Whose interests are at stake? Civil society and NGOs in South Africa Francien van Driel & Jacqueline van Haren Published online: 03 Jun 2010.

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2 Development Southern Africa Vol. 20, No. 4, October 2003 Whose interests are at stake? Civil society and NGOs in South Africa Francien van Driel & Jacqueline van Haren 1 The democratic transition in 1994 necessitated the new government of South Africa to review critically most of its policies in order to achieve sustainable human development for all its citizens. Popular notions within current development thinking, such as civil society, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and people-centred development are integrated firmly in the revised policies. This article discusses how these notions appear in the housing and population White Papers. It is argued that civil society and NGOs appear as abstract concepts and as black boxes in academic discussions and government policies. These abstract concepts foster assumptions of homogeneity and common interests among and within civil organisations and the people they claim to represent. To understand the complexities of interest representation, these abstract concepts need to come alive and the black boxes need to be opened. To this end, the authors present a theoretical framework and methodological tools for finding multiple interests among a variety of actors. 1. INTRODUCTION South Africa s transition to democracy has brought about a large number of studies and debates on the concept and role of civil society in the new post-apartheid era. These discussions are part of a revival of debates on democratisation and civil society in countries in transition all over the world that took off in the early 1990s. A dominant global development discourse has emerged in which the connection between democratisation and development is linked to the crucial role of civil society in achieving sustainable human development. Publications on civil society in South Africa reflect these debates (e.g. Reitzes, 1994; Humphries & Reitzes, 1995; Cherry, 1999; Lowe, 1999). They are mainly highly theoretical, discussing the concept s origin, multiple interpretations of its meaning and its applicability for South Africa s developing democracy. In this article we opt for a different approach. We will not present another, comparable theoretical exploration of the concept of civil society and the role allocated to civil society and non-governmental organisations (NGOs). Instead, we will address the question of whose interests are at stake in the process of democratisation, as well as whose interests are impersonated by civil society and by NGOs in particular. We are of the opinion that civil society represents an intermixture of numerous organisations, among them various NGOs which represent multiple realities and even more divergent multiple interests. However, civil society organisations are often portrayed as black boxes having straightforward objectives and strategies and representing the interests of their constituencies unambiguously. We will show in this article that the South African debate on civil society is not an exception in this regard. In our opinion these black boxes need to be opened, because abstract discussions do not lead to a thorough Respectively, Senior Lecturer and Lecturer, Centre for International Development Issues Nijmegen (CIDIN), University of Nijmegen, Nijmegen, the Netherlands. Mrs van Haren is currently applying the framework presented in the article in her doctoral study on the implementation of municipal housing policies in Motherwell, Port Elizabeth, South Africa. ISSN X print/issn online/03/ Development Bank of Southern Africa DOI: /

3 530 F van Driel &J van Haren understanding of the nature of civil society organisations and the actual role they play in development processes and policies, as outlined in the various White Papers. The article aims to add a new dimension to the South African debate on civil society and NGOs. We present a methodological and theoretical framework that enables one to go beyond the abstract conceptualisations of civil society and NGOs that dominate the current debate. This framework will enable one to reveal multiple interests that organise civil associations. The main concern of the debates on democratisation and civil society is about providing a voice to citizens in order that they may exercise their democratic rights, rights that were denied in previous oppressive regimes. Moreover, attention to the correction of past injustices and imbalances, bringing about necessary socio-economic changes, and delivery of goods and services to previously deprived groups of people are at the core of the mission of new democratic regimes as in South Africa. To assess the extent and manner in which these rights are exercised, this article focuses on complex local situations where past injustices and contemporary problems, such as access to housing and a better quality of life, are addressed. We argue that an empirical case study in a local setting is imperative to understand how and why abstract (global) discussions are articulated in daily life. Such a case study will show how abstract discussions are mitigated by local lived realities, which are complex and filled with competing interests. The article starts with a discussion on South Africa s White Papers with regard to housing and population policy. Here we reveal the extent to which global discussions and agreements are reflected in national government policies, with special attention to the role that is attributed to civil society and NGOs in the implementation and execution of these policies. Next, we consider the complexity of civil society and the multiple faces of NGOs. This is followed by the presentation of an analytical approach to investigate the multiple interests at stake. In the last part of this article the methodological consequences for research are presented. Here we specify how the black box of civil society and NGOs can be opened and multiple interests can be discovered. 2. SOUTH AFRICA S POLICY REORIENTATION The socio-economic consequences of apartheid for the living conditions and the quality of life for most South Africans urged the new government in 1994 towards a reorientation of all major national policies in order to include formerly excluded parts of the population. Expectations of especially the black population were high due to the promises of the new African National Congress-led government to provide the basic needs they were deprived of for so long, such as access to proper housing, water, health and education. The Housing White Paper (HWP) of 1994 and the Population Policy White Paper (PPWP) of 1998 are a result of these efforts. The principles of these policies appear to be in line with the dominant global development discourse and put people at the centre. The HWP, for instance, states: We believe that of all our resources, nothing compares with the latent energy of the people. The housing programme must be designed to unleash that energy [ ] to give meaning to the notion of a people-centred development (South Africa, 1994: 1). Similarly, the PPWP states: Sustainable human development is the central theme and

4 Civil society and NGOs in South Africa 531 organizing principle of this policy. Sustainable development sees development as a process of enlarging people s choices (South Africa, 1998: 1.4). It is this emphasis on people-centred development and the representation of interests that we address here. In both policies, civil society is attributed a major task in making development people centred. However, in both policies, civil society appears as an unproblematic entity, as a black box. This raises questions of composition and representation. 2.1 South Africa s housing policy The Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) set out the goal of providing one million low-cost houses within five years (1994 8). The HWP formulated the national policy and strategies deemed necessary to reach this goal. Reviewing the disastrous investments by banks and developers in township housing in the late 1980s, the RDP concluded that a housing policy far beyond the market should be implemented. Integration into the international economy has necessitated that South Africa subscribe to international trade liberation policies. These policies set limits to the RDP s call for a more socially oriented housing policy. As a result, unlike the RDP, the HWP prioritises the market (Bond & Tait, 1997: 31). The HWP is geared primarily towards rationalising the state apparatus and creating a stable, public environment conducive to private investments of both households and the private sector. The HWP, nevertheless, seems to endorse the RDP by embedding its market approach in global development language. However, the global language is made contingent upon market imperatives which one finds in the HWP. Global talks stressing integrated and holistic urban development are, for instance, reflected in the national housing vision, which states that government strives for the establishment of viable, socially and economically integrated communities, situated in areas allowing convenient access to economic opportunities as well as health, educational and social amenities (South Africa, 1994: 4.2). And: [The] housing programmes cannot be limited to housing, but need to be promoted in such a manner as to give meaning to the goal of creating viable communities (South Africa, 1994: 3.1.5). These laudable words nonetheless remain words and are not followed by strategies. Unlocking and managing resources needed for the production of low-cost housing at a large scale remains the key issue towards which the HWP gears its strategies. Similarly, the HWP seems to endorse the RDP s broad aim of fostering people-centred development. The people-centred approach is presented as a logical answer to South Africa s history of racial exclusivity: It is held that, by making housing development people centred, the major disadvantages resulting from these past approaches (read: top down and ideologically driven development approaches) will be overcome (South Africa, 1994: 5.2.7). Closer reading reveals that the people-centred approach is made largely subservient to attracting private investments. Throughout the document, people s participation is mentioned first and foremost in relation to personal savings and the creation of political and social stable environments. These are necessary measures for encouraging commercial banks and developers to increase their low-income loan and building portfolios.

5 532 F van Driel &J van Haren The people-centred approach thus seems to be endorsed mainly to support the re-entrance of private enterprises in the low-cost housing sector. The HWP s call for partnerships can be viewed in a similar light. The HWP acknowledges partnerships between the various tiers of government, the private sector and communities as a fundamental prerequisite for the sustained delivery of housing at a level unprecedented in the history (South Africa, 1994: 1). Partnerships are deemed essential in order to embark successfully upon what the HWP describes as one of greatest initial challenges, namely the creation of a public environment conducive to attracting the necessary private investment, both of the household as well as that of the institutions (South Africa, 1994: 1). In tune with the global development discourse, the HWP views rationalisation, decentralisation and privatisation as the guiding principles that organise partnerships between the state and the private sector. The internationally recognised and promoted third tier of partnership, civil society, is also mentioned in the HWP. Civil society involvement is deemed essential because past experience has clearly indicated that, without the active involvement and participation of civil society [ ] policies and strategies are likely to fail in their objectives (South Africa, 1994: 5.2.8). In it is stated that NGOs are attributed a specific role: NGOs have played and are playing a significant role in supplementing and building capacity at community level. However, these roles attributed to both civil society and NGOs in reaching sustainable development are nowhere spelled out in detail. Neither does the HWP provide any clarity on civil society and NGOs positions vis-à-vis private sector institutions carrying out similar tasks. On the other hand, there appears to be a clear focus on the private sector. In we read, for instance, that the government intends to offer support to NGOs in the provision of credit. However, the pressing demand for finance necessitates the government to focus in the short term on the major commercial banks. In sum, although the HWP expresses its concern about diversity, choice and individual consumer needs, demand is merely quantified and not qualified in the document. Moreover, the HWP is concerned in the first place with the restoration of free-market mechanisms. As a result, the document can be read as a merely market-oriented policy. The roles envisaged for the different role-players are spelled out within this market-oriented framework. This raises questions about the roles of NGOs and the interests they represent and, especially, how in this market-oriented approach the interests of their claimed constituencies are represented. 2.2 South Africa s population policy In the new population policy of 1998 we see a more elaborate role attributed to civil society and NGOs. In this policy the link between the government, civil society and the private sector is of a different nature and reflects the objective of making the policy an integral part of national development strategies. Compared with housing, the problems addressed in this policy can be reduced less easily to a quantitative problem, as they deal with the quality of life of all South Africans in all respects. Hence, the policy reflects a holistic approach throughout the entire document, and a more complementary role is ascribed to civil society than in the housing policy.

6 Civil society and NGOs in South Africa 533 The PPWP starts with a direct reference to the United Nations (UN) International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD) in Cairo in It is stated that the ICPD offers a useful new international perspective on population and development issues in which reproductive health and rights have become central. The Cairo conference has been characterised as a shift from targets to choice, from demographic, top-down targets to a health and rights-oriented perspective. Population control and reproductive health are two distinctly different approaches, based on different problem definitions and consequently aim at different goals (Corrêa, 1994). The reproductive health approach has been very successful in placing people s (especially women s) interests and needs at the core of the development agenda and has shifted the attention from population issues to the health and rights of both women and men. In this perspective, population concerns are to be integrated fully into all development strategies, planning, decision making and resource allocation, with the goal of meeting the needs and improving the quality of life of present and future generations. When we look at these principles, the objectives and vocabularies in which the PPWP is written are in tune with the UN discourse on population polices. In 1.2 and 1.3 the paradigm shift described above is presented, and in 1.4 it is mentioned that South Africa agreed upon the ICDP s Programme of Action in 1994 (South Africa, 1998: 1.5.6). Moreover, the policy s articulation of the connection between population trends in relation to sustainable socio-economic development and the environment mirrors the holistic approach adhered to in the Cairo Programme of Action. This is reflected in the number of major population concerns that are identified and discussed in the White Paper. These include, among other things, concerns about the economic capacity to cope with backlogs in education, employment, housing, health and other social services, concerns about widespread poverty, the high incidence of unplanned pregnancies and teenage pregnancies, high infant and maternal mortality, the rise of sexually transmitted diseases, especially HIV/AIDS, and marked gender inequalities in development. Explicit reference is made to the urgent lack of data on population issues and limited systematic use of available population data. Lack of data and lack of desegregation of data by gender are serious problems, as can be read in the policy paper. Part Two of the PPWP (South Africa, 1998: 2.1) on data and information on population and human development opens with the following remarks: While a considerable amount of information is available on South Africa s population and the various indicators of human development in the country, it is unfortunately often deficient, especially with respect to its quality, reliability, coverage and completeness. Its usefulness is therefore limited, particularly with respect to accurately assessing the population and human development situation in the country, and developing, implementing, monitoring and evaluating development plans and programmes. Apart from the lack of data there is also limited knowledge on specific gender-related cultures and a need for further research is expressed (South Africa, 1998: 2.2.2): The social cultural context of gender issues in South Africa is not clearly understood. Research on cultural perceptions of gender issues is needed to [ ] provide a basis for developing appropriate illustrations of the real benefits of emancipating women and providing opportunities for children as part of policy implementation. It might be expected that the implementation of the policy is a difficult operation due

7 534 F van Driel &J van Haren to the above complexity and limitations. However, in Part Four the government explicitly refers to the responsibility of all sectors of society to operationalise the policy: The collective responsibility of both the government and the private sectors, as well as civil society, is required to operationalise the policy purposefully within the South African situation (South Africa, 1998: 4.1). Civil society especially has an active role to play: The active involvement and participation of the private sector and civil society in the planning, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of population activities are of paramount importance for the achievement of the objectives of this policy (South Africa, 1998: 4.6). In sum, the population policy covers all major development issues, focuses on qualitative instead of quantitative objectives, and asks for an integrated development approach which is not specified in detail due to its holistic character and the lack of data and knowledge. Civil society and the many NGOs representing civil society that are already dealing with some of the issues identified in the policy are called upon to operationalise and implement the policy in a complementary way to the government and the private sector. This implies that the translation of the policy into concrete strategies and action plans is still in its construction phase. Hence, civil society s involvement is a prerequisite for achieving the objectives of the policy. But what is civil society, who are its actors, and how are needs and interests perceived and represented by the various actors in civil society? Although, according to the housing and population White Papers, civil society has a crucial role to play in uplifting the socio-economic and political status of the marginalised and formerly excluded population of South Africa, civil society as such features as an unproblematic black box in these policies. 2.3 Civil society and NGOs From the above we learn that civil society and NGOs are important stakeholders in the implementation of both policies in South Africa. However, the roles attributed to them are different. It is important to notice that the HWP was written in 1994 and the PPWP in This has consequences for the problems addressed and the extent to which global dominant discourses on democratisation and development are included. While in the HWP the role of civil society is situated in the implementation phase, in the PPWP this role is extended to planning, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of the policies. The time difference seems indicative of not only the role attributed to civil society, but also the way in which the housing and population issues are perceived and addressed. The 1994 HWP approaches housing as a quantitative problem and as a practical, basic needs issue. Delivering as many houses as quickly as possible by creating an enabling environment is the objective of the HWP. The 1998 PPWP, on the other hand, has a qualitative and holistic approach towards health and population issues, inspired by the Programme of Action agreed upon at the Cairo conference in Housing and population issues are conceptualised differently in the subsequent policies the former being perceived primarily in practical terms and the latter including strategic objectives as well. Although housing and population issues appear to be of a different nature, in the PPWP we notice that housing has become an integral part of the population policy. Quality of life the central objective of the population policy entails all major concerns, as we have seen. Housing is one of them and involves more than just

8 Civil society and NGOs in South Africa 535 physical structures, but also the quality of the living environment. As stated, the HWP mentions that housing programmes cannot be limited to physical structures, but should be situated within the quest for developing viable communities. Unlike the PPWP, however, the HWP does not put forward this holistic approach in subsequent chapters. Housing is conceptualised upon the HWP s main concern, namely restoration of the market, and as such housing is merely perceived as a quantitative problem. The quantitative and qualitative approaches put forward by the HWP and PPWP have different consequences for the way in which both policies picture the role of civil society. However, what is lacking in both policies is reference to the composition and representation of civil society. Although both policies claim to be people-centred, the relation between civil society and people is not elaborated upon. In this sense, civil society is still a black box. References to NGOs and community-based organisations can be found in the policy papers, but the relation between the abstract concept of civil society and concrete NGOs and community-based organisations is not problematised. The black box of civil society, therefore, suggests homogeneity of organisations and interests, while it is questionable whether this homogeneity exists. Here we touch upon the central topic of this article, i.e. whose interests are at stake and whether specific divergent groups of people recognise their interests in the policies and activities of civil society organisations that claim to speak on their behalf. 3. CONSTRUCTED MEANINGS OF CIVIL SOCIETY AND NGOS In our opinion, current development thinking would benefit from analysing the question whose interests are impersonated and represented by civil society organisations. In particular, it would help to assess the representation claim that has been attached to NGOs. Over the past ten years, development has become conceptualised predominantly as a concerted effort of the state, market and civil sector to pursue free markets and liberal democratic governing systems (see Biekart, 1999; World Bank, 2001). The civil sector is attributed a critical role in involving citizens in development; NGOs are attributed a special role in this regard. Some even argue that their often long-standing experience with the poor makes NGOs suitable instruments for representing their interests (Webster, 1999). Put differently, as they are close to the life worlds of the poor, NGOs are assumed to be relatively well equipped to identify and realistically represent the actual needs of the poor. This one-sided idea of interest representation has been challenged recently. In her study of the everyday politics of a Philippine NGO, Hilhorst (2000) shows how daily NGO practices are influenced by a multitude of actors. In the current development discourse it has become increasingly important for NGOs to legitimise themselves vis-à-vis the government, commerce, targeted communities and other competing NGOs. When interacting with these actors, NGOs will display different images of the poor and their needs and strategies for reaching them. Terms such as community participation, empowerment and community building will be used abundantly in reports and policy documents to appeal to donors, who can relate to these words. On the other hand, an NGO might put more emphasis on the actual services it delivers, i.e. building houses or providing HIV/AIDS education. Hilhorst (2000) argues that multiple interests, discourses and power positions account for the different images that NGOs present to beneficiaries, donors, municipalities and other actors to which they are related. Representation varies along with the audience that is addressed by an NGO. Hilhorst s

9 536 F van Driel &J van Haren study is one of the few that analyses how NGOs actually present themselves and the people they claim to represent. However, it is still widely assumed that civil society in general, and NGOs in particular, speak on behalf of the poor. The perpetuation of this one-sided claim is related to the way in which civil society in general and NGOs in particular are conceptualised. Moreover, in many policy documents and academic literature, civil society and NGOs appear as closed homogeneous entities. Hilhorst (2000: 16) argues, for instance, that in contemporary NGO literature NGOs are generally pictured as organisations doing good to others, especially to the poor. Similarly, civil society is pictured predominantly as the organised space between the public and the private spheres, which enables people s voices to be heard. South African debates on civil society have produced similar images. Civil society has been conceptualised in an abstract way and interest representation has been largely overlooked in the debate over the years. South African interest in civil society initially took off with the question of whether the liberation movement could be viewed as a civil movement. Several South African scholars have not made a clear distinction between the two concepts (see Fine, 1992; Orkin, 1995). Others, however, have argued that the liberation movement cannot be identified with civil society because the two modes of collective action apply different strategies, have different objectives and operate in significantly different political contexts (see Shubane, 1999; Reitzes, 1994). In this initial debate, civil society and the liberation movement are defined in a rather abstract way. They appear as monolithic wholes that arise under specific political circumstances and which, depending on these circumstances, apply specific strategies. This discussion lost its significance when the need for resistance ceased to exist in due course of the democratic transition. When the ANC came to power in 1994, the focus of the South African civil society debate shifted to discussions on how the former resistance organisations and the ANC-led state repositioned themselves as civil organisations and democratic government. International discussions stressing the importance for civil society to retain an independent position vis-à-vis the state became pronounced in the debate. Historical relations with the ANC and financial, technical and teleological crises made independence an unlikely option to be achieved in the short term. Cooptation by the state, on the other hand, seemed a more probable future for many civil organisations (Cherry, 1994; Shubane, 1999). Like the former discussion, this debate did not question who or what civil society is and what it actually stands for. Rather, civil society is still viewed merely as a concrete entity, this time being positioned against another perceived whole, the state. 3.1 Opening up the black box Friedman & Reitzes (1996: 68 71) have called the black box character of civil society into question. In their discussion of the inability of the new democratic government to live up to its promised development delivery targets, they argue that not only organising practices and motives on the part of the incorporating state, but also those on the part of civil society organisations are responsible for the failure to deliver inclusive and sustainable forms of development. This argument questions the popular idea that civil society fosters democratisation and inclusive development. In his case

10 Civil society and NGOs in South Africa 537 study on urban development Friedman (1993: 29 31) found evidence challenging this idea. He observed how gatekeeping and patronage have a large influence on determining who will or will not benefit from local development initiatives. Civil practices thus are not necessarily democratic, nor do they inevitably foster inclusive forms of development. Reitzes (1994) has elaborated on this argument and deconstructed civil society at a theoretical level. Her deconstruction offers tools for assessing the claim that relates civil society unequivocally to democratisation and development. According to Reitzes (1994: 108) the concept of civil society needs to be deconstructed, because an abstract notion of this concept fosters false assumptions of homogeneity and sameness in terms of identity, interests and norms. Deconstructing the concept, therefore, requires, first of all, recognition of the diversity of organisations constituting civil society. Civil organisations differ not only in their scale of operation, functions, objectives and strategies, but also in their styles of governance. We agree with Reitzes that these multiple manifestations of civil society will become visible only when one starts to identify and describe the large variety of associational forms that make up the civil arena. Next to this deconstruction of associational forms, Reitzes points to the necessity of deconstructing civil society in terms of power and discourse. She proposes using power and discourse to unravel the assumed claims of sameness and equality. To this end, Reitzes calls for a reconceptualisation of power. The liberation movement s quest for political power attributed to all organisations the same function of political opposition and was informed by a one-dimensional view of political power as state power, Reitzes (1994: 10) argues. She states that the association of power with the state is ill defined. Power is not the preserve of the sphere of state governance, but is located within and between all kinds of social spheres where people act and interact. Power is not an asset one has or does not have. Instead, power emerges in interactions, where it is wielded and yielded (Villarreal, 1994). Thus, power is relational and power positions are not fixed. This implies that not one dominant, but multiple more or less powerful interests are negotiated and renegotiated. The way and extent to which interests are negotiated depend on dynamic power positions. Power, in turn, emerges in actions and multiple discourses. Accordingly, Reitzes (1994: 112) suggests the need to reconceptualise power in terms of action and discourse. Reitzes analytical deconstruction offers an excellent point of departure for developing tools to analyse civil society s assumed representative character. Like Hilhorst (2000), Reitzes calls for a deconstruction of civil society in terms of discourse and power. A focus on relational power enables one to reveal and analyse the complexity of interactions and interests that are hidden beneath the concept of civil society. These multiple realities will tell us more about the representative character of so-called civil organisations than an unproblematic association with democratisation. However, in order to understand how constituencies interests are represented by civil organisations, Reitzes multidimensional approach should be elaborated upon. To this end we introduce a third, local dimension into the analysis, which analyses actions and interactions of members of civil organisations and their claimed constituencies. These actions and interactions, in turn, are embedded in multiple discourses. In our opinion this is the key dimension in which interest representation should be studied. In the remaining part of this section we explain how to deconstruct abstract discourses at the local level. In the next section we will tailor this approach to interest representation.

11 538 F van Driel &J van Haren 3.2 Towards a multidimensional analytical approach of civil society First of all, like Reitzes, we distinguish a symbolic dimension and an associational dimension of civil society, which are related to each other. The associational dimension of civil society refers to concrete civil organisations and the way they are structured in relation to each other and other organisations, such as state and private sector institutions. Dominant ideas of civil society, development and democratisation ultimately structure organisations by means of normative rules that prescribe roles and responsibilities of civil society organisations. Perceptions of civil society are embedded in dominant democratic and development discourses that have gained acceptance worldwide. In the second half of the 18th century the concept civil society was constructed on the advancement of liberal democracies in Europe and the United States. Accordingly, ideas about civil society became associated with liberal democratic values and norms. Similarly, the current development paradigm attaches particular values to civil society in relation to development. It values civil society (and NGOs, in particular) for enabling meaningful participation of people in development. These values and norms symbolise specific, i.e. Western, meanings of democracy and development. As a result, worldwide civil society has become associated with freedom, inclusiveness, pluralism, and so on. These normative ideas of civil society are, however, abstract constructions. To understand how civil society manifests in everyday life, we should analyse how these ideas emerge in local contexts. The local is embedded in national and supranational discourses. To understand how interests are represented by local civil organisations, one should analyse how interest representation is affected by these wider discourses (Davids & Van Driel, 2001). Therefore, we propose to distinguish the symbolic and structural dimensions of civil society at different interdependent, yet analytically distinguishable, levels of analysis. At the local level, for example, civil society manifests itself in grass-roots organisations, local NGOs, trade union branches and so on. At regional and national level, these organisations are represented by umbrella organisations such as the South African National NGO Coalition (SANGOCO) and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU). Similarly, at world conferences broad NGO coalitions are formed to represent and safeguard the interests of lower-level NGOs in the global talks and documents that result from long and painstaking discussions. At different levels one would thus find civil organisations that differ in scale of operation, strategies, objectives and the partners with whom they negotiate. Roles, objectives and strategies of civil society organisations, negotiated at these different levels, acquire contextualised meanings. This means that local interpretations of civil society have to be studied in context. These local interpretations are influenced by, but nevertheless differ from, national or global discussions on the topic. We feel that in order to understand local representation practices it is imperative to distinguish a third dimension that analyses how NGO staff members and the people they claim to represent shape, through their actions and interactions, the identity of an organisation. As mentioned, the ways in which civil organisations manifest themselves depend on local perceptions of what civil organisations are and do. These local perceptions are likely to be influenced by dominant discourses on civil society, democracy and development, especially in open societies where multiple relations with international actors are constituted and reproduced daily. However, although they shape NGO practice in a far less deliberate way than dominant discourses on democracy,

12 Civil society and NGOs in South Africa 539 development and civil society do, Hilhorst (2000: 14) stresses that everyday discourses of NGO staff members influence daily NGO practices. Everyday discourses such as those on gender, age, class and ethnicity create power positions of individuals in specific contexts and influence the personal interests individuals have and pursue. People then experience local realities differently, because they internalise and interpret everyday discourses differently. Meanings that people attach to democracy, civil society and development are accordingly manifold, depending on the local realities in which these people live. These multiple interests, positions and everyday discourses that shape people s daily lives are usually kept out of the analysis of NGO practice (Hilhorst, 2000: 14). However, because civil organisations such as NGOs are influenced by local lived realities of the people that work in, or are related to, these organisations, these realities ought to be included in the analysis. In sum, to understand how local civil organisations represent the poor and their needs, one should analyse how abstract and everyday discourses merge in civil organisations and inform interest identification, prioritisation and articulation. In retrospect, our approach is both actor-oriented and deconstructive in nature. It is actor-oriented in the sense that, in our opinion, the actions and interactions of NGO staff members and the people they claim to represent should be at the heart of the study. Our approach is deconstructive in the sense that we feel that daily NGO practices should be embedded in the wider context. Therefore, one should analyse how interests and ideas that emerge at national and global levels re-emerge at the local level, and how multiple realities and processes are represented. 4. HOW AND WHERE TO FIND MULTIPLE INTERESTS Methodological and theoretical choices are essential in any research project. There is a large variety of civil society organisations from which one can choose for case study purposes. We have chosen local NGOs as our unit of analysis because these organisations are involved most directly with development planning and delivery. Furthermore, our choice is informed by our interest in the question how abstract discourses transpire in daily representation practices. To analyse this mechanism one needs to select those development organisations that will probably be influenced by these discourses. Although grass-roots organisations might also negotiate with actors outside their immediate communities, NGOs overall have more as well as more intensive contacts with donors and governments that produce and promote dominant discourses. In addition, it is imperative to research NGOs in their local setting. We are interested in how NGOs represent the people they claim to represent. At the local level we can study how the people who are claimed to be represented perceive their needs and the means for addressing them. This analysis offers an opportunity to assess the popular idea that poor people value NGOs and the projects NGOs undertake on their behalf. It might, for example, be that certain people have no interest in NGOs at all and do not perceive them as being able to address and meet their needs adequately. This is not to say that NGOs cannot articulate the needs of communities and people. However, we are of the opinion that such a claim deserves critical examination. Our choice for the local stems furthermore from the opportunity to analyse how people attach different meanings to people-centred development and civil society s role in this regard. These meanings, as mentioned, differ according to people s power positions and interests. At the local level where NGO staff members and the people they represent

13 540 F van Driel &J van Haren are supposed to meet, these meanings are articulated strategically when needs, interests and strategies for addressing them are negotiated. At the local level, therefore, we can analyse how multiple discourses inform negotiations about whose interests should be addressed and how this should be done. How, then, can a discourse analysis be applied to representation practices of a local NGO? We acknowledge that the term NGO is broad and therefore it is common academic practice to start with a definition and categorisation of the NGO(s) one studies. However, we opt for a different route. Following Hilhorst, we are of the opinion that defining and categorising NGOs is an exercise of appropriating meaning. It is precisely this exercise which we are questioning. The practice of giving meaning to NGOs impacts on how NGOs mediate interests. Therefore, we propose not to start with a definition of the NGO studied, but to identify and study the different discourses that various actors use to give meaning to the NGO. We are interested in finding out how multiple interests mediate interest representation of the poor. Multiple discourses structure the power positions and interests of organisations and people working in, or with, them. Depending on their interests and positions, various actors attach different meanings to development, democratisation and civil society. Insights into interest mediation can be gained by investigating whether and in what form abstract images of democratisation, development and civil society emerge in daily interactions between NGO staff members and the people they claim to represent. To secure or generate donor aid, for instance, an NGO needs to take the interests of donors into account. As a result, development language employed by donors will transpire in everyday negotiations with targeted people. Similarly, the White Paper vocabulary will, in NGOs daily representations, transpire to secure or initiate support from government institutions. The same argument can be made for NGOs strategic relations with the umbrella organisations to which they are affiliated. Umbrella NGOs foster the interests and needs of affiliated local NGOs at national and international conferences where the larger development players assemble. Relations with these actors should be analysed to assess why and how their ideas of democratisation, development and civil society emerge in local NGOs representation practices. Apart from these influences of national and international actors, local NGOs representation practices also depend, and perhaps even more, on local lived realities. A variety of discourses such as those on gender, class, age and ethnicity circumscribe socially accepted behaviours and influence people s positions in society at large. These positions determine people s access to and use of resources to a large extent. People s needs and interests differ, depending on their positions and access to resources. Accordingly, different people have different interests in NGOs, or perhaps none at all. For a staff member, for instance, the relevance of an NGO might be derived primarily from the need to earn an income. Local community leaders, on the other hand, might perceive an NGO as an instrument for reinforcing leadership status. Whether or not people have an interest in an NGO depends not only on their positions and needs. Their perceptions of an NGO also determine the extent to which and how they make use of them. These perceptions are informed by knowledge of and relations with the NGO. In this regard, personal relations with NGO staff members might, for instance, be used strategically to further specific personal interests. Everyday discourses thus structure positions, relations, perceptions and interests of NGO staff members and the people they target. It is our opinion that actions and interactions of these people should be at the heart of analysis. This emphasis on people,

14 Civil society and NGOs in South Africa 541 instead of entities such as the organisation or the target group, prevents us from making false statements assuming sameness in terms of interests, power positions and perceptions. Instead, such an approach enables us to establish the variety of interests, power positions and perceptions that emerge within both the target group and the NGO. It is imperative to analyse local lived realities, as they will provide clues as to how abstract images of people-centred development and the roles of NGOs are modified and put to use strategically when an NGO attempts to enrol the people it targets in its projects. The way in which abstract images are modified and used depends on multiple interests and power positions of the various actors to which an NGO is related. We thus can answer the question of whose interests are represented by NGOs, by analysing how abstract and everyday discourses merge when local NGOs negotiate their projects and strategies with people they claim to represent. Moreover, it will become clear what is understood by people-centredness by all actors involved when deconstructing these negotiations on projects and strategies. Ultimately, the people-centred character can be assessed by determining whose interests are at stake and dominate within projects. 5. SUGGESTIONS FOR CASE STUDY RESEARCH To answer the questions whose interests are at stake in daily NGO practices, we have presented an approach that is actor-oriented and deconstructive in nature. We are of the opinion that the people-centredness of policies has to be studied at the local level, hence the centrality of the people-centredness of civil society organisations and NGOs in particular. Do they meet the needs and interests of people in all their diversity (e.g. class, race and age) and the objectives of the policies discussed above? Do they meet at the level of civil society organisations and NGOs in particular? Moreover, to what extent do civil society organisations put people in the centre? These are the questions that need to be answered, which are not only relevant to housing and population issues in the South African context. These questions can, and should, be used to deconstruct the abstract concepts civil society and NGOs in other localities throughout the globe. The first step in such empirical research is to identify civil society organisations operating in a specific setting (e.g. a community) and which are dealing with development issues. The next step is to identify the actors involved in this specific context. These actors are primarily the people of the target group in all its diversity, as well as the staff members of the organisation. The way in which interests of the so-called target group are represented and support is provided can be studied by analysing policy documents, participant observation and conducting structured interviews on concrete activities and strategies with staff members at different positions within the organisations and with a selected group of people representing the target group. Also, the organisational structure of the NGOs involved in the research and their networks with key players in local government, research institutes, political organisations, (inter)national donors and strategic others have to be mapped. Additional structured interviews with key players in these networks are needed in order to analyse local discourses related to the topic of research. Central in the collection of data are ideas, norms and values attached to notions of development and democracy in relation to social markers such as ethnicity, gender and class. These data reflect the symbolic dimension of our approach. The data on