Women's Social Movements in Liberia and Uganda

Transcription

1 VYTAUTAS MAGNUS UNIVERSITY FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND DIPLOMACY DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE Adeniyi David Banjo Women's Social Movements in Liberia and Uganda Master Thesis Diplomacy and International Relations programme, state code 621L20004 Political science study field Supervisor Dr. Gintare Zukaite (Research degree, Name, Surname) (Signature) (Date) Defended Prof. Dr. Šarūnas Liekis (Signature) (Date) Kaunas, 2016

2 Table of Contents SUMMARY... 4 SANTRAUKA.5 1. CONCEPTUAL AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK Conception of social movement Theories of social movements Collective behavior theory Resource mobilization theory Political opportunity theory New social movement theory Reasons for social movements Outcomes of social movements Stages of social movement FOUR MAJOR OUTCOMES OF SOCIAL MOVEMENTS WOMEN S RIGHT IN AFRICA: AN OVERVIEW Social movements in Africa Social movements in Africa for women rights ANALYSIS OF OUTCOME AND IMPACT OF WOMEN S MOVEMENTS IN LIBERIA: TYPE OF SOCIAL MOVEMENT Women of Liberia Mass Action for peace: Type of Social movement Women of Liberia Mass Action for Peace: Reasons for emergence Women of Liberia mass action for peace: Support mobilisation Women of Liberia mass action for peace: Outcome for social movement Women of Liberia mass action for peace: impacts on women and women s right in Liberia Now what Analysis of outcome and impact of women s movements in Uganda: Uganda Women s Network (UWONET) Uganda women s network: Type of Social movement Uganda women s network: Reasons for emergence Brief overview of women and land in Uganda The 1998 Land Act: Overview of the Act Uganda women s network: Support mobilisation Uganda women s network (movement for co-ownership for land: Outcome for social movement Now what

3 5.0 CONCLUSIONS AND OUTLOOK Is social movement an effective tool? BIBLOGHRAPHY.71 3

4 SUMMARY This master thesis seeks to examine the role of women s movement in Liberia and Uganda to promote women s right in both countries respectively. The research has three main objectives. Initially it seeks to understand the concept of social movement and understand how the existing theories on social movement are able to account the case of women s movement in Liberia and Uganda respectively. Secondly it examined social movement in Africa overtime and other factors that influences social movement in African context. Thirdly, it seeks to investigate how the women s movement in Liberia and Uganda has contributed to the improvement of women s right in their respective countries. In particular it will focus on how the movement was planned and executed and weather the movement was successful enough to impact the rights of women in Liberia and Uganda. The research is focus comparison based guided by Berg Schlosser and Mitchell methodology, although aspects of quantitative research will be used to determine the impact of women s movement and the current state of women rights in both countries. Key words: Social movement, women s movement, Liberia, Uganda 4

5 SANTRAUKA Ši magistro darbe siekiama išnagrinėti moterų judėjimo Liberijoje ir Uganda vaidmenį skatinti moterų teisę abiejose šalyse atitinkamai. Tyrimas turi tris pagrindinius tikslus. Iš pradžių ji siekia suprasti socialinio judėjimo koncepciją ir suprasti, kaip esami teorijos socialinio judėjimo galės atsiskaityti su moterų judėjimo Liberijoje ir Uganda bylą atitinkamai. Antra, jis išnagrinėtas socialinį judėjimą Afrika viršvalandžius ir kitais veiksniais, kurie įtakoja socialinį judėjimą Afrikos kontekste. Trečia, ji prašo ištirti, kaip moterų judėjimo Liberijoje ir Uganda prisidėjo prie moterų teisę tobulinti savo šalyse. Visų pirma dėmesys bus skiriamas kaip judėjimas buvo suplanuotas ir įvykdytas ir oro judėjimas buvo pakankamai sėkmingas įtakos moterų teises Liberijoje ir Ugandoje. Tyrimas dėmesys palyginimas Remiantis vadovaujasi Berg Schlosser ir Mitchell metodiką, nors aspektai kiekybinių tyrimų bus siekiama nustatyti, kad moterų judėjimo poveikį ir esamą moterų teises abiejose šalyse. Raktažodžiai: Socialinis judėjimas, moterų judėjimas, Liberija, Uganda 5

6 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ACHPR: AFELL: AIDS: ARV: CEDAW: CPR: ESCR: GDP: HIV: LURD: MODEL: NGO: NSM: PPT: RMT: SM: SMO: SRRWA: TAC: USA: African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights and the rights of women in Africa Association for Female Lawyers in Liberia Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome Antiretroviral Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women Civil and Political Right CPR Economic, Social and Cultural Right Gross Domestic Product Human Immunodeficiency Virus Liberians United for Reconciliation and Democracy Movement for Democracy in Liberia Non-Governmental Organizations New Social Movement Political Process Theory Resource Mobilization Theory Social Movement Social Movement Organization Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Women in Africa Treatment Action Campaign United State of America 6

7 UN: UNICEF: UWONET: WAPNET: WIPNET: WLMAP: United Nations United Nations Children s Fund Uganda s Women Movement. West Africa Network for Peace building Women In Peace-building Network (WIPNET) Women of Liberia Mass Action for peace 7

8 LIST OF FIGURES AND PICTURES Figure 1: Table 1: McAdams political opportunity model Reasons for social movement 8

9 INTRODUCTION Over the years, there had been various forms of social movements in the African continent although most are unknown due to little research regarding this discourse. To mention few are the movement against apartheid in South Africa, the campaign against blood diamonds, NASFAT of Nigeria, Liberia s women acting for peace, and Uganda s Women Movement (UWONET). In this study, the researcher will be analyzing social movements that have contributed to women rights in two African countries Liberian and Uganda respectively. One social movement is picked by the researcher from each earlier mentioned countries one is the movement of Liberia women acting for peace which was organized and conducted by Women of Liberia Mass Action for Peace and led by three fearless women Leymah Gbowee, Comfort M. Freeman and Asatu Bah Kenneth and the other was the movement of Uganda women fighting for the inclusion of co-ownership clause in the land act bill Both movements were picked because of some its similarities and their role in improving women rights in their respective countries. According to A.M Tripp (2001) 1, social movements orchestrated my women have been the most constructive and organized movements in many parts of Africa, taking advantage of the new political spaces afforded to non-governmental actors by most States/governments. Background of the problem:- Due to the spread of a democratic system of government, freedom of speech and partial autonomy or in some limited cases complete autonomy given to the non-governmental organization in many African countries social movements are now considered as one of the most effective tools for social groups to communicate their grievances to the government. Most non-governmental organizations now focus on finding ways on how to execute a successful social movement that will also bring positive impact to the society. Relevance of study: - Social movement has come to stay in the modern day world especially in new democratic African countries as one of the communication tools used by the citizens to react to social and economic policies by the government. The study will highlight some of the notable factors that help a social movement to be successful also it will highlight 1 Aili Mari Tripp The politics of autonomy and cooptation in Africa: the case of the Ugandan Women's Movement. Linked references are available on JSTOR for this article: 9

10 some of the reasons why some social movements fail. The conclusion from the study will serve as a recommendation for mobilizing and executing a successful social movement in Africa continent. The study will also benefit other researchers who wish to have similar studies as they can get background information from the result of this study which will serve as a template to modify their research. Statement of problem: - One of the standouts amongst the unpredictable and basic issues confronting social movements in Africa today is the need for political space to activate independently from the government. Those associations that have attested the best independence have by and large possessed the capacity to choose their own administrators, push for expansive motivation, and include themselves in governmental issues to a more noteworthy degree than associations that have been attached to the government in power, either formally or through casual support systems. However, most social movements do not enjoy this autonomy especially movements that have their roots in women s right they are often hijacked for other political purposes, the leaders are either coaxed or simply bought off which have lead to negative impact or status quo on the social status of the society especially women s right status in most African countries. In response to this problem, our study proposes several options on how women s movements that aims to improve women right can be effective and successful in Africa by investigating aforementioned women s movements to feel the gap in the knowledge. Some of the questions we would be exploring about these movements are the historical origins of the social movement, how does it mobilize its support? In what ways does the social movement under investigation frame its message, is it still existence or ceased? If ceased how and why? Object of study: - The main object of this study is women s social movement which are Liberia s women acting for peace and Uganda s Women Movement (UWONET) Aim of study: - This study aims to compare the women s social movement in Liberia and Uganda. Tasks of study: - This study will seek to complete the following tasks in order to fulfill the aim of the research; To create a theoretical framework for the analysis of social movements; To analyze the situation of women rights in Africa; To analyze the impact of Liberia s women acting for peace; 10

11 To analyze the impact of Uganda s Women Movement (UWONET). Scope and delimitations: - In general, the focus of this study is directed towards comparing two social movements planned and executed by women in Africa. Social movements from two countries were selected by the researcher Liberia and Uganda due to the impact of women s social movement on each country. The study is largely dependent on the literature review of the topic and secondary data. Method and Methodology: - The comparative analysis approach will be used for the purpose of this study. Comparative analysis is a research methodology that aims to make comparison across system, through time or cross-nationality. It will be in form of a focused comparison i.e. not taking into account time (before or after an event like economic or war crisis or be it certain periods that are seen as crucial for the cases involved; Berg Schlosser and Mitchell, 2002) 2. The specific features of the subject under review will be the focus of comparison. The study will also make use of quantitative analysis approach to investigate empirical observation of the subject of study, thus the study will make use of secondary sources of data. The secondary source of data is a method which existing data are used to analyze the topic. Literature review: - existing literature on the topic will be reviewed from collections of; articles, online journals, textbooks, research, data s and report. Various academic journals, research and books have been conducted concerning social movement in Liberia and Uganda in order to clarify the question. Initially the concept of social movement has been analyzed by various scholars. Such as: Samuel Long (Theory and research in social movement: A critical review) McAdams (The civil right and black power movement). The literatures which are related to the history and the origin of women s right in Liberia and Uganda were used. 2 The Comparative approach: theory and method. Found at: 11

12 1. CONCEPTUAL AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK The aim of this chapter is to provide a general idea of the concepts in social movements literature and practice, which are relevant to this research; it also reviews general literature on social movements, further to present a background on resource mobilization theory, political reform theory, political opportunity theory and new social movements theory which serves as the basis for understanding social movements. 1.1Conception of social movement Before proceeding on this topic there is a need to address an important question which is what social movement is? In social science sphere, it is common that a phenomenon does not enjoy a common definition because they are often viewed under different perception and ideology. Due to this no definition of social movement enjoys a scholastic agreement and it is likely there will never be such a definition since definitions unavoidably mirror the theoretical assumptions of the theorist. There are various contending framework in the field of social movement and each conceptualize social movement in a different way. Even, researchers inside the same "school of taught" portray social movements distinctively relying upon their specific theoretical model. Thus, we will examine different conceptions of social movements theories used in the theoretical framework of this study (collective behavior, resource mobilization, political opportunities and new social movements) and differentiate between conceptions in the same school of taught when they vary fundamentally. Collective behavior theorists view social movements as non-institutionalized social change efforts 3. Lang and Lang defined social movement as "an expansive scale, across the board, and continuing activity in a quest for an objective that impacts and cause social changes in some fundamental perspective." 4 Finally, Turner and Killian defined social movements as "collectivity acting with some coherence to advance or oppose a change in the general public or a section of it. As a collectivity, a social movement is a gathering with uncertain and shifting 3 Jenkins, J. Craig "Resource mobilization theory and the study of social movements." Annual Review of Sociology 9: Aldon Morris and Cedric Herring, Department of Sociology University of Michiga. THEORY AND RESEARCH IN SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A CRITICAL REVIEW 12

13 participation and with a lead actor whose position is determined more by the casual reaction of the individuals than by formal techniques for legitimizing power". 5 To summarize, collective behaviorists view social movement as non-routine types of collective activity intended to change social order. They depict social movements as unconstrained, nonsensical, expressive, regularly vicious upheavals of collective action as a response to felt grievances, discontent, and anomie. The dissidents, as indicated by the established methodologies, were focused, estranged, disappointed, denied, broke down and marginalized people 'influenced by monetary emergencies, uncalled for an appropriation of welfare, social rights, and regulating breakdown. Resource mobilization theory is a two in one theory because the theory is bi-model. The first model is embedded on economic factor while the other is embedded on political factors as reasons for social movement. The organization-entrepreneur model of resource mobilization was pioneered and advocated by McCarthy and Zald in their view, [1977: , "a social movement is a set of assessments and convictions in a populace which speaks for some changes in some components of the social structure or as a reward circulation of a general public." 6 In McCarthy and Zald's rationale, social movements are simply inclination structures coordinated toward social change (1977:1218). Charles Tilly and Doug McAdam pioneered the "political model" perspective of movements contending that collective action derives from a populace's central on political forms. Tilly (1979:12) defines a social movement as: "A sustained series of interactions between national power holders and persons successfully claiming to speak on behalf of a constituency lacking formal representation, in the course of which those persons make publicly-visible demands for changes in the distribution or exercise of power, and back those demands with public demonstrations of support." 7 This type of protest is very common and easy to form. Tilly paints two perspectives of a movement: that of national power structures and that of movement members. Social movements from the "point of view of national power structures... are coherent phenomena; they exist inasmuch as they offer a test to overwhelming interests and 5 Turner, Ralph and Lewis Killian Collective Behavior. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall Second Edition. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. 6 McCarthy, John D, and Mayer N. Zald "Resource mobilization and social movements: a partial theory." American Journal of Sociology 82: Tilly, Charles "Social movements and national politics." CRSO Working Paper Ann Arhor, MI. 13

14 convictions." But "seen from the members of social movement... [social movements]... are normally a great deal more divided and heterogeneous: shifting factions, temporary coalition, different interests, a nonstop flux of members and free riders" (Tilly 1979:19). Therefore, the task of the analyst thusly, has three prongs: 1) examine the reaction of power holders to social movements, particularly their capacity to ensure their interests through restraint, forming coalitions, bargaining, and cooptation 2) examine the flow through which movement performing actors propel their interests by making the illusion of solidarity, mobilizing many supporters, and settling on key decisions and 3) combine these two points of view into a dynamic investigation of collective action. To summarize the resource mobilization theory inspects basic elements, including the movement's accessible resources and the position of movement leaders in the socio-political systems, to break down the character and accomplishment of social movements. The political opportunity structure theorists concentrate on a window of chance in which the demonstrators can sort out for collective action and take part in dissents. This theory concentrates on how political figures make the opportunity open, either deliberately or unknowingly (Kitschelt 1986). Political opportunity theorist Tilly explains social movement in three dimension first, a social movement is a political rather than a psychological phenomenon; second, a social movement represents a continuous process from its creation to its decline rather than a discrete series of developmental stages; and third, different forms of action ( repertoires of contentions ) are associated with different spatial and temporal locations. 8 The political opportunity school of taught sees social movement as a situation where aggrieved minds take collective action only when a political opportunity presented itself, it is widely similar to the resource mobilization on lots of grounds e.g. they both regards organization as key to the success of a movement and argues that collective action is rational. To summarize, the political opportunity view is an extension of the resource mobilization view, rather than this approach, the political opportunity approach considers the indigenous abilities of the aggrieved populace into account. The social movement theory is a relatively new in the study of social movement and has drawn much criticism it emerged during It views social movement as a social and culture issues (cultural movement). It focuses on issues related to human rights, rather than political and 8 Tilly, The Contentious French. 14

15 economic concerns. New social movements define social movement as loosely organized social network of supporter that take collective action centered on a single issue, or a limited range of issues which are related to a broader theme, such as the environment. Critiques of new social movement theory include the fact that non-materialistic movements existed in the industrial-era and materialistic movements persist in the post-industrial economy; while there are few traits that are specific to new social movements, differences between old and new movements theory have already been explained by theories preceding new social movement; and the new social movement theory does not take into account right-wing movements. To summarize, in their view, feelings that are politically important are at the social movement end of the scale. For these feelings, social and cultural elements assume an imperative part in the elucidation (i.e. perception) of the situation by which they are created. Clearly, feelings can be controlled. In conclusion, there are numerous definitions of social movements and few were discussed above all departing from different theoretical perspective and accentuating diverse part of the phenomenon. Despite this, a working definition is fashion out which is as follow; social movements are interlocking networks of groups, social networks and individuals, and the connection between them is a shared collective identity that tries to prevent or promote societal change by non/institutionalized tactics 9. Hence social movements are not just public protest but most times pre-planned and rationally executed. 1.2 Theories of social movements This sub-chapter talks about the theoretical framework approach to social movements. The socio-political setting of contentious politics issue is changing because of processes, for example globalization and liberalization, and it contended that these changes impact the ascent and fall of social movements and their collective actions. Most social movement scholars accept that mutual integration of the structural and new social movement paradigms can yield satisfactory explanations. 9 D. della Porta & M. Diani (eds), Social Movements: An introduction (Basil Blackwell, Oxford, 1999). 15

16 1.2.1 Collective behavior theory The discourse about collective behavior has occupied social science scholars for quite a while the word was coined by Robert E. Park (1921) to refer to define irrationality toward existing laws, governance, and conventions 10. Ashley Crossman a sociology expert defined the term "collective behavior" as a kind of social conduct that happens in group or masses. Riots, groups, mass craziness, trends, talk, and general sentiment are all examples of collective behavior. It is contended that individuals tend to surrender their individuality and good judgment in the group and give in to the hypnotic forces of leaders who shape crowd conduct as they like. 11 At the turn of the most recent century, the French analyst Le Bon, an establishing father of collective action studies, viewed all street dissent as a type of irrational conduct. Le Bon built up his theory on a group in France amid the 1890s a time of social turmoil. Even Marx, while advocating revolutionary uprising, made differentiation (to be refined by Lenin) between a "lumpen" low class which was subject to revolt without clear objectives and the disciplined and middle class. This approach underlines the response by people to conditions in which there is a "strain" on the social framework. For instance, Smelser (1962) recommends that over-quick social change (e.g. monetary change or changes in economic well-being, or discontinuity of family ties as a result of mass society) will have reactions as far as collective behavior is concerned. Specifically, individuals will get to be uncertain of the "signifying" of the social request, as social and social change happens. 12 For instance, it was once observed as profitable to be "in administration" then step by step a portion of the undertakings did by the hireling class were assumed and controlled by machines, different errands just vanished, and an entire class and social outlook had changed; comparably, we used to discussion of the "nobility of work" however very few manual specialists are found along these lines now. There is here a solid accentuation on the spread of convictions, and on the potential for change emerging from social parts of a general public. (Instead of hard-line Marxists who believe that culture is second to the social structure and the states of generation). 10 Gordon, Deborah M (11 March 2014). The Ecology of Behaviour 11 Ashley Crossman. Collective Behaviour. Found at: Behavior.htm Retrieved 1/11/ Smelser, Neil Theory of Collective Behavior. New York: The Free Press 16

17 The study of collective behavior spun its wheels for a long time, yet started to gain ground with the presence of Turner and Killian's "Collective Behavior" (1957) and Smelser's Theory of Collective Behavior (1962). Both books pushed the term collective behavior back into the awareness of American sociologists and both scholars contributed gigantically to our comprehension of collective behavior (Locher 2002, Miller 2000). According to sociologist there are two types of collective behavior; 1) localized collective behavior i.e. members are physically present and gathered as crowd. 2.) Dispersed collective behavior i.e. members are not physically present but have an impact on one another s behavior through mediums such as rumors, internet media, and local media (newspaper, television, and radio). In a bid to explain collective behavior five theories have been developed by social scientist which include the followings; Contagion Theory: - this theory was formulated be Le Bon Gustave. As per Le Bon, crowds apply a hypnotic impact over their group. Protected by their obscurity, extensive quantities of individuals desert moral obligation and surrender to the infectious feelings of the group. A group accordingly assumes its very own existence, mixing up feelings and driving individuals toward irrational behavior, even inappropriate action (LeBon 1895). Le Bon's Theory, albeit one of the most punctual clarifications of group conducts, is still acknowledged by numerous individuals outside of human science. In any case, critics contend that the "collective personality" has not been recorded by methodical studies. Additionally, although collective behavior may include compelling feelings, such sentiments are not really unreasonable. Turner and Killian (1957) contend convincingly that the "virus" never really happens and members in collective behavior do not lose their capacity to think objectively. Value added theory: - Neil Smelser (1962) contends that collective behavior is really a kind of discharge valve for developed pressure ("strain") inside the social framework, group, or gathering. On the off chance that the best possible determinants are available then collective behavior gets to be inescapable. Then again, if any of the key determinants are not present no collective behavior will happen unless and until the missing determinants become alright. These are basically social, albeit physical components, for example, area and climate may likewise add to or ruin the advancement of collective behavior. Convergence theory: - though the Contagion Theory expresses that group makes individuals act unquestionably, Convergence theory expresses those individuals who need to act positively meet up to shape crowds. Created by Floyd Allport (1924) and later developed by Neil Miller 17

18 and John Dollard (1941) as "Learning Theory," the focal contention of all convergence theory is that collective action uncovers the generally concealed inclinations of the people who partake in the scene. Complex adaptive system theory: - it was created by Dutch scholar Jaap Van Ginneken to contend against convergence, emergent norm and contagion theories he contends that these three theories are just cases of the collaboration, emergence, and self-production of examples and new elements average for the newfound meta-classification of complex versatile frameworks. This likewise clarifies the key part of remarkable subtle elements and way reliance in quick moves. Emergent norm theory: - according to Ralph Turner and Lewis Killian (1957) crowds start as collectivities made out of individuals with blended interests and intentions. Particularly on account of less steady group expressive, acting and challenge crowds standards might be ambiguous and changing, as when one individual chooses to break the glass windows of a store and others participate and start plundering stock. At the point when individuals end up in a circumstance that is dubious, uncertain, or befuddling new standards "rise" on the spot and individuals takes after those new standards, which might be inconsistent with ordinary social conduct. Turner and Killian further contend that there are a few distinct classes of members, every one of whom take after various examples of conduct because of their contrasting inspirations. With respect to recent theoretical formulations and empirical findings collective behavior theory is the most criticized of the social movement theory. Advocates of the collective behavior theory have created studies on supporting their claims however they have been questioned on methodological and substantive reactions by researchers working inside their own traditional school of thought and by those raising crucial difficulties to the essential premises of the approach. The ranges of debate incorporate speculations of social movement causation, interest groups, characterization of movement members, and specifications of the determinants of movement exercises and results. In summary, having reviewed the collective behavior theory we could see that collective behavior theorist portrays antagonistic politics issues as unconstrained, irrational, expressive and frequently savage upheavals of collective action in response to felt grievances, discontent and anomie. Dissidents are pushed, estranged, disappointed, denied, broke down and underestimated people influenced by monetary emergencies, an out of line dispersion of welfare, social rights, and regulating breakdown. 18

19 1.2.2 Resource mobilization theory To start with a brief of history the resource mobilization theory is one the founding theory that explains social movements, its first emergence was around 1973 in reaction to the traditional social- psychological theory of collective behavior theory that views social movements as destructive, irrational and defiant. According to Jenkins 1983, resource mobilization theory is embedded in economic theory 13. John McCarthy and Mayer Zald are the proponents and main advocates of this theory but it was entrepreneur oriented (economics) while Charles Tilly and Doug McAdam championed the political version of the theory. For us to capture the whole picture of the theory we will examine the two approaches. According to Jenkins (1983) 14 the movements of the 1960s paved ways for new perspective of social movement and challenged the traditional theorist which shared the assumptions that movement participation was relatively rare, discontents were transitory, movement and institutionalized actions were sharply distinct, and movement actors were irrational. The 1960s movements cleared the path by giving rich numbers of experience and enrolling the dynamic sensitivities of an extended pool of experts, the movements animated a move in hypothetical assumption and systematic emphases that in the long run got to be formalized in the resource mobilization theory of social movements. McCarthy and Zald formulated the organizational-entrepreneur model of resource mobilization approach to social movements as stated above. McCarthy and Zald emphasize the success of a movement in the ability of a movement s members to mobilize people and acquire needed resources towards the accomplishment of the movement s goals. The model explains collective actions steps taken to achieve a common goal or social movement as a result of organizational theory and economic factors. It argues further that grievances alone cannot justify reasons for social movements. But access to and control over resources is the most important factor. This model also believes that individuals are rational: Individuals measure the expenses and advantages of movement support and act just if benefits exceed costs. To summarize, this model views economic factors as the main reason for collective action and also believe economic 13 Sarah Turner Success in social movements, LOOKING AT CONSTITUTIONAL-BASED DEMANDS TO DETERMINE THE POTENTIAL SUCCESS OF SOCIAL MOVEMENTS. Found at: 14 J. Craig Jenkins Vol. 9 (1983), pp Resource Mobilization Theory and the Study of Social Movements 19

20 resource such as access to fund, organization structures, access to media, etc as the most important factors to organize a successful social movement. While the Charles Tilly and Doug McAdam formulated the political model to the resource mobilization approach focusing on political struggles as the main factor of collective actions. The political model was established in a familiarity with the culturalist progression that fundamentally underlies collective action. McAdam in his book Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency recognize the importance of autonomous institution that is organization without external force interference especially governmental forces in social movement stressing that had the black community not had these institutions (colleges, churches, protest organization) in place, he maintained the black community could not have exploited the open doors that created with the relocation to urban territories where the black voters held the balance of power in an era of cold war that pitched the United State of America against the Soviet Union in an ideological battle for influence in the third world countries. To summarize, this model views political or cultural oppression as reasons for collective action and emphases the need for political opportunities. The resource mobilization theory was a major breakthrough in the study of social movement because it focused on variables that are sociological rather than psychological social movement are now seen more than irrational, frustration-aggression and disorganized. For the first time, structural factors are now taken into account including availability resources and position social movement actors in the socio-political organization, to analyze the character and success of social movements. According to resource mobilization theory, cooperation in social movements is a decent conduct, based on people s decision about the expense and advantages of participation, as oppose to one conceived as of a mental inclination to minimalism and discontent (Klandermans, 1984) 15. Resource mobilization theory has five main principles (Jenkins, 1983): Social movement participant and action are rational The success of social movement is influenced actors and participant techniques and the political atmosphere. 15 Social movement theory: Resource mobilisation theory. Found at last visit: 10/

21 Social movement activities are unequivocally influenced by institution power imbalances and conflict of interest. These power imbalances and conflict of interest are enough to create grievances that prompt to the assembly of social movements determined to changing the circulation of assets and association. Unified and formally organized social movements are more viable in mobilizing resource and accomplish the objective of change than decentralized and informal social movements. Though this theory is advocated by many of social movements scholars it has also been criticized by scholars and emerging theories. One the major critics of RMT center on its evident adherence to 'economic rationality', which presupposes different expenses and advantages of a typical rational member. Foweraker believes this deficiency offers ascend to two crucial blemishes of RMT and depicted these two issues all things considered, firstly, the cautious weighing of expenses and advantages suggested by the methods/end model falls short concerning a general or complete record of collective action, if simply because action 'might be its own reward'. All the more especially, to review Weber's investigation of social action, the intentions that incline the performing actor to act might be not simply instrumental, but rather chronic, full of feeling and, most importantly, expressive." The second criticism revolves the idea of solitary rationality Resource mobilization theory assumes that rationality is at all times gainful, yet with any social or chronicled context, it is almost difficult to decide how the different expenses and advantages of the movements are calculated. Foweraker portrays this as a 'repetitious trap', in which the theory, "should then characterize the actor's advantages in a manner that regardless of what decision is made it is constantly sent to facilitate those interests." 16 Another fascinating point made by Scott Lash and John Urry in their paper, The New Marxism of Collective Action: A Critical Analysis contends that "the rationality applying to one-off game-like circumstances does not really apply to long-term relations." This additionally applies to the theory of 'freeriding' in which individuals may take an interest in a movement just because of the advantages position it will place them in, and not on the grounds that they really feel roused in the movement itself. In this manner, resources might be depleted and come up short if enough free 16 Found at: Visit date: 10/17/

22 riders are brought on. Specifically, the theory neglects to clarify socials movements that are excessively feeble, making it impossible to appropriate selective benefits. In summary, having reviewed to an extent the RMT this paper highlights the following as key points of the RMT; Firstly, the theory asserts that collective action are taken when individuals who share the same grievance are able to mobilize resources. Secondly, it place resources as important factor in the emergence and success of social movements and resources includes; money, media, labor, knowledge, solidarity, and political advantages and lastly, the theory has been criticized for setting a lot of accentuation on resources, especially monetary resources, as the accomplishment of some movements depends more on the time and work of individuals as opposed to on monetary resources. However, despite the critics, this paper believes there is still a lot of value in RMT this is because of the vital certainty that without resources, social movements essentially cannot produce enough force to manage themselves. In this way, investigating the different methodologies of mobilization with regards to these resources is as important now, than it was in the 1970s. Combined with its relative openness and versatility ought to make RMT a helpful instrument for a long time to come Political opportunity theory Also called "political process theory" political opportunity theory offers an explanation of the conditions, attitude, and actions that make a social movement successful in accomplishing its objectives. As indicated by this theory, political opportunities for change should first be available before a movement can accomplish its goals. Taking after that, the movement eventually endeavors to improve the current political structure and procedures. The main proponents of the political opportunity model are William Gamson (1975; 1982), Anthony Oberschall (1973) and Charles Tilly (1979). In an interview one of the advocates for political opportunity model Tilly expressed that political opportunity scholars are uncomfortable with the expression "resource mobilization" since it neglects to catch significant parts of their approaches (interviews, 1983) 17. Thus Tilly (1983) expressed;...it brings together the idea that manipulators are somehow central to all kinds of social movements which I think is in fact a variable... Second, it identifies the amassing or spending of 17 Aldon Morris and Cedric Herring, Department of Sociology University of Michigan. THEORY AND RESEARCH IN SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A CRITICAL REVIEW 22

23 resources as the absolutely central phenomenon and to that extent distracts attention away from power struggles and from group organization... The term itself just makes me worry that one of the least structural features of this line of thought should be the thing that is singled out. Political process scholars do not see social movement as the unit of analysis concentrating on continuous political struggles, these scholars dismiss collective behaviorist's claim that social movement investigations require unique concepts and theories. As indicated by Gamson (1983)... you do not need to have some key distinctive set of procedures to explain it... resource mobilization tries to apply or to consolidate into the single theory both conventional political conduct and unconventional political conduct." Why do people take part in collective action regularly attributed to social movements, for example, boycotts, demonstrations, violence, strikes, brutality, revolts, and sit-ins? Political process scholars contend that it is the political circumstance of movement group that lead to "uncontrollable" strategies and techniques. By using a political model (Tilly 1978; Gamson 1975) 18 it is contended that challengers movement groups are barred from the polity which implies they don't have standard, minimal cost access to assets controlled by the legislature. In this way, the enthusiasm of challenging groups cannot be acknowledged through legitimate governments since they react to the interests of polity individuals. Collective action and its accompanying strategies are the vehicles of organizations who sanely seek after group interests. It is the battle for power between polity individuals and difficulties that lead to collective action. Concentrating on the barred interests of movement groups, this model researches the social structures and procedures empowering protester to seek after power through collective action. The principal necessity is that challenging groups have their own association. Association is the degree of common personality furthermore, binding together structure among individuals from the protesting group (Tilly 1978:54). The pertinent association comprises of different structures including established institutions and formal and informal network (Morris 1981). Also, McAdam who is one of the leading theorists of political opportunity theory contends against classical theorists who saw a link between social instability and political insurgence in his view two essential conditions should be met to turn social instability to insurgence: (i) availability of resources and open political opportunities, and (ii) cognitive 18 Tilly, Charles From Mobilization to Revolution. 23

24 liberation. Furthermore, he also contends against classical theorist. While classical theorists saw a direct link between social instability and political insurgency, McAdam saw only an indirect relationship, as illustrated in Figure 1. MCADAMS POLITICAL OPPORTUNITIES MODEL Expanding Political Opportunity Broad Socio- Economic Process Indigenous Organisation Cognitive Liberation Social Movement Strength Figure 1 19 The political opportunity model analyses the connection between the mobilization procedure of movement groups and their prior structures and resources. Not like classical models which frequently depict new movement groups as having the marvelous undertakings of making new typical frameworks and building new associations, political opportunity scholars contend that the task is generally much less demanding on the grounds that these groups as of now have a large portion of these resources. Prior associations instead of its breakdown encourage mobilization. The model predicts that people who are very much incorporated into existing group structures constitute the mass of the early members of collective (Ohserschall 1973). 20 While prior social association and the mobilization procedure are conjoined they produce collective action. 19 Doug McAdam Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgence. 2 nd edition 20 Oherschall, Anthony Social Conflict and Social Movements. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. 24

25 Under ideal conditions, it is an expansion in the organization and resource limit of a subordinate group combined with mobilization that leads to movements. Resource mobilization scholars have not formulated an exact theoretical explanation of movement causation driving Smesler to contend "they don't speak much about what begins them; they discuss it once they have begun." Similarly, Gamson finished up: "resource mobilization is truly less worried about why individuals take part in collective action, tends to underestimate it or is not hazardous. Resource mobilization does not generally offer a different theory of that It sorts of fundamentally accept that there are somewhat treacheries or there is some condition here that individuals are worried about and the issue is kind of how, what's the procedure by which they do that, so in that sense it truly doesn't go up against it straightforwardly Nevertheless, in the political opportunity model association limit and mobilization are preconditions that must be display if supported collective action is to happen. According to Neal Caren in his book Blackwell Encyclopedia of sociology, he outlined five key components alluded to political opportunity theory that determines the success of social movement they includes; mobilizing structure, protest cycle, contention repertoires, and political opportunities and framing process. Mobilization structure: - refer to the existing associations (political or something else) that are available among the group that needs change. These associations serve as mobilizing structures for a social movement by giving participant card, leadership, and correspondence and social network to the maturing movement. Examples are religious institutions, philanthropic associations, and students associations and schools, to give some examples. Protest cycle: - is another vital part of social movement success as indicated by PPT. A dissent cycle is a delayed time frame when resistance to the political framework and demonstrations of challenge are in an increased state. Inside this theoretical viewpoint, challenges are vital articulations of the perspectives and requests of the mobilizing structures associated with the movement and are vehicles to express the ideological casings associated with the framing procedure. In that capacity, challenges serve to fortify solidarity inside the movement, to bring issues to light among the general population about the issues focused by the movement, furthermore serve to enroll new participants. 25

26 Contention repertoires: - it is the set of means through which the movement makes its cases. These regularly incorporate strikes, protests, and petitions. Political opportunity: - As indicated earlier political opportunity scholars believe that without political opportunity success for a social movement is unimaginable. Political opportunities or opportunities for interventions and change inside the current political framework exist when the framework encounters vulnerabilities. Vulnerabilities in the framework can emerge for many reasons but rely on crisis wherein the people no longer backs the social and financial conditions maintained by the authority. Framing process: - are done by pioneers or leaders of the protesting association with a specific end goal to clearly state the current issues, verbalize why change is vital, what changes are sought, and how one can approach accomplishing them. Framing process encourages the ideological purchase-in among movement participants, individuals from the political foundation, and general society everywhere that is important for a social movement to seize political opportunities and make an improvement. Political opportunity theory has being lauded and receives attention from many researchers but has also been criticized by some scholars. The most notable scholars that have criticized this theory are Jasper and Godwin (2004) in their book Rethinking Social Movement. Goodwin and Jasper, alongside other objectors of the political opportunity theory consider Political opportunity theory, to be excessively structural, external components and analyzing non-structural elements as though they were structures. The search for a progression of invariant causal factors to clarify social movement rise, which is the sign of political opportunities, is fruitless. Historically social movement occurs under different circumstances this makes such causal factors characterized either in such a wide way as to be repetitious and trifling or so narrow as to be applicable to the investigated case. This is especially true for political opportunities, they contend, regardless of a few endeavors by Political opportunity theorists to center the definition. Similarly, they see mobilizing structures, including both formal and informal networks of people and organizations, not really as ordinary elements for social movement rise, yet rather certain in the thought of a movement as a system. All things considered, it adds little to our comprehension of the conditions for movement rise. The confining procedure, conversely, they 26