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1 PRG Re p o r t Newsletter of the Presidency Research Group of the American Political Science Association Volume XXXII, Number 1 Fall 2009 Members of PRG: From the Section President David Crockett s term as editor of the PRG Report is coming to an end. I think we all owe David a word of thanks for the wonderful job he has done editing our newsletter. The newsletter has served an important function for PRG, with its announcements, features, and bibliography. Plus, it is one of the few benefits that are open only to members of PRG. Thus, it s important to keep the PRG Report alive. Inside This Issue Ge n e r a l In f o r m at i o n...2 Awa r d s....3 An n o u n c e m e n t s...7 The Political Authority Problem and the Presidential Power Trap St e v e n E. Sc h i e r...9 Presidential Proclamations Database: Presidential Proclamations Project at the University of Houston Je r e m y D. Ba i l e y a n d Br a n d o n Ro t t i n g h a u s...12 Bo o k Sc a n...15 Jo u r n a l Sc a n...16 Visit PRG Report Online at PRG/index.asp But to do so requires an editor and as yet, despite our efforts at recruiting, we have not found anyone willing to serve. Therefore, I am asking for volunteers and/or nominations to edit the newsletter for Fall 2010-Spring 2012, the standard two-year term. If you have questions regarding the newsletter editor duties, please forward them to me. I am sure that David will be willing to answer these questions too. Thanks, Jeff Cohen President, Presidency Research Group ********************************************************* From the Editor For those who may be interested in serving as editor of the PRG Report, I want to encourage you to contact me (see the contact information on page 2) with any questions you have about the job. Contrary to my fears, it has not been an onerous burden, thanks in large part to the firm foundation established by previous editors. I do think, however, that the position would be filled best by someone who has some institutional support (in the form of reliable and competent student workers, teaching assistants, or research assistants), and who is comfortable working in the world of desktop publishing programs. Most of what I have done is cut-and-paste with previous editions. Someone who actually knows what he or she is doing could, I think, make this a much more dynamic publication, given the technology that is available today. Again, please do not hesitate to contact me if you have questions about the position. Think of it as service to your profession...

2 PRG REPORT PRG Of f i c e r s President Jeffrey E. Cohen Fordham University Department of Political Science 441 East Fordham Road Bronx NY cohen@fordham.edu Vice President & President Elect Mary Stuckey Department of Communication Georgia State University Box 4000 Atlanta, GA joumes@langate.gsu.edu The PRG Re p o r t is published twice annually on behalf of the Presidency Research Section of the American Political Science Association. The PRG Re p o r t serves the scholarly community in presidential and executive politics. The editor of the Report welcomes your submissions and ideas. Editor: David. A. Crockett Department of Political Science Trinity University One Trinity Place San Antonio, TX Phone: (210) Fax: (210) dcrocket@trinity.edu Secretary/Treasurer Stephen Weatherford University of California, Santa Barbara Department of Political Science Mail Code 9420 Santa Barbara, CA weatherford@polsci.ucsb.edu 2010 Program Chair Richard Conley University of Florida Department of Political Science 309 Anderson Hall Gainesville FL rconley@ufl.edu Past President Charles E. Walcott Virginia Polytechnic Institute Department of Political Science 528 Major Williams Hall Blacksburg VA cwalcott@vt.edu Board of Directors: Randall Adkins ( ), University of Nebraska, Omaha, radkins@unomaha.edu Meena Bose ( ), Hofstra University, meenekshi.bose@hofstra.edu Lara Brown ( ), Villanova University, lara.brown@villanova.edu Lilly Goren ( ), Carroll College, lgoren@carrollu.edu Christopher Kelley ( ), Miami University of Ohio, kelleycs@muohio.edu David Lewis ( ), Vanderbilt University, david.e.lewis@vanderbilt.edu Janet Martin ( ), Bowdoin College, jmartin@bowdoin.edu Ken Mayer ( ), University of Wisconsin at Madison, kmayer@polisci.wisc.edu Kevin McMahon ( ), Trinity College, kevin.mcmahon.1@trincoll.edu Jeffrey Peake ( ), Bowling Green State University, jpeake@bgsu.edu Steven Schier ( ), Carleton College, sschier@carleton.edu Wayne Steger ( ), DePaul University, wsteger@depaul.edu Justin Vaughn ( ), Cleveland State University, j.s.vaughn@csuohio.edu Jose Villalobos (graduate student, ), Texas A&M University; UT El Paso, jdvillalobos2@utep.edu Shirley Anne Warshaw ( ), Gettysburg College, swarshaw@gettysburg.edu David Yalof ( ), University of Connecticut, david.yalof@uconn.edu David Crockett (Ex Officio), Trinity University, dcrocket@trinity.edu Martha Joynt Kumar (Ex Officio), Towson University, joyntkumar@aol.com Fall

3 Richard E. Neustadt Award Awa r d s PRG Se c t i o n Awa r d s The Richard E. Neustadt Award is given for the best book published that contributed to research and scholarship in the field of the American presidency during the previous year Richard E. Neustadt Award Recipient: David E. Lewis, Vanderbilt University Title: The Politics of Presidential Appointments: Political Control and Bureaucratic Performance (Princeton University Press) Citation: In The Politics of Presidential Appointments, Professor Lewis offers an in-depth account of how and why presidents use political appointees, and how their choices impact directly upon government performance for better or worse. Dr. Lewis provides the most systematic account to date of this process, and the important tradeoffs between political control of government and bureaucratic effectiveness that occur when the president appoints executive branch officials. In setting up his framework for analysis, Dr. Lewis clearly and comprehensively describes the types of leadership positions at stake in the federal bureaucracy that may be filled by career or political appointees. His methodology is most impressive, as he draws on many different types of data -- historical analysis, case studies, elite interviewing and quantitative analysis in support of his conclusion that political appointees perform worse than career personnel. Thanks to Dr. Lewis trenchant and sophisticated analysis, we can better understand not only the FEMA debacle that took place after Hurricane Katrina, but similar problems that have occurred at the CIA, the Office of Special Counsel, the Department of Education, and several other government agencies. Congratulations again to Dr. Lewis on this fine scholarly achievement. Nominations for the 2010 Neustadt Award can be sent to the award committee. Nominations should be submitted by February 1, Paul Quirk, University of British Columbia, Chair quirk@politics.ubc.ca Committee Members: William Howell, University of Chicago whowell@uchicago.edu Matthew Beckmann, University of California, Irvine beckmann@uci.edu Martha Joynt Kumar, Towson State University joyntkumar@aol.com Richard Waterman, University of Kentucky rwate2@ .uky.edu Fall

4 Founders Award The Founders Award, named in honor of Lester Seligman, is given for the best paper presented by a graduate student at either the preceding year s APSA annual meeting or at any of the regional meetings in Founders Award Recipient: Cari Lynn Hennessey, Northwestern University Title: The Effect of Public Opinion on Policy Outcomes in Sequential Veto Bargaining Nominations for the Founders Award, named in honor of Stephen Wayne, can be sent to the award committee. B. Dan Wood, Texas A&M University, Chair bdanwood@polisci.tamu.edu Committee Members: Brandice Canes-Wrone, Princeton University bcwrone@princeton.edu Julia Azari, Marquette University julia.azari@marquette.edu Daniel DiSalvo, City College of New York ddisalvo@ccny.cuny.edu Bruce Nesmith, Coe College bnesmith@coe.edu Nominations should be submitted by May 1, Founders Award (PhD.) The Founders Award (PhD.), named in honor of Francis Rourke, is given for the best paper presented by a PhD-holding scholar at the previous year s APSA annual meeting Founders Paper Award Recipient: Jeffrey E. Cohen, Fordham University Title: The Congressional Roots of Presidential Approval Nominations for the 2010 Founders Paper Award, named in honor of James Young, can be sent to the award committee. John Woolley, University of California, Santa Barbara, Chair woolley@polsci.ucsb.edu Committee Members: George Edwards, Texas A&M University gedwards@polisci.tamu.edu Dan Galvin, Northwestern University galvin@northwestern.edu Brian Newman, Pepperdine University brian.newman@pepperdine.edu James King, University of Wyoming jking@uwyo.edu Nominations should be submitted by February 1, Fall

5 Be s t Un d e r g r a d u at e Paper Award The Best Undergraduate Paper Award is given for the best undergraduate paper completed in the present academic year Best Undergraduate Paper Award Recipient: Adam Aliano, U.S. Naval Academy Title: From the New Frontier to Change You Can Believe In: The Issues of Person and the Campaigns of 1960 and 2008 Nominations for the Best Undergraduate Paper Award can be sent to the award committee. Lydia Andrade, University of the Incarnate Word, Chair andrade@uiwtx.edu Committee Members: Shannon Bow, University of Texas at Austin shannonbow@hotmail.com Karen Hoffman, Marquette University karen.hoffman@marquette.edu Jose Villalobos, University of Texas at El Paso jdvillalobos2@utep.edu Diane Heith, Saint Johns University heithd@stjohns.edu Nominations should be submitted by May 1, Ge o r g e C. Ed wa r d s III Dissertation Award The George C. Edwards III Dissertation Award is given for the best dissertation in presidency research completed and accepted during the previous calendar year. The recipient receives a $200 award George C. Edwards III Dissertation Award Recipient: Jose D. Villalobos, Texas A&M University Title: Presidential-Bureaucratic Management and Policy Making Success in Congress Nominations for the 2010 award can be sent to the award committee. Karen Hult, Virginia Polytechnic Institute & State University, Chair khult@vt.edu Committee Members: Richard Powell, University of Maine rpowell@maine.edu Bert Rockman, Purdue University barockma@purdue.edu Randy Adkins, University of Nebraska-Omaha adkins@mail.unomaha.edu Christopher Kelley, Miami University of Ohio kelleycs@muohio.edu To be considered for the award, nominees must submit the following documents to each member of the award committee: (1) a hard copy of the dissertation, (2) a PDF of the dissertation on a CD, (3) a nominee form, and (4) a nominator form and Fall

6 letter. Forms are available on the section s web site. The award committee welcomes nominations by dissertation committee chairs or committee members. Nominations should be submitted by February 1, Steve Schier presents outgoing PRG President Chuck Walcott with a plaque Fall

7 An n o u n c e m e n t s Greenwood Press is seeking authors for the creation of a fourvolume reference set entitled Chronology of the U.S. Presidency. The compilation would have 44 chapters (one chapter for each President). We are looking for authors to write one or more chapters for the project. The length of each entry would depend on the president you would like to write about. Shorter entries (e.g. Martin Van Buren) would be 8,000 words or approximately 17 pages. Medium length entries (e.g. Herbert Hoover) would be 12,000 words or approximately 22 pages. Long entries (e.g. FDR) would be 15,000 words or approximately 27 pages. Stipends will be paid to authors based on the length of the entry--$150 for short entries, $175 for medium entries, and $225 for long entries. Instead of cash payments, authors may opt for Greenwood/ABC-CLIO press book credit which is three times the amount of cash payments. If you are interested in participating in this project, please send a vitae and letter identifying your first and second choice of president you would like to write about to: Dr. Mathew Manweller Central Washington University manwellerm@cwu.edu A Call for Authors If selected to author a chapter, an individual contract will be awarded with specific information regarding format, content, and accompanying material. Authors will be given approximately 6-8 months to complete the requested work. CONFERENCE ANNOUNCEMENT Rhetoric, Politics, and the Obama Phenomenon Texas A&M University, March 4-7, 2010 Conference Co-Organizers Jennifer Mercieca (Texas A&M University) and Justin Vaughn (Cleveland State University) invite you to attend the upcoming Rhetoric, Politics, and the Obama Phenomenon conference in March. A program featuring more than four dozen scholars and pundits representing both humanities and social scientific perspectives will explore and analyze Barack Obama s image politics, communication practices, and rhetorical strategies. Scholars will present papers on such topics as the visual politics of Obama, Obama and leadership, Obama and civil rights, Obama s rhetorical style, and other topics relevant to the Obama phenomenon. Among the notable participants are Vanessa Beasley (Vanderbilt University), George C. Edwards III (Texas A&M University), Matthew Esbaugh-Soha (University of North Texas), Cara Finnegan (University of Illinois), Martin Medhurst (Baylor University), John Murphy (University of Illinois), Brandon Rottinghaus (University of Houston), Stephen Wayne (Georgetown University), Kirt Wilson (University of Minnesota), Susan Zaeske (University of Wisconsin), and David Zarefsky (Northwestern University). Bonnie Dow (Vanderbilt University) will give the keynote and annual Kurt Ritter Lecture, Michelle Obama, the First Family, and the Postfeminist Presidency. In addition to the academic program, tours of Texas A&M University s George Bush Presidential Library and Downtown Bryan s Carnegie Library will be available for conference attendees. The conference will be held in Downtown Bryan during a First Friday Art Walk weekend, which means that art, music, and horse-drawn carriage rides will be available for our post-conference enjoyment on Friday, March 5th. For more information about the program and the conference generally, please visit or one of the conference organizers, Jennifer Mercieca (mercieca@tamu.edu) or Justin Vaughn (j.s.vaughn@ csuohio.edu). Fall

8 New edition of Bessette/Tulis The Johns Hopkins University Press has recently released a new and updated version of The Presidency in the Constitutional Order, edited by Joseph M. Bessette and Jeffrey K. Tulis. The new volume, The Constitutional Presidency, contains an entirely new set of essays dealing with a wide range of topics. Below is the list of chapters and contributors. Joseph M. Bessette and Jeffrey K. Tulis -- On the Constitution, Politics, and the Presidency Joseph M. Bessette and Gary J. Schmitt -- The Powers and Duties of the President: Recovering the Logic and Meaning of Article II Gary J. Schmitt -- President Washington s Proclamation of Neutrality Lance Robinson -- Theodore Roosevelt and William Howard Taft: The Constitutional Foundations of the Modern Presidency David K. Nichols -- Constitutional Controversy and Presidential Election: Bush v. Gore Richard M. Pious -- Military Tribunals, Prerogative Power, and the War on Terrorism Kenneth R. Mayer -- Executive Orders Jasmine Farrier -- Budget Power, Constitutional Conflicts, and the National Interest David A. Crockett -- Executive Privilege Jeffrey K. Tulis -- Impeachment in the Constitutional Order James W. Ceaser -- Demagoguery, Statesmanship, and Presidential Politics Fall

9 Th e Po l i t i c a l Au t h o r i t y Pr o b l e m a n d t h e Pr e s i d e n t i a l Po w e r Tr a p Steven E. Schier The presidency has witnessed two contrary and confounding tendencies in recent years. One is the steady rise of formal and informal powers of the office within the American political system, a trend widely noted by scholars (for example, Tatalovich and Engeman 2003, Rudalevige 2006). The second is the inability of presidents to find consistent political support for their assertions of power due to changeable public opinion and institutional resistance in Washington. Though the first tendency is the more noted in scholarly circles, it is the second tendency that is the subject of this analysis. Inconstant political support for recent presidential power assertions is a central problem for presidents, a problem of political authority. Stephen Skowronek coined this term in his landmark book on the presidency (Skowronek 1997), and it is a rich concept much deserving of elaboration. Skowronek defines political authority as the expectations that surround the exercise of power at a given moment; the perception of what is appropriate for a given president to do (1997, 16). Presidential authority rests on warrants drawn from the politics of the moment to justify action and secure the legitimacy of changes. These warrants must come from the public and other institutional players in the national political system members of Congress, interest groups, bureaucrats, and judges. When a president asserts formal or informal powers in a way extending beyond these warrants, the political costs are large. One does not have to look far to find examples of power assertions producing political problems for presidents. Lyndon Johnson s Vietnam War, Ronald Reagan s Iran-Contra operation, and George W. Bush s Iraq war and detention policies are notable examples. What is the context in which political authority operates and why are presidents led to assert power in a way that compromises their political authority? Political authority operates within two contexts, that of the regime and the state. Skowronek notes that presidents often try to create lasting political alignments involving the masses and elites, but that constructing such alignments is difficult and the most recent successes in reconstruction are those of Lincoln and Franklin Roosevelt. These hallowed figures are so remembered because they had warrants to create lasting political regimes and managed to do so. The enhanced powers of the contemporary presidency have encouraged the regime-building aspirations of recent presidents. That seems to have been the case with Reagan and George W. Bush, and perhaps with Barack Obama. To maintain expansive warrants for the use of presidential power, presidents need to maintain regime support. That is no small task, because the component parts of a political regime now are extensive. Robert Lieberman provides a definition: Regimes appear at a variety of levels, from formal institutions (such as the structure of Congress and the administrative state) to the social bases of politics (such as party alignments and coalitions and patterns of interest representation); from ideas (such as prevailing beliefs about the proper role of government) to informal norms (such as patterns of congressional behavior). Nested within these broadly defined institutional arrangements are commitments to particular policies that become the touchstone for political action and conflict for leaders and would-be leaders over the course of a generation or more. (Lieberman 2000, 275) Consider the warrants necessary from such regimes in order for presidents to exercise their political power in a way that maintains their political authority. A president needs support or at least permission from federal courts and Congress, steady allegiance from public opinion and fellow partisans in the electorate, backing from powerful, entrenched interest groups, and accordance with contemporary public opinion about the proper size and scope of government. This is a long list of requirements. If presidents fail to satisfy these requirements, they face the prospect of inadequate political authority to back their power assertions. In recent years, that has been the case. Regimes are now so far-flung that presidential maintenance of them is increasingly difficult. Two sorts of constraints, identified by Daniel Cook and Andrew Polsky, compound that difficulty. Endogenous constraints result from the nature of the political agreement that binds participants (Cook and Polsky 2005, 280). How well does the regime coalition stick together? Over time, presidents inevitably alienate parts of their coalition by the decisions they make. George W. Bush s support for immigration reform, which inflamed conservatives in his party, is one recent example of this. Also confronting presidents are exogenous constraints, those arising from the political environment in which a regime operates (2005, 580-1). These include events (policy outcomes, international and domestic occurrences), and traits of national politics beyond regime control (changing electoral demographics, public opinion, and partisan polarization). Such constraints make the exercise of presidential power one with uncertain results for the White House. Presidents can better comprehend the elite elements of their regimes than they can the mass elements. The elite elements centrally involve party and interest group leaders and congressional officeholders whose commitments and agendas are well known to the White House. The mass elements are more volatile and difficult to gauge. The various factions of partisan coalitions often have disagreements, and in recent decades neither party has been able to secure a stable advantage over the other with the public overall. The large number of political independents and weak partisans remains a volatile element not readily susceptible to absorption into any president s partisan regime. It is the mass Fall

10 aspects of politics that have made regime hegemony difficult for presidents to achieve. Volatile public opinion thus lies at the heart of the political authority problem for recent presidents. Presidential regime building is prone to failure. Regimes (1) don t fit together neatly, (2) are in constant transformation, (3) are devices for balancing contentious operations of constituent parts, and (4) thus remain surface and instrumental things (Orren and Skowronek 1998, 702). Another important reason for regime formation s dim prospects is the instrumental thickening of the state itself. Presidents seek political authority in the context of a contemporary national state that has been subject, in Skowronek s phrase, to institutional thickening. He defines its elements: The greater autonomy of all political institutions and actors, the tighter integration of administrative services and supports into interest networks of social and economic power, and the consequent weakening of collective, cross-institutional resolve at the political center all constitute new encumbrances on presidentially led political reconstructions of American government. (2008, 98) Sidney Milkis similarly describes an increasingly thick national state in which the policy responsibility of the executive was increased, but Congress, the courts and... groups became involved in the details of administration, producing among the two parties not a challenge to the administrative state but... a battle for its services (1993, 240, 289). The widespread presence of issue networks comprised of legislators, interest groups, and bureaucrats in contemporary national government is evidence of institutional thickening (Heclo, 1978). Thus as presidential powers have increased, so has the autonomy of other branches of government. The result is frequent power assertions by presidents, usually failing in domestic policy where Congress, courts, and interest groups are strong (recall Nixon s unsuccessful attempts to expand impoundment powers), but more successful in national security matters (notably the ineffectiveness of the War Powers Act of 1973 in regulating military actions ordered by presidents). All of this has created a political authority cycle that vexes contemporary presidents. The fate of regime authority for presidents is at best uncertain and usually ominous in this cycle. The two parties can call on some reliable regime components interest groups and party activists but these elements hardly produce consistent mass endorsement of a regime and its president s political authority. Rather, the volatile mass components that consistently threaten and usually diminish presidential authority over time behave according to the following set of relationships. As presidents govern with their partisan regime elites, they are subject to both exogenous and endogenous events. Exogenous events come from without in the form of national or international occurrences that just happen to a president and policy results arriving quickly in response to current governance or more slowly from the actions of governance in years past. Endogenous events occur as the component mass and elite elements of a partisan regime interact in response to presidential actions and exogenous events. Events inevitably affect public opinion, the volatile element in the cycle. New facts make new mass politics, as John McCain found out to his chagrin in the fall of In addition to immediate events, other influences upon mass attitudes include demographic changes and the persistence of loose partisanship and political independence, making firm mass dominance difficult for any regime. More gradual changes in public opinion about the role of the state, captured in Stimson s concept of a public policy mood (Stimson 2004) are also at work here. Public opinion then affects the rhetorical conditions of presidential leadership (Orren and Skowronek 1998, 694). Rhetorical prospects depend both on presidential job approval and prevailing ideas about what the proper role of government is, as the Lieberman quote above mentions. Stimson found the public policy mood moving rightward in the 1980s and 1990s and that was reflected in elite debates over policy (Stimson 2004). One institutional manifestation of changing rhetorical conditions is media framing and priming of issues and presidential governance, which recently has favored Obama as candidate and president (Project for Excellence in Journalism 2009, Center for Media and Public Affairs 2009, 2009). In recent years, rhetorical conditions have supported enhanced governance and accompanied the Democratic ascendancy in national governance. So also has public policy mood moved in a pro-democratic direction (Stimson 2009). President Obama s job approval was high in his early months in office. Given the volatility of events and public opinion, these trends can only be seen as tentative. The political authority cycle might be sketched as seen in Figure 1. Interaction effects surely occur among aspects of the cycle. Figure 1. Political Authority Cycle Events Public opinion Rhetorical conditions Presidential Endogenous > Policy mood < > Elite framing and priming < > and regime (to regime) Presidential job approval behavior Exogenous (including policy results) Fall

11 Given the uncertainties of political authority, recent presidents have adopted a governing style that is personalized, preemptive, and, at times, isolated. Given the entrenched autonomy of other elite actors and the impermanence of public opinion, presidents have had to sell themselves in order to sell their governance. Through leveraging public support, presidents have at times been able to overcome institutional resistance to their policy agendas. Of course, this works only as long as the president remains personally popular, and eroding popularity, usually the norm for recent presidents, enhances exogenous and endogenous limits on regime formation. Since stable regimes have proven unattainable, presidents have resorted to a preemptive leadership style: Hyphenated party labels, hybrid agendas, personal leadership, independent appeals these are the emblems of the preemptive leadership stance (Skowronek 2008, 109). Isolation can result when circumstances become adverse, as fellow partisans object to presidential leadership and autonomous DC institutions offer stiff resistance, once a president becomes unpopular. Because of the absence of stable mass regime support, not seen since FDR, this is a frequent fate of presidents. The frustrations of popular and Washington leadership thus encourage presidents to exercise their formal powers to get results. As Sidney Milkis and Jesse Rhodes put it, this leads a president to impose his will through the bureaucracy in pursuit of politics that substantially outstrip congressional and public support (2008, 3). The frustrations of maintaining authority in order to consolidate their regimes control of government and politics encourage presidents to rely on their powers and to employ their political authority in support of their exercise of powers. Nixon attempted this when surrounded by Democrats in Washington, as did Clinton when surrounded by Republicans. Neither attempt ultimately did their parties any good, and Nixon s efforts led to constitutional violations. For both Nixon and Clinton, the use of formal powers when political authority was deficient led to charges of illegitimacy. So the presidential authority problem has several parts. Authority among elites faces limits due to the institutional thickening in national government. Authority among the mass suffers from the limited size of partisan support in an era of widespread political independence and constantly shifting public opinion driven by events. Political authority, according to Skowronek, is designated in advance, works through institutions, and has enforceable mandates and perceptions (Orren and Skowronek, 125). Nowadays such traits are hard for presidents to come by. Advance designations frequently vanish among American governing elites and the mass public. Institutions are less workable for presidents. Mandates and perceptions are now evanescent, much less enforceable. This leads to a presidential power trap. Maintaining authority is hard and frustrating work, and in seeking to maintain it, presidents encounter widespread constraints. Yet the modern presidency grants an incumbent many formal powers over executive branch administration, foreign and national security policy. The power is there, if the authority is not. So why not use the power while you have it, if authority is so hard to garner? The risk is that by using such powers, a president effectively destroys his authority. Richard Nixon s presidency, with its constitutional violations, is the signal example of this, but one can find evidence of the authority problem and power trap among other recent presidencies. Carter took his authority for granted, ignoring the maintenance of its elite and mass aspects, and paid the price. Reagan gradually relied more on executive power as authority problems grew, leading to the Iran-Contra imbroglio. George Herbert Walker Bush exerted war powers but never found a stable basis in political authority. Clinton usually suffered an authority shortage and found his use of powers under steady political attack. George W. Bush s use of war powers destroyed his authority during his second term. Barack Obama thus faces an authority problem and a power trap. Only by solving the former is he likely to avoid the latter. None of his predecessors has solved the political authority problem. It is the central political challenge confronted by modern presidents. Works Cited Center for Media and Public Affairs Boosting Obama. (accessed June 2009). Center for Media and Public Affairs Why Not the Best? Media Monitor 23 (1): 3. Cook, Daniel M. and Andrew J. Polsky Political Time Reconsidered: Unbuilding and Rebuilding the State Under the Reagan Administration. American Politics Research 33 (4): Heclo, Hugh Issue Networks and the Executive Establishment. In The New American Political System, edited by Anthony King, Washington: American Enterprise Institute. Lieberman, Robert C Political Time and Policy Coalitions: Structure and Agency in Presidential Power. In Presidential Power: Forging the Presidency for the Twenty-First Century, edited by Robert Y. Shapiro, Martha Joynt Kumar, and Lawrence R. Jacobs, New York: Columbia University Press. Milkis, Sidney M. and Jesse H. Rhodes Barack Obama, the Democratic Party and the Future of the New American Party System. The Forum 7 (1): Article 7. forum/vol7/iss1/art7/ (accessed June 2009). Milkis, Sidney M The President and the Parties. New York: Oxford University Press. Orren, Karen and Stephen Skowronek The Search for American Political Development. New York: Cambridge University Press. continued page 14 Fall

12 Pr e s i d e n t i a l Pr o c l a m at i o n s Data b a s e: Pr e s i d e n t i a l Pr o c l a m at i o n s Project at the University of Houston Jeremy D. Bailey Brandon Rottinghaus Recent academic discussion has focused on the importance of the unilateral presidency, that is, when presidents use their constitutional or legislative authority without consent from Congress. Several excellent recent texts (Mayer 2001; Cooper 2002; Howell 2003; Howell 2005) as well as a special edition of Presidential Studies Quarterly (the September 2005 issue) have been among those to advance this growing research agenda. These works provide evidence that a president s ability to shape and act without the consent of Congress, the courts, and (often) the public is largely unchecked by traditional institutional or political arrangements. Although recent scholarship has expanded our understanding of the relationship between the unilateral presidency and the political environment, there is still one area of unilateral presidential action that has received little attention: presidential proclamations. A presidential proclamation is an instrument that states a condition, declares a law and requires obedience, recognizes an event or triggers the implementation of a law (by recognizing that the circumstances in law have been realized) (Cooper 2002, 116). By this definition, it is perhaps surprising that proclamations have yet to be studied. Presidents use proclamations to define situations or conditions on situations that become legal or economic truth. These orders, then, carry the same force of law as executive orders; the difference between the two is that executive orders are aimed at those inside government while proclamations are aimed at those outside government. On the other hand, most proclamations are largely ceremonial or symbolic. As a result, presidential proclamations are often dismissed as a practical presidential tool for policy making. We believe that this lack of attention needs to be corrected for two reasons. First, in addition to the hundreds of ceremonial proclamations every year, presidents throughout history have issued substantive policy-based proclamations covering a wide range of policy issues. Second, because ceremonial proclamations have been largely dismissed, little is known about the role these rhetorical image-fostering proclamations serve in relation to policy-based proclamations and more generally within the president s political arsenal. Through the collection of all proclamations from George Washington to the present and the creation of our searchable database, we hope to expand the literature on presidential power by exploring presidential proclamations throughout history and seek to identify the importance of these tools as a policy making and symbolic instrument. Examples of Proclamations in Action Presidential Power. Even though proclamations are understudied, few would dispute that some proclamations retain a central place in American political and constitutional development. Perhaps no proclamation is more famous than Abraham Lincoln s Emancipation Proclamation, which freed slaves in areas under Confederate control in In foreign policy, George Washington s Proclamation of Neutrality in 1793 was important not only in determining that the United States would remain neutral in the conflict between England and France, but also, as suggested in the famous debate between James Madison and Alexander Hamilton about whether the president may determine without the Senate whether the United States would honor a prior treaty, in asserting the president s primacy in managing foreign relations. Andrew Jackson s Nullification Proclamation, to cite another example, was instrumental not only in undercutting the nullification movement before it gathered momentum but also in laying out the understanding of Union that the Whigs and, eventually, Abraham Lincoln would appropriate and expand in the decade leading up to the Civil War. Each of these proclamations articulated or announced a specific constitutional doctrine that was, in its day, debatable but is now part of the constitutional creed. Policy Changes. Other, more recent, policy-based proclamations have also made a substantial impact on substantive public policy. For instance, President Nixon s wage and price freeze in 1971 utilized his authority given to the executive by Congress to control inflation (under the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 and Economic Stabilization Act of 1970). Proclamations are also used to quietly conduct foreign policy. Similarly, President Reagan used several proclamations to deny members of Nicaragua s Sandinista government from entering the country (a government the Reagan Administration had ideological disagreements with). These actions invoking proclamations therefore often extend constitutionally-given presidential power that is potentially outside of public view and adds to the importance of studying these presidential actions. Trade. The Trade Reform Act of 1974 established a shared relationship and allowed the president to make particular determinations about the economic trade status of goods. In this legislation, not only was the President given a five-year mandate to enter into trade agreements to reduce all tariffs above 5% ad valorem by as much as 60%, the largest percentage ever granted in a trade bill, and to eliminate all tariffs below 5%, but for the first time in U.S. history, he was granted authority to negotiate agreements to harmonize, reduce, or eliminate all barriers to free trade (Pastor 1980, 137). Further, Congress allowed the president, without consultation, to eliminate trade barriers and extend duty free entry of specific items under the Generalized System of Preferences (GSP) provision. In this case, Congress ceded its policy making (or regulating) power on trade to the White House, allowing the president some unilateral discretion in altering trade Fall

13 policy so long as these actions are within the statutory guidelines. Trade policy since 1974 suggests that presidents use executive proclamations to make these changes both in ways that comport with Congress interests and ways that do not (see Rottinghaus and Lim 2009). Legal Determinations. Proclamations are also used for several kinds of legal determinations. Again, the authority for such determinations is granted to the president either by Congress or the Constitution, yet their use is often contentious. For instance, proclamations are often used to grant presidential pardons, particularly important for President Ford who pardoned both draft evaders in Vietnam and President Richard Nixon (Crouch 2009). Similarly, proclamations are used to invoke emergency powers. Presidents (pursuant to the National Emergencies Act of 1976 (50 U.S.C )) are required to declare formally the existence of a national emergency through executive proclamation and to specify what specific statutory authority they are using. This Act of Congress limits the president s previously widespread powers and created more formalities in utilizing statutorily delegated emergency authority. President Bush s (43) invocation of a national emergency following Hurricane Katrina (and the suspension of certain wage requirements of the Davis-Bacon Act) suggests that the controversy continues (Relyea 2007). Federal Lands. Proclamations of national monuments are especially interesting because they are both ceremonial (they proclaim the change in status of the public lands) and they have an impact on policy making (they preserve existing rights, restrict future ones, designate a managing authority, and provide implementation guidance). Early in the 20th Century, Congress granted the president broad discretionary power to proclaim national monuments under the Antiquities Act of 1906 (16 U.S.C ). The Act provides for unilateral lawmaking because the president is not required to consult with Congress, the state in which the monument is located, or the public prior to designation. However, even though a proclamation carries the force of Congress behind it because the president is acting pursuant to the authority vested in the Act (Youngstown Sheet and Tube Co, v. Sawyer (343 U.S. 579 (1952))), presidents sometimes take the initiative to make significant decisions without consulting Congress. For instance, President Clinton s declaration of federal lands for national monuments under the Antiquities Act (Lacey 2000) caught the government of Utah and the United States Congress off-guard but served to advance the President s priorities for land use (Belco and Rottinghaus 2009). Ceremonial. Although less significant in terms of public policy, proclamations are also used ceremonially by presidents to honor a group or situation or to call attention to certain issues or events. For instance, President George H. W. Bush issued a proclamation to honor veterans of World War II and President Ronald Reagan called attention to the health of the nation s eyes by proclaiming a Save Your Vision Week. But ceremonial proclamations need to be better understood in the context of the public presidency. It would be surprising, for example, if celebrations of ceremonial national ties and appeals to constituencies did not conflict with one another. In the case of the very first proclamation, Washington s day of Thanksgiving, Thomas Jefferson later refused (on Establishment Clause grounds) to continue such proclamations. Jefferson even considered announcing his departure from Washington s precedent, but in calculation that his popularity in New England would suffer, he made the change in silence. More recently, Barack Obama s Administration indicated it would scale back White House plans for the oft-proclaimed National Day of Prayer (traditionally marked since 1952), a decision that was met with disapproval by both supporters and opponents (Foley 2009). Website Launched To further the academic discussion of presidential proclamations, we have launched The Presidential Proclamations Project at the University of Houston [ This is the most complete record of presidential proclamations (and related similar directives) known to exist and hosts a universe of proclamations from President George Washington to President George W. Bush. We have approximately 15,000 records and counting. Conclusion Recent scholarship and journalistic accounts of unilateral presidential actions have recast our understanding of modern presidential policy making. Whereas scholars once emphasized the extent to which the president s power is limited to the power to persuade, scholars now appreciate the ways in which presidents are able to draw on their inherent authority under the Constitution and delegated authority under congressionally authorized statutes to unilaterally make policy. We need to continue to explore how presidents use unilateral powers as a mechanism to influence, control, or coordinate with Congress. We hope our website is a step in that direction. References Belco, Michelle and Brandon Rottinghaus Proclamation 6920: Using Executive Power to Set a New Direction for the Management of National Monuments. Presidential Studies Quarterly 39 (September): Cooper, Phillip J By Order of the President: The Use and Abuse of Executive Direct Action. Lawrence: University of Kansas Press. Crouch, Jeffrey The Presidential Pardon Power. Lawrence: University of Kansas Press. Elsea, Jennifer K Presidential Authority to Detain Enemy Combatants. Presidential Studies Quarterly 33 (September): Foley, Ryan Obama Defends, Curtails National Day of Prayer. Chicago Tribune, May 6. Fall

14 Howell, William D Power Without Persuasion: The Politics of Direct Presidential Action. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Howell, William D Unilateral Powers: A Brief Overview. Presidential Studies Quarterly 35 (September): Lacey, Marc Blocked by Congress, Clinton Wields a Pen. New York Times, 5 July. Mayer, Kenneth R With the Stroke of a Pen: Executive Orders and Presidential Power. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Pastor, R. A Congress and the Politics of U.S. Foreign Economic Policy, Berkeley: University of California Press. Relyea, Harold C CRS Report for Congress: National Emergency Powers (98-505). Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service. Rottinghaus, Brandon and Elvin Lim Proclaiming Trade Policy: Presidential Unilateral Enactment of Trade Policy. American Politics Research 37 (November): Jeremy D. Bailey and Brandon Rottinghaus are Assistant Professors of Political Science at the University of Houston. continued from page 11 Project for Excellence in Journalism Obama s First 100 Days. April obamas_first_100_days (accessed June 2009). Rudalevige, Andrew The New Imperial Presidency: Renewing Presidential Power after Watergate. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Skowronek, Stephen Presidential Leadership in Political Time: Reprise and Renewal. Lawrence, Kansas: University of Kansas Press. Skowronek, Stephen The Politics Presidents Make: Leadership from John Adams to Bill Clinton. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Stimson, James Public Policy Mood: 1952 to (accessed June 2009). Stimson, James Tides of Consent: How Public Opinion Shapes American Politics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Tatalovich, Raymond and Thomas S. Engeman The Presidency and Political Science: Two Hundred Years of Constitutional Debate. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Steven E. Schier is Dorothy H. and Edward C. Congdon Professor of Political Science at Carleton College. Fall

15 Book Scan Recent Books on the Presidency Arnold, Peri E. Remaking the Presidency: Roosevelt, Taft, and Wilson, University Press of Kansas. 277 pp. $34.95 cloth. ISBN: Bessette, Joseph M. and Jeffrey K. Tulis, eds. The Constitutional Presidency. Johns Hopkins University Press. 384 pp. $30.00 paper. ISBN: Branch, Taylor. The Clinton Tapes: Wrestling History with the President. Simon and Schuster. 720 pp. $35.00 cloth. ISBN: Cohen, Jeffrey E. Going Local: Presidential Leadership in the Post-Broadcast Age. Cambridge University Press. 256 pp. $26.99 paper. ISBN: Cole, Donald B. Vindicating Andrew Jackson: The 1828 Election and the Rise of the Two-Party System. University Press of Kansas, 254 pp. $34.95 cloth. ISBN: Cooper, Phillip J. The War Against Regulation: From Jimmy Carter to George W. Bush. University Press of Kansas. 288 pp. $34.95 cloth. ISBN: Denton, Robert E. Jr. The 2008 Presidential Campaign: A Communication Perspective. Rowman and Littlefield. 320 pp. $25.60 paper. ISBN: Edwards, George C. III, and William G. Howell. The Oxford Handbook of the American Presidency. Oxford University Press. 896 pp. $ cloth. ISBN: Fettmann, Eric, and Steven Lomazow. FDR s Deadly Secret. PublicAffairs. 296 pp. $25.95 cloth. ISBN: Gillon, Steven M. The Kennedy Assassination 24 Hours After: Lyndon B. Johnson s Pivotal First Day as President. Basic Books. 320 pp. $25.95 cloth. ISBN: Glad, Betty. An Outsider in the White House: Jimmy Carter, His Advisors, and the Making of American Foreign Policy. Cornell University Press. 398 pp. $29.95 cloth. ISBN: Glasrud, Bruce A. and Cary D. Wintz, eds. African Americans and the Presidency: The Road to the White House. Routledge. 256 pp. $26 95 paper. ISBN: Golway, Terry. Together We Cannot Fail: FDR and the American Presidency in Years of Crisis, with CD. Sourcebooks MediaFusion. 320 pp. $29.99 cloth. ISBN: Goren, Lilly J., ed. You ve Come a Long Way, Baby: Women, Politics, and Popular Culture. University Press of Kentucky. 300 pp. $32.50 cloth. ISBN: Gould, Lewis L. The William Howard Taft Presidency. University Press of Kansas. 269 pp. $34.95 cloth. ISBN: Gutgold, Nichola D. Almost Madam President: Why Hillary Clinton Won in Lexington. 166 pp. $48.35 cloth. ISBN: Jones, Charles O. The American Presidency (A Brief Insight). Sterling. 224 pp. $14.95 cloth. ISBN: Kleinerman, Benjamin A. The Discretionary President: The Promise and Peril of Executive Power. University Press of Kansas. 322 pp. $34.95 cloth. ISBN: Krutz, Glen S. and Jeffrey S. Peake. Treaty Politics and the Rise of Executive Agreements: International Commitments in a System of Shared Powers. University of Michigan Press. 264 pp. $75.00 cloth. ISBN: Lester, Paul Martin. On Floods and Photo Ops: How Herbert Hoover and George W. Bush Exploited Catastrophes. University Press of Mississippi. 240 pp. $50.00 cloth. ISBN: Maass, Matthias, ed. The World Views of the U.S. Presidential Election: Palgrave Macmillan. 280 pp. $90.00 cloth. ISBN: Maranto, Robert, Tom Lansford, Jeremy Johnson, eds. Judging Bush. Stanford University Press. 360 pp. $16.47 paper. ISBN: Milkis, Sidney M. Theodore Roosevelt, The Progressive Party, and the Transformation of American Democracy. University Press of Kansas. 361 pp. $34.95 cloth. ISBN: Morgan, Iwan. The Age of Deficits: Presidents and Unbalanced Budgets from Jimmy Carter to George W. Bush. University Press of Kansas. 375 pp. $34.95 cloth. ISBN: Munoz, Vincent Phillip. God and the Founders: Madison, Washington, and Jefferson. Cambridge University Press. 252 pp. $24.99 paper. ISBN: Popadiuk, Roman. The Leadership of George Bush: An Insider s View of the Forty-first President. Texas A&M University Press. 248 pp. $30.00 cloth. ISBN: Ratnesar, Romesh. Tear Down This Wall: A City, a President, and the Speech that Ended the Cold War. Simon and Schuster. 240 pp. $27.00 cloth. ISBN: Fall

16 Schier, Steven E., ed. Ambition and Division: Legacies of the George W. Bush Presidency. University of Pittsburgh Press. 320 pp. $27.95 paper. ISBN: Sheckels, Theodore F. Cracked but Not Shattered: Hillary Rodham Clinton s Unsuccessful Campaign for the Presidency. Lexington. 232 pp. $29.95 paper. ISBN: Thomas, Helen, and Craig Crawford. Listen Up, Mr. President: Everything You Always Wanted Your President to Know and Do. Scribner. 224 pp. $24.00 cloth. ISBN: Trafzer, Clifford E., ed. American Indians/American Presidents: A History. Smithsonian. 288 pp. $19.79 cloth. ISBN: Troy, Gil. The Reagan Revolution: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford University Press. 168 pp. $8.60 paper. ISBN: Watts, Duncan. The American Presidency. Edinburgh University Press. 224 pp. $22.50 paper. ISBN: Weinberger, Seth. Restoring the Balance: War Powers in an Age of Terror. Praeger. 224 pp. $31.96 cloth. ISBN: Wood, B. Dan. The Myth of Presidential Representation. Cambridge University Press. 240 pp. $25.99 paper. ISBN: Woolner, David B. and Henry L. Henderson, eds. FDR and the Environment. Palgrave Macmillan. 288 pp. $28.00 paper. ISBN: Worek, Michael, ed. My Fellow Americans: Presidents Speak to the People in Troubled Times. Firefly Books. 312 pp. $22.76 cloth. ISBN: Wroe, Andrew and Jon Herbert. Assessing the George W. Bush Presidency. Edinburgh University Press. 256 pp. $29.50 paper. ISBN: Journal Scan Recent Articles on the Presidency Baumgartner, Jody C. and Rhonda Evans Case. Constitutional Design of the Executive: Vice Presidencies in Comparative Perspective. Congress and the Presidency, 36 (Summer 2009): Belco, Michelle and Brandon Rottinghaus. Presidential Proclamation 6920: Using Executive Power to Set a New Direction for the Management of National Monuments. Presidential Studies Quarterly, 39 (September 2009): Berry, Michael J. Controversially Executing the Law: George W. Bush and the Constitutional Signing Statement. Congress and the Presidency, 36 (Autumn 2009): Bond, Jon R., Richard Fleisher, and Glen S. Krutz. Malign Neglect: Evidence That Delay Has Become the Primary Method of Defeating Presidential Appointments. Congress and the Presidency, 36 (Autumn 2009): Bostdorff, Denise M. Judgment, Experience, and Leadership: Candidate Debates on the Iraq War in the 2008 Presidential Primaries. Rhetoric and Public Affairs, 12 (Summer 2009): Burden, Barry C. and D. Sunshine Hillygus. Opinion Formation, Polarization, and Presidential Reelection. Presidential Studies Quarterly, 39 (September 2009): Burke, John P. The Obama Presidential Transition: An Early Assessment. Presidential Studies Quarterly, 39 (September 2009): Butler, R. Lawrence. Momentum in the 2008 Presidential Contests. Polity, 41 (July 2009): Caraley, Demetrios James. Three Trends over Eight Presidential Elections, : Toward the Emergence of a Democratic Majority Realignment? Political Science Quarterly, 124 (Fall 2009): Caswell, Bruce E. The Presidency, the Vote, and the Formation of New Coalitions. Polity, 41 (July 2009): Charnock, Emily Jane, James A. McCann, and Kathryn Dunn Tenpas. Presidential Travel from Eisenhower to George W. Bush: An Electoral College Strategy. Political Science Quarterly, 124 (Summer 2009): Cohen, Jeffrey E. Alternative Futures: Comment of Terry Moe s The Revolution in Presidential Studies. Presidential Studies Quarterly, 39 (December 2009): Fall

17 Crockett, David A. The Rhetorical Presidency: Still Standing Tall. Presidential Studies Quarterly, 39 (December 2009): Crotty, William. Policy and Politics: The Bush Administration and the 2008 Presidential Election. Polity, 41 (July 2009): Dickinson, Matthew J. We All want a Revolution: Neustadt, New Institutionalism, and the Future of Presidency Research. Presidential Studies Quarterly, 39 (December 2009): Dolan, Chris J., John Frendreis, and Raymond Tatalovich. A Presidential Economic Scorecard: Performance and Perception. PS: Political Science and Politics, 42 (October 2009): Dull, Matthew and Patrick S. Roberts. Continuity, Competence, and the Succession of Senate-Confirmed Agency Appointees, Presidential Studies Quarterly, 39 (September 2009): Edwards, Jason A. Sanctioning Foreign Policy: The Rhetorical Use of President Harry Truman. Presidential Studies Quarterly, 39 (September 2009): Erikson, Robert S. The American Voter and the Economy, PS: Political Science and Politics, 42 (July 2009): Frank, David A. The Prophetic Voice and the Face of the Other in Barack Obama s A More Perfect Union Address, March 18, Rhetoric and Public Affairs, 12 (Summer 2009): Giglio, James N. The Eagleton Affair: Thomas Eagleton, George McGovern, and the 1972 Vice Presidential Nomination. Presidential Studies Quarterly, 39 (December 2009): Gupta, Debrasree Das and Mark J. Rozell. Presidential Direct Action and Policy Continuity: The Case of U.S. International Population Policy. Social Science Quarterly, 90 (December 2009): Heerwig, Jennifer A. and Brian J. McCabe. Education and Social Desirability Bias: The Case of a Black Presidential Candidate. Social Science Quarterly, 90 (September 2009): Holbrook, Thomas M. Economic Considerations and the 2008 Presidential Election. PS: Political Science and Politics, 42 (July 2009): Holtzman, Richard. Bush s Adventures in the National Service Policy Arena and Five Lessons for President Obama. White House Studies, 9:1 (2009): Ivie, Robert L. and Oscar Giner. More Good, Less Evil: Contesting the Mythos of National Insecurity in the 2008 Presidential Primaries. Rhetoric and Public Affairs, 12 (Summer 2009): Jacobs, Lawrence R. Building Reliable Theories of the Presidency. Presidential Studies Quarterly, 39 (December 2009): Johnson, Clay. The Presidential Transition: Preparing Federal Agencies. Presidential Studies Quarterly, 39 (December 2009): Keller, Jonathan W. Explaining Rigidity and Pragmatism in Political Leaders: A General theory and a Plausibility Test from the Reagan Presidency. Political Psychology, 30 (June 2009): Kumar, Martha Joynt. The Presidential Transition Through the Voices of Its Participants. Presidential Studies Quarterly, 39 (December 2009): Laracey, Mel. The Rhetorical Presidency Today: How Does It Stand Up? Presidential Studies Quarterly, 39 (December 2009): Lewis-Beck, Michael S. and Richard Nadeau. Obama and the Economy in PS: Political Science and Politics, 42 (July 2009): Linn, Suzanna, Jonathan Moody, and Stephanie Asper. Explaining the Horse Race of PS: Political Science and Politics, 42 (July 2009): Mayer, Kenneth R. Thoughts on The Revolution in Presidential Studies. Presidential Studies Quarterly, 39 (December 2009): Medhurst, Martin J. Mitt Romney, Faith in America, and the Dance of Religion and Politics in American Culture. Rhetoric and Public Affairs, 12 (Summer 2009): Moe, Terry M. The Revolution in Presidential Studies. Presidential Studies Quarterly, 39 (December 2009): Panagopoulos, Costas. Preelection Poll Accuracy in the 2008 General Elections. Presidential Studies Quarterly, 39 (December 2009): Paulson, Arthur. Party Change and the Shifting Dynamics in Presidential Nominations: The Lessons of Polity, 41 (July 2009): Pika, Joseph A. The White House Office of Public Liaison. Presidential Studies Quarterly, 39 (September 2009): Richman, Jesse. Congress on the Line: The 2008 Congressional Election and the Obama Presidency. White House Studies, 9:1 (2009): Ridout, Travis N., Brandon Rottinghaus, and Nathan Hosey. Following the Rules? Candidate Strategy in Presidential Primaries. Social Science Quarterly, 90 (December 2009): Fall

18 Rocca, Michael S. 9/11 and Presidential Support in the 107th Congress. Congress and the Presidency, 36 (Autumn 2009): Rockman, Bert A. Does the Revolution in Presidential Studies Mean Off With the President s Head? Presidential Studies Quarterly, 39 (December 2009): Rovner, Joshua. Campaign Tactics and American Grand Strategy in the Election of White House Studies, 9:1 (2009): Shogan, Colleen J. The Political Utility of Empathy in Presidential Leadership. Presidential Studies Quarterly, 39 (December 2009): Skowronek, Stephen. The Conservative Insurgency and Presidential Power: A Developmental Perspective on the Unitary Executive. Harvard Law Review, 122 (June 2009): Showronek, Stephen. Mission Accomplished. Presidential Studies Quarterly, 39 (December 2009): Silverstein, Gordon. Bush, Cheney, and the Separation of Powers: A Lasting Legal Legacy? Presidential Studies Quarterly, 39 (December 2009): Sussman, Glen. Choosing a New Direction: The Presidential Election of White House Studies, 9:1 (2009): t Hart, Paul, Karen Tindall, and Christer Brown. Crisis Leadership of the Bush Presidency: Advisory Capacity and Presidential Performance in the Acute Stages of the 9/11 and Katrina Crises. Presidential Studies Quarterly, 39 (September 2009): Wertheim, Stephen. Reluctant Liberator: Theodore Roosevelt s Philosophy of Self-Government and Preparation for Philippine Independence. Presidential Studies Quarterly, 39 (September 2009): Wheeler, Darren A. Checking Presidential Detention Power in the War on Terror: What Should We Expect from the Judiciary? Presidential Studies Quarterly, 39 (December 2009): Wiesehomeier, Nina and Kenneth Benoit. Presidents, Parties, and Policy Competition. Journal of Politics, 71 (October 2009): Wilson, Hugh A. President Eisenhower and the Development of Active Labor Market Policy in the United States: A Revisionist View. Presidential Studies Quarterly, 39 (September 2009): Wood, B. Dan. Presidential Saber Rattling and the Economy. American Journal of Political Science, 53 (July 2009): Wood, B. Dan. Pontificating About Moe s Pontifications. Presidential Studies Quarterly, 39 (December 2009): Wood, B. Dan and Han Soo Lee. Explaining the President s Issue Based Liberalism: Pandering, Partisanship, or Pragmatism. Journal of Politics, 71 (October 2009): Zinman, Donald A. Passing the Torch Through Political Time: Heir Apparent Presidents and the Governing Party. White House Studies, 9:1 (2009): Uscinski, Joseph E. The Timing of Presidential Cinema. Social Science Quarterly, 90 (September 2009): Vaughn, Justin S. and Jose D. Villalobos. Obama s Empty Cupboard: Contending with Administrative Vacancies and the Threat to Neutral Competence. International Journal of Public Administration, 32 (9, 2009): Vaughn, Justin S. and Jose D. Villalobos. The Obama Administration s Challenges after the War on Science : Reforming Staffing Practices and Protecting Scientific Integrity in the Executive Branch. Review of Policy Research, 26 (November 2009): Villalobos, Jose D. and Justin S. Vaughn. Presidential Staffing and Public Opinion: How Public Opinion Influences Politicization. Administration & Society, 41 (July 2009): Weatherford, M. Stephen. Comparing Presidents Economic Policy Leadership. Perspectives on Politics, 7 (September 2009): Fall