bolivia, governments fell, and a sense of national crisis set in after the defeat in the "fertilizer war:' The expansion of Latin American trade was remarkable. It increased by about 50 percent between 1870 and Argentina's trade was increasing at about 5 percent a year during this period-one of the highest rates of growth ever recorded for a national economy. "As wealthy as an Argentine" became an expression in Paris, reflecting the fortunes that wool, beef, and grain were earning for some THINKING HISTORICALLY,, Explaining Underdevelopment THE TERMS UNDERDEVELOPED AND THE MORE benign developing describe a large number of nations in the world with a series of economic and social problems. Because Latin America was first among what we recently called the developing nations to establish its independence and begin to compete in the world economy, it had to con - front the reasons for its relative position and problems early and without many models to follow. The Document section of this chapter offers two visions of Latin America's early problems that are similar because both emphasize the Hispanic cultural heritage, as well as its supposed deficiencies or strengths, as a key explanation for the region's history. Such cultural explanations were popular among 19th-century intellectuals and political leaders, and they continue today, although other general theories based on economics and politics have become more popular. At the time of Latin American independence, the adoption of European models of economy, government, and law seemed to offer great hope. But as "progress;' republican forms of government, free trade, and liberalism failed to bring about general prosperity and social harmony, Latin Americans and others began to search for alternative explanations of their continuing problems as a first step in solving them. Some critics condemned the Hispanic cultural legacy; others saw the materialism of the modern In 19th-century Latin America... early attempts to develop industry were faced with competition from the cheaper and better products of already industrialized nations such as England and France, so a similar path to development was impossible. world as the major problem and called for a return to religion and idealism. By the 20th century, Marxism provided a powerful analysis of Latin America's history and present reality, although Marxists themselves could not decide whether Latin American societies were essentially feudal and needed first to become capitalist or whether they were already capitalist and were ready for socialist revolution. Throughout these debates, Latin Americans often implicitly compared their situation with that of the United States and tried to explain the different economic positions of the two regions. At the beginning of the 19th century, both regions were still primarily agricultural, and although a few places in North America were starting small industries, the mining sector in Latin America was far stronger than that of its northern neighbor. In 1850 the population of Latin America was 33 million, the population of the United States was 23 million, and the per capita income in both regions was roughly equal. By 1940, however, Latin America's population was much larger and its economic situation was far worse than in the United States. Observers were preoccupied by why and how this disparity arose. Was there some flaw in the Latin American character, or were the explanations to be found in the economic and political differences between the two areas, and how could these differences be explained? The answers to these questions were not easy (continued on next page) CHAPTER 26 The Consolidation oflatin America,

21 r 26.4 (continued from previous page) to obtain, but increasingly they were sought not in the history of individual countries but in analyses of a world economic and political system. There had long been a Marxist critique of colonialism and imperialism, but the modern Latin American analysis of underdevelopment grew from different origins. During the 1950s, a number of European and North American scholars developed the concept of modernization, or westernization. Basing their ideas on the historical experience of western Europe, they believed that development was a matter of increasing per capita production in any society, and that as development took place, various kinds of social changes would follow. The more industrialized, urban, and modern a society became, the more social change and improvement were possible as traditional patterns and attitudes were abandoned or transformed. Technology, communication, and the distribution of material goods were the means by which the transformation would take place. Some scholars also believed that as this process occurred; there would be a natural movement toward more democratic forms of government and popular participation. Modernization theory held out the promise that any society could move toward a brighter future by following the path taken earlier by western Europe. Its message was one of improvement through gradual rather than radical or revolutionary change, and thus it tended to be politically conservative. It also tended to disregard cultural differences, internal class conflicts, and struggles for power within nations. Moreover, sometimes it was adopted by military regimes that believed imposing order was the best way to promote the economic changes necessary for modernization. The proponents of modernization theory had a difficult time convincing many people in the "underdeveloped" world, where the historical experience had been very different from that of western Europe. In 19th-century Latin America, for example, early attempts to develop industry were faced with competition from the cheaper and better products of already industrialized nations such as England and France, so a similar path to development was impossible. Critics argued that each nation did not operate individually but was part of a world system that kept some areas "developed" at the expense of others. These ideas were first and most cogently expressed in Latin America. After World War II, the United Nations established an Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLA). Under the leadership of Argentine economist Raul Prebisch, the ECLA began to analyze the Latin American economies. Prebisch argued that "unequal exchange" between the developed nations at the center of the world economy and those like Latin America created structural blocks to economic growth. The ECLA suggested various policies to overcome the problems, especially the development of industries that would overcome the region's dependence on foreign imports. From the structural analysis of the ECLA and from more traditional Marxist critiques, a new kind of explanation, usually called dependency theory, began to emerge in the 1960s. Rather than seeing underdevelopment or the lack of economic growth as the result of failed modernization, some scholars in Latin America began to argue that development and underdevelopment were not stages but part of the same process. They believed that the development and growth of some areas, such as western Europe and the United States, were achieved at the expense of, or because of, the underdevelopment of dependent regions such as Latin America. Agricultural economies at the periphery of the world economic system always were at a disadvantage in dealing with the industrial nations of the center, and thus they would become poorer as the industrial nations got richer. The industrial nations would continually draw products, profits, and cheap labor from the periphery. This basic economic relationship of dependency meant that external forces determined production, capital accumulation, and class relations in a dependent country. Some theorists went further and argued that Latin America and other nations of the Third World were culturally dependent in their consumption of ideas and concepts. Both modernization theory and Mickey Mouse were seen as the agents of a cultural domination that was simply an extension of economic reality. These theorists usually argued that socialism offered the only hope for breaking out of the dependency relationship. These ideas, which dominated Latin American intellectual life, were appealing to other areas of Asia and Africa that had recently emerged from colonial control. Forms of dependency analysis became popular in many areas of the world in the 1960s and 1970s. By the 1980s, however, dependency theory was losing its appeal. As an explanation of what had happened historically in Latin America, it was useful, but as a theory that could predict what might happen elsewhere, it provided little help. Marxists argued that it overemphasized the circulation of goods (trade) rather than how things were produced and that it ignored the class conflicts they believed were the driving force of history. Moreover, with the rise of multinational corporations and globalization, capitalism itself was changing and was becoming less tied to individual countries. Thus an analysis based on trade relationships between countries became somewhat outdated. Can development be widespread, as modernization theory argues, or is the underdevelopment of some countries inherent in the capitalist world economy, as the dependency theorists believed? The issue is still in dispute. The tilt to the left in Latin American electoral politics since 2000 is evidence of growing regional dissatisfaction in two areas-with Latin America's position in the global economy and with the misdistribution of the benefits of economic growth among the population. The economic success of Chile, Colombia, and Brazil since 2005 seem to indicate that Latin America need not be condemned by its past. QUESTIONS In what sense was 19th-century Latin America a dependent economy? Which explanation or prediction about dependency best fits world economic trends today? 632 PART V The Dawn of the Industrial Age,

22 j l j in Argentina. In Mexico, an oligarchic dictatorship, which maintained all the outward attributes of democracy but imposed "law and order" under the dictator Porfirio Diaz, created the conditions for unrestrained profits. Mexican exports doubled between 1877 and Similar figures could be cited for Chile, Costa Rica, and Bolivia. This rapidly expanding commerce attracted the interest of foreign investors eager for high returns on their capital. British, French, German, and North American businesses and entrepreneurs invested in mining, railroads, public utilities, and banking. More than half the foreign investments in Latin America were British, which alone were 10 times more in 1913 than they had been in But British leadership was no longer uncontested; Germany and, increasingly, the United States provided competition. The United States was particularly active in the Caribbean region and Mexico, but not until after World War I did U.S. capital predominate in the region. Foreign investments provided Latin America with needed capital and services but tended to place key industries, transportation facilities, and services in foreign hands. Foreign investments also constrained Latin American governments in their social, commercial, and diplomatic policies. Mexico and Argentina: Examples of Economic Transformation We can use these two large Latin American nations as examples of different responses within the same general pattern. In Mexico, the liberal triumph of Juarez had set the stage for economic growth and constitutional government. In 1876, Porfirio Diaz, one ofjuarez's generals, was elected president, and for the next 35 years he dominated politics. Diaz suppressed regional rebellions and imposed a strong centralized government. Financed by foreign capital, the railroad system grew rapidly, providing a new way to integrate Mexican regional economies, move goods to the ports for export, and allow the movement of government troops to keep order. Industrialization began to take place. Foreign investment was encouraged in mining, transportation, and other sectors of the economy, and financial policies were changed to promote investments. For example, United States investments expanded from about 30 million pesos in 1883 to more than $1 billion by The forms of liberal democracy were maintained but were subverted to keep Diaz in power and to give his development plans an open track. Behind these policies were a number of advisors who were strongly influenced by positivist ideas and who wanted to impose a scientific approach on the national economy. These cientificos set the tone for Mexico while the government suppressed any political opposition to these policies. Diaz's Mexico projected an image of modernization led by a Europeanized elite who greatly profited from the economic growth and the imposition of order under Don Porfirio. Growth often was bought at the expense of Mexico's large rural peasantry and its growing urban and working classes. This population was essentially native, because unlike Argentina and Brazil, Mexico had received few immigrants. They participated very little in the prosperity of export-led growth. Economic expansion at the expense of peasants and American Indian communal lands created a volatile situation. Strikes and labor unrest increased, particularly among railroad workers, miners, and textile workers. In the countryside, a national police force, the Rurales, maintained order, and the army was mobilized when needed. At the regional level, political bosses linked to the Diaz regime in Mexico City delivered the votes in rigged elections. For 35 years, Diaz reigned supreme and oversaw the transformation of the Mexican economy. His opponents were arrested or driven into exile, and the small middle class, the landowners, miners, and foreign investors celebrated the progress of Mexico. In 1910, however, a middle-class movement with limited political goals seeking electoral reform began to mushroom into a more general uprising in which the frustrations of the poor, the workers, the peasants, and nationalist intellectuals of various political persuasions erupted in a bloody 10-year civil war, the Mexican Revolution. At the other end of the hemisphere, Argentina followed an alternative path of economic expansion. By 1880 the American Indians on the southern pampas had been conquered, and vast new tracts of land were opened to ranching. The strange relationship between Buenos Aires and the rest of the nation was resolved when Buenos Aires was made a federal district. With a rapidly expanding economy, it became "the Paris of South America;' an expression that reflected the drive by wealthy Argentines to establish themselves as a modern nation. By 1914 Buenos Aires had more than 2 million inhabitants, or about one-fourth of the national population. Its political leaders, the "Generation of l'::!11 Read the Document on l:ii:il MyHistoryLab: Francisco Garcia Calderon, excerpt from Latin America: Its Rise and Progress cientlficos Advisors of government of Porfirio Dfaz who were strongly influenced by positivist ideas; permitted Mexican government to project image of modernization. CHAPTER 26 The Consolidation of Latin America,

23 l 61..J 6.2 l VISUALIZING THE PAST Images of the Spanish-American War ALTHOUGH THE UNITED STATES HAD FOUGHT a war with Mexico in the 1840s and commercial ties were growing in the 1880s, the real push for expansion in Latin America came in 1898 with the Spanish-American War. The U.S. motives for the war were a mixture of altruism and the desire for strategic and commercial advantages. A great deal of popular support was mobilized in the United States by the popular press, not by celebrating imperial expansion but by emphasizing the oppression suffered by people still under Spain's colonial rule. Sympathy was especially strong for the Cubans who had fought a bloody rebellion for indepen dence from 1868 to However, the U.S. press often portrayed Latin Americans as unruly children and emphasized their "racial" difference, creating an image quite typical for the period. During the war, Teddy Roosevelt's heroic feats and the American victories stimulated national pride, but the element of altruism was always part of the mix. As in Europe, the concept of a "white man's bur den'' could not be separated from the drive for empire. QUESTIONS In what way do images convey political messages more effectively than texts? When do calls for moral action justify intervention in the affairs of another country? 634 PARTY The Dawn of the Industrial Age, Puck was one of the popular political magazines of the era. The two cover images shown here from the period of the Spanish-American War reflect popular sentiments and attitudes at the time.

24 l ;' inherited the liberal program of Sarmiento and other liberals, and they were able to enact their programs because of the high levels of income the expanding economy generated. Technological changes contributed to Argentine prosperity. Refrigerated ships allowed fresh beef to be sent directly to Europe, and this along with wool and wheat provided the basis of expansion. The flood of immigrants provided labor. Some were golondrinas (literally, "swallows"), who were able to work one harvest in Italy and then a second in Argentina because of the differences in seasons in the two hemispheres, but many immigrants elected to stay. Almost 3.5 million immigrants stayed in Argentina between 1857 and 1930, and unlike the Mexican population, by 1914 about one-third of the Argentine population was foreign born. Italians, Germans, Russians, and Jews came to, "hacer America" -that is, "to make America" -and remained. In a way, they really did Europeanize Argentina, as did not happen in Mexico, introducing the folkways and ideologies of the European rural and working classes. The result was a fusion of cultures that produced not only a radical workers' movement but also the distinctive music of the tango, which combined Spanish, African, and other musical elements in the cafe and red-light districts of Buenos Aires. The tango became the music of the Argentine urban working class. As the immigrant flood increased, workers began to seek political expression. A Socialist party was formed in the 1890s and tried to elect representatives to office. Anarchists hoped to smash the political system and called for strikes and walkouts. Inspired to some extent by European ideological battles, the struggle spilled into the streets. Violent strikes and government repression characterized the decade after 1910, culminating in a series of strikes in 1918 that led to extreme repression. Development had its social costs. The Argentine oligarchy was capable of some internal reform, however. A new party representing the emerging middle class began to organize, aided by an electoral law in 1912 that called for secret ballots, universal male suffrage, and compulsory voting. With this change, the Radical party, promising political reform and more liberal policies for workers, came to power in 1916, but faced with labor unrest it acted as repressively as its predecessors. The oligarchy made room for middle-class politicians and interests, but the problems of Argentina's expanding labor force remained unresolved, and Argentina's economy remained closely tied to the international market for its exports. On the other hand, the new political climate favored the growing calls for equality for women, and a number of feminist organizations began to emerge. With many variations, similar patterns of economic growth, political domination by oligarchies formed by traditional aristocracies and "progressive" middle classes, and a rising tide of labor unrest or rural rebellion can be noted elsewhere in Latin America. Modernization was not welcomed by all sectors of society. Messianic religious movements in Brazil, American Indian resistance to the loss of lands in Colombia, and banditry in Mexico were all to some extent reactions to the changes being forced on the societies by national governments tied to the ideology of progress and often insensitive to its effects. J Uncle Sam Goes South After its Civil War, the United States began to take a more direct and active interest in the politics and economies of Latin America. Commerce and investments began to expand rapidly in this period, especially in Mexico and Central America. American industry was seeking new markets and raw materials, while the growing population of the United States created a demand for Latin American products. Attempts were made to create inter-american cooperation. A major turning point came in 1898 with the outbreak of war between Spain and the United States, which began to join the nations of western Europe in the age of imperialism. The war centered on Cuba and Puerto Rico, Spain's last colonies in the Americas. The Cuban economy had boomed in the 19th century on the basis of its exports of sugar and tobacco grown with slave labor. A 10-year civil war for independence, beginning in 1868, had failed in its main objective but had won the island some autonomy. A number of ardent Cuban nationalists, including journalist and poet Jose Marti, had gone into exile to continue the struggle. Fighting erupted again in 1895, and the United States joined in in 1898, declaring war on Spain and occupying Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines. In fact, U.S. investments in Cuba had been increasing rapidly before the war, and the United States had become a major market for Cuban sugar. The Spanish-American War opened the door to direct U.S. involvement in the Caribbean. A U.S. government of occupation was imposed on Cuba Spanish-American War War fought between Spain and the United States beginning in 1898; centered on Cuba and Puerto Rico; permitted American intervention in Caribbean, annexation of Puerto Rico and the Philippines. CHAPTER 26 The Consolidation oflatin America,

25 26.4 Panama Canal An aspect of American intervention in Latin America; resulted from United States support for a Panamanian indepen dence movement in return for a grant to exclusive rights to a canal across the Panama isthmus; provided short route between Atlantic and Pacific oceans; completed and Puerto Rico, which had witnessed its own stirrings for independence in the 19th century. When the occupation of Cuba ended in 1902, a series of onerous conditions was imposed on independent Cuba that made it almost an American dependency-a status that was legally imposed in Puerto Rico. For strategic, commercial, and economic reasons, Latin America, particularly the Caribbean and Mexico, began to attract American interest at the turn of the century. These considerations lay behind the drive to build a canal across Central America that would shorten the route between the Atlantic and Pacific. When Colombia proved reluctant to meet American proposals, the United States backed a Panamanian movement for independence and then signed a treaty with its representative that granted the United States extensive rights over the Panama Canal (Figure 26.6). President Theodore Roosevelt was a major force behind the canal, which was opened to traffic in The Panama Canal was a remarkable engineering feat and a fitting symbol of the technological and industrial strength of the United States. North Americans were proud of these achievements and hoped to demonstrate the superiority of the "American way"-a feeling fed to some extent by racist ideas and a sense of cultural superiority. Latin Americans were wary of American power and inten tions in the area. Many intellectuals cautioned against the expansionist designs of the United States and against what they saw as the materialism of American culture. Uruguayan Jose Enrique Rod6, FIGURE 26.6 The drive for opening of a sea route from the Atlantic to the Pacific moved the United States to back the creation of the Panama Canal. Between 1881 and 1914 the canal, a major engineering feat, was constructed. The nation of Panama was created in the process of securing rights to the canal when the United States backed an independence movement that separated Panama from Colombia. The Panama Canal changed the nature of international maritime commerce. This image is of the Gatlin cut, which was the major excavation on the canal. 636 PARTY The Dawn of the Industrial Age,

26 ) 26. j l 26.3 in his essay Ariel (1900), contrasted the spirituality of Hispanic culture with the materialism of the United States. Elsewhere in Latin America, others offered similar critiques. Latin American criticism had a variety of origins: nationalism, a Catholic defense of traditional values, and some socialist attacks on expansive capitalism. In a way, Latin America, which had achieved its political independence in the 19th century and had been part of European developments, was able to articulate the fears and the reactions of the areas that had become the colonies and semicolonies of western Europe and the United States in the age of empire. Global Connections and Critical Themes NEW LATIN AMERICAN NATIONS AND THE WORLD During the 19th century, the nations of Latin America moved from the status of colonies to that of independent nation-states. The process was sometimes exhilarating and often painful, but during the course of the century, these nations were able to create governments and begin to address many social and economic problems. These problems were inherited from the colonial era and were intensified by internal political and ideological conflicts and foreign intervention. Moreover, the Latin American nations had to revive their economies after their struggles for independence and to confront their position within the world economic system as suppliers of agricultural products and minerals and consumers of manufactured goods. Those roles also intensified certain environmental problems like deforestation, erosion, and pollution caused by the expansion of plantation crops, mining, the exploitation of forests, and increasing urbanization. To some extent Latin America ran against the currents of global history in the 19th century. During the great age of imperialism, Latin America cast off the previous colonial controls. Swept by the same winds of change that had transformed Europe's society and economy and led to the separation of England's North American colonies, Latin American countries struggled with the problems of nation-building while, like China and Russia, holding off colonial incursions. In this sense, and also in some efforts to define a Latin American cultural identity, Latin America became a bit more isolated in the world at large. The heritage of the past weighed heavily on Latin America. Political and social changes were many, and pressures for these changes came from a variety of sources, such as progressive politicians, modernizing military men, a growing urban population, dissatisfied workers, and disadvantaged peasants. Still, in many ways Latin America remained remarkably unchanged. Revolts were frequent, but revolutions that changed the structure of society or the distribution of land and wealth were few, and the reforms intended to make such changes usually were unsuccessful. The elite controlled most of the economic resources, a growing but still small urban sector had emerged politically but either remained weak or had to accommodate the elite, and most of the population continued to labor on the land with little hope of improvement. Latin America had a distinctive civilization, culturally and politically sharing much of the Western tradition yet economically functioning more like areas of Asia and Africa. Latin America was the first non-western area to face the problems of decolonization, and many aspects of its history that seemed so distinctive in the 19th century proved to be previews of what would follow: decolonization and nation-building elsewhere in the world in the 20th century. Latin America's global connections included ongoing political and cultural ties with the West. Efforts to imitate the West accelerated in some regions, for example, with the importation of sports like soccer. Growing influence and intervention from the United States was another outside force. New immigration, from southern Europe but also now from Asia, brought additional connections. But Latin America's most significant global link continued to involve its dependent economy, drawing goods, now including machinery, from the West while exporting a growing range of foods and raw materials. Further Readings David Bushnell and Neil Macauley, The Emergence of Latin America in the Nineteenth Century, 2nd ed. (1994), provides an excellent overview that is critical of the dependency thesis. A good economic analysis is found in S. Haber, Why Latin America Fell Behind (1997). The movements for independence and the major leaders are described in John Chasteen, Americanos ( 2007) while Jeremy Adelman, Sovereignty and Revolution in the Iberian Atlantic (2006), is a broad synthetic analysis of the movements for independence. Hendrik Kraay, Race, State, and Armed Forces in Independence Era Brazil (2001), looks at the process of creating an army in the case of Brazil. Catherine Davies, South American Independence: Gender, Politics, and Text (2006), examines the role of women while Arlene Diaz, Female Citizens, Patriarchs, and the Law in Venezuela, (2004), provides a case study of how women were affected by the new states. Kenneth Andrien and Lyman Johnson, The Political Economy of Spanish America in the Age of Revolution, (1994), presents regional studies. Florencia Mallon, Peasant and Nation (1995), suggests a peasant origin for Latin American nationalism. Eric Van Young, The Other Rebellion (2001), examines Mexico's independence movement. Ricardo Salvatore, Carlos Aguirre, and Gilbert Joseph, eds. Crime and Punishment in Latin America (2001), has essays that show the importance of law the definition of crime in the new nations. Volumes 3 to 5 of The Cambridge History CHAPTER26 The Consolidation of Latin America,

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