International Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Reviews Vol.8 No.2, June 2018; p , (ISSN: )

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1 THREATS AND OPPORTUNITIES OF REGIONAL HEGEMONY: NIGERIA AND FRANCE IN WEST AFRICA OGABI DEBORAH OLUWAMAYOWA Department of Political Science and International Relations, College Of Leadership Development Studies, Covenant University, Ota, Ogun State, Nigeria & FOLARIN SHERIFF FOLAMI (Ph.D) Department of Political Science and International Relations, College Of Leadership Development Studies, Covenant University, Ota, Ogun State, Nigeria Abstract The paper examined the silent, but sometimes overt contest between Nigeria and France for hegemony and control in West Africa, and also identified the threats and opportunities that may be accrued to regional hegemony in West Africa. With the several interventions of Nigeria in West Africa, Nigeria remains an important regional player in the sub-region, thereby justifying the opportunities the country benefits from, in the course of its hegemonic adventures. The Classical Realism theory was adapted to the study in order to situate the role of national interests in the spectrum of inter-state relations. Data were gathered from existing literature, while analysis was done using textual methods. There is a strong belief that Francophone West African countries are tied to the apron-strings of their colonial masters, making it difficult for them to completely detach from such foreign influence and which Nigeria finds difficult to break in its quest to gain more influence in the region. The research concludes that the attainment of power attributes and regional acceptance can only be possible when Nigeria builds itself to an extent that it would be given proper recognition in the global system, through its constant focus on internal issues. Keywords: France, Nigeria, Opportunity, Regional Hegemony, Threat, West Africa Introduction The concept of hegemony has been in the front burners of discourse in international politics over the years, particularly from the period of Cold War to the disintegration of the Soviet Union up to the present times. It connotes the dominance of one power or cluster of states in the international system (Kegley, 2006; Keohane, 1980; Kindleberger, 1973; Rourke, 2007; as cited in Odigbo, Udaw and Igwe, 2014). The struggle for regional hegemony in Africa has been a major concern amongst several powerful states in their bid to express complete dominance in and over the continent. By way of situating the subject matter in West Africa however, the struggle is one that can be categorized as relatively new as it has only been consistent between Nigeria and France since 1966, with respect to the debut of the civil war in Nigeria at the time (Bach, 1979; Zakaria, 2011). Akinterinwa (1999:296) posits that the relationship between Nigeria and France after the independence of African states might be viewed as troublesome and intriguing, amicable and threatening, vertical in nature 197

2 and described by vows to establish more grounded frameworks for a superior understanding between the two nations. Hence, the relationship between France and Nigeria in West Africa may be characterized based on the premise of cultural influence, economic and financial implications, leadership roles, colonial heritage as well as peacekeeping and security interventions. At the end of the Second World War, France was able to claim a permanent seat at the United Nations Security Council because of its colonial empire. With African independence, this position could have been threatened, thus, France developed a neo-colonial strategy towards its former colonies, through the introduction of the assimilation policy (Touati, 2007). It is no doubt that the significant position that France occupies as one of the permanent five in the international system, has molded its foreign and security policy towards Africa. For instance, France has been a vital on-screen character in the issues of West Africa, particularly with its political and financial power in European integration, which informs the reason behind its engagement in the imperial expansion that has occurred overtime in some West African countries (Sıradağ, 2012). To this end, the sphere of French influence in Africa includes Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia, Mauritania, Senegal, Mali, Guinea (Conakry), Ivory Coast, Niger, Burkina Faso, Benin, Gabon, Republic of Congo, Togo, Central African Republic, Chad, Comoros and Madagascar (Iliffe, 2007:195). This juxtaposes the influence of the policy options and objectives of France majorly in West Africa, Africa and the world at large. Subsequently, the huge population, strategic location and the natural endowments that Nigeria possesses are major driving forces for the establishment of Nigeria s presence and influence in Africa. Nigeria s achievements and efforts towards attaining peace and security in the continent, positions her in the fore-front amidst other countries domicile in the continent (Odigbo, Udaw and Igwe, 2014). The paper therefore examines the leadership roles of Nigeria and France in West Africa and how both countries struggle for dominance in the subregion. It critically evaluates the foreign policy adventures of Nigeria and France over the years in a bid to establish their presence in West Africa. For instance, Nigeria as a dominant power in West Africa has since its political independence in 1960 been playing a lot of supportive roles towards other West African countries such as the intervention in Liberia and Sierra Leone through the ECOWAS monitoring group (ECOMOG). These roles vary from military, political to financial and economic (Bach, 2010). The same applies to France, which has played the role of a protector of its colonial territories majorly because of its security policy towards peacekeeping operations in West Africa (Benneyworth, 2011). The aforementioned and much more, sum up the reasons for each country s dedication towards being predominantly recognized in the same region. According to Destradi (2010) hegemony refers to the pursuit of subtle self-interested strategies with the aim of accomplishing certain goals and objectives, presented to subordinate states as collective goals by employing reformed norms and values that will fit into the political, economic and socio-cultural life of the subordinate states in a bid to gain the trust and acceptance of the same. In distinguishing between regional power and hegemon, Prys (2010) recognized that the ability of a regional power to convert relative material preponderance to perform certain tasks and carry the regional burden is an important indicator of regional hegemonic position. One of such tasks is the supply of public goods, that is, the maintenance of peace and order, regional security and regional economic development. Prys, therefore, identifies that a regional power may be transformed to a regional hegemony through the following factors: self-perception, regional perception, provision of public goods and projection of all forms of power to secondary states within a region (Prys, 2010:21). The presence of the four factors as indicated by Prys, gives an avenue for the transformation of a state from the position of a regional power to a regional hegemon. Although, there are different views concerning the characteristics of a hegemon, Ogunnubi and Okeke- Uzodike (2016) posit that regional hegemony refers to the advanced abilities and capabilities that a state possesses over a specific region, with substantial influence on its immediate neighbours through a strategic foreign policy, thereby enjoying, some level of acceptance, legitimacy and recognition in the same region. This can be applied to the understanding of regional hegemonic power tussles between Nigeria and France in order to analyze the extent to which they both fulfill the requirements of a hegemon. From the above definitions, regional hegemony encompasses the interplay of power politics and the dominance of power within a specific region, earmarked by a superior state over another (subordinate state) towards the actualization of certain goals, values or interests and the attainment of legitimacy on the global 198

3 stage. It is this concern that necessitates the study which is to examine the struggle for hegemonic influence between the selected countries in their aim to pursue national interests and national security within the West African subregion, and as well identify the threats and opportunities that may be accrued to this relationship. Classical Realism: A Framework for the Analysis of Regional Hegemony in West Africa The study applies the classical realist theory to the active presence of France and Nigeria in Africa, particularly, the West African sub-region and the scramble of both nations for Africa in order to situate the role of national interests and the pursuit of security and power in the spectrum of inter-state relations and its impact on global politics. The behaviour of every state is characterized by the pursuit, promotion and protection of certain basic, fundamental values and interests which are often regarded as national interests. These interests can be recognized as the yardstick for a country s relations with its neighbours or the external environment. Without national interests, states relations have no meaning (Dorff, 2004). Morgenthau (1962; cited in Folarin, 2012) asserts that states in the international community are driven by their uncompromised interest, which consequently, explains that the existence of states aspirations and conflictual national interests have given room for conflict in international politics. National interest is not only regarded as an end in itself; it is also a means to an end, in which national power is portrayed. This national power basically refers to national values, economic or national wealth and the occupation of a vantage position in the international community. Consequently, power becomes an end in itself as well as a means to an end too. The concept of realism identifies that power can be regarded as the driving force in political life this gives an insight to inter-state relations and other forms of relationships that occur between actors in the international system. Therefore, a country s national interest can be advanced by power (Enor and Chime, 2015). Thus, to realists, states are more concerned with issues of power in order to survive in the anarchical system (Slaughter, 2011). Drawing from the above, national security serves as the overriding concern of states in the course of their relations with others. Nevertheless, the realist theory reflects the struggle that occurs between the two regional hegemons- France and Nigeria in the West African region as it points to the assertion made by Dorff (2004) that state relations are based on conflicts and competitiveness. France maintained a realist foreign policy towards Africa through its connections with its ex-colonies. Indeed, the main goal of the French colonial policy of assimilation was to exploit the rich resources of Africa, and as well, improve the economy of the European powers (Iliffe, 2007). As Nigeria constantly searches for areas to be of meaningful importance to the sub-region, she has shown concern for Africa through her Afrocentric foreign policy (Folarin, 2010). Classical realism theory to a convincing extent, explains the interplay of power and the preponderance of power between the two hegemons under study as their relationship justifies the role of conflict and competition in the drive towards the pursuit of individual interests in West Africa through colonial links, economic capabilities, military strength, to mention but a few. The theory is therefore appropriate in explaining the intricacies of the Nigeria-France relationship as it pertains to foreign policy articulation and implementation and the extent to which regional hegemony has affected inter-state relations on a long run. The Threat The concept of regional hegemony is relevant to the role, status and responsibilities of Nigeria and France both in West Africa and indeed Africa at large. In this regard, it is anticipated that a regional hegemon ought to have the capacity to exercise expansive power within the region over which it has hegemonic influence. A regional hegemon should be able to exercise its dominance through relative military/diplomatic advantage and consciously develop legitimacy within the region (Adetula, 2014). It is on this premise that both Nigeria and France have continued to demonstrate leadership role in Africa generally, but more visibly in West Africa. Historically, Africa has been confronted by numerous issues emerging from colonial heritage, the creation of geographically artificial states, and the ethno-linguistic diversity of its people. This has contributed immensely to conflicts, cooperation and communication costs among countries (Gupta, 2015). It is important 199

4 to note therefore, that the African continent experienced the penetration of majorly European colonial masters namely: Britain, France and Portugal, causing some sort of division amongst the African states. Although, the history of Africa was influenced by several colonial masters namely: Britain, France and Portugal, two main language, cultural, ideological and political blocs- Francophone and Anglophone characterize the West African sub-region. For instance, Lusophone influence only cuts across the smaller countries of Cape Verde and Guinea Bissau. While West Africa comprises of sixteen countries, fifteen of them belong to the ECOWAS organization. Five of these countries are English-speaking; nine are Frenchspeaking while the remaining two are Portuguese-speaking states as earlier mentioned (Folarin, Folarin and Olorunyomi, 2015). According to Akinterinwa (2005), France s strategic policy and attitude towards Francophone African states is largely predicated on colonial links while the basis for its relationship with Nigeria includes geo-political and economic consideration. The perception of France concerning relations with Nigeria is considered strategic as the former sees the latter as the most important state to relate with, in the whole of Sub-Saharan Africa. France s ambitious strides and hegemonic presence in the West African sub-region and the Nigerian economy in particular, can be understood as a strategic encounter in a geo-strategic world, to which world powers engage especially in less powerful areas with minimal opposition. For instance, French investment profile in Nigeria is relatively high, making France the second largest investor in the West African giant economy of Nigeria after the United States. French organizations are active in Nigeria s oil and gas, automobile and construction industries as well as in maritime business, consultant services, night clubs, imports and hospitality industries amongst others (Enor and Chime, 2015). With the advent of security issues in West Africa, trans-national terrorism has been the order of the day in the Western Sahel region. In fact, regional security is frequently being altered due to the increase in crises and political mayhem evident in West Africa and the Sahel region, such that, challenges such as ethnic rivalries, border disputes, domestic violence and terrorist activities that were once controllable are increasingly becoming an integral part and parcel of the West African region (Boukhars, 2017). Mali being a francophone country, has received troops from France to curb the menace evident in the same area. Nevertheless, ECOWAS and Nigerian military troops effortlessly engage in meaningful ways to eliminate the activities of terrorist groups like Boko Haram, Al-Shabaab, to mention a few (George, 2012). A vivid example of strategies put in place to curb the menace includes the creation of the Multinational Joint Task Force. The presence of a collective security threat such as the Boko Haram in West Africa encouraged countries in the Lake Chad Basin to establish the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) in April 2012 and upgraded it in 2015 for managing the insurgency that began in Nigeria in Initially, the crisis was perceived as Nigerian, but later became a regional question. Though the force was created for the member countries to collectively work hand-in-hand to confront mutual enemies, they have become suspicious of each other over border issues and have indeed become enemies of themselves (Albert, 2017). This has led to the intervention of external forces such as France in order to combat the domestic crisis which is gradually translating into a world issue. Adebajo (2000 cited in Ogunnubi and Okeke-Uzodike, 2016) posits that for Nigeria to be certified as a legit regional leader, it has to be able to match or even surpass the intervention of France in West Africa s security concerns. To this end, France has made several attempts to quell conflicts in West Africa, thereby undermining Nigeria s influence in West Africa. He further explains that due to the shift in the global world order, developing countries now prove to the developed countries of the global North that they are capable of surviving and solving regional problems without the help of the advanced countries. For instance, the intervention of Nigeria in Liberia and Sierra Leone via military support, showed its potential capability of becoming a regional leader. In spite of the constant leadership claim of Nigeria in West Africa, many francophone countries maintain good and favourable relationships with France and consider Nigeria a regional bully. 200

5 The Opportunity Bach (1980) asserts that Nigeria had more historic cultures and empires than any other nation in Africa. In terms of lingual diversity, Nigeria possesses more languages than any other African country. It has been proven that Nigeria has approximately 470 languages due to its diverse ethnic groups. In the constitution, Hausa, Igbo, and Yoruba were established as national languages. Significantly, English was cited as an official language, but not as a national language. With a population of over 170 million people, Nigeria is characterized by several disparities in terms of, ethnic diversity, economic disparities, and dynamic alliances for controlling resources; thereby rendering the country one of the most complex and difficult countries in the world to govern. The Nigerian society possesses natural and human resources, a vast population, and a plethora of skilled and well-trained manpower (Ola, 2017). By virtue of all the aforementioned factors and features, Nigeria possesses the potential to emerge as a regional power in the continent and also amass influence in the world. With reference to the speeches of early Nigerian nationalists including Chief Remi Fanni Kayode, Tafawa Balewa and Chief Anthony Enahoro, who concentrated on African solidarity, African improvement and emancipation of African peoples around the world, Nigeria s engagements in Africa are considered as authentic. Consequently, Nigeria acted in the capacity of a mother to African countries, by ensuring that they experienced freedom and independence from all forms of colonial rule, apartheid or racism, before attending to its own personal needs. In the same vein, while policy may have changed due to prevailing issues, the principles behind Nigeria s commitment to Africa have remained largely the same since It is based on this premise that Nigeria has been able to assume hegemonic claims to Africa, through its proactive policies and strategies, especially in its diplomatic and financial contribution to the independence and total liberation of countries such as Angola, Namibia, South Africa and Zimbabwe (Folarin, 2010:268). Osuntokun (2008 as cited in Folarin (2010), asserts that without Nigeria s commitment to confronting and eradicating issues of colonialism, settlerism and apartheid in South Africa, the integrity of the black race would have been trampled upon; hence, this commitment is of paramount importance. Nigeria therefore pursued a thorough foreign policy, particularly under the successive military administrations, which was the course of action for African liberation and progress. In essence, the country s focus on Africa gave it prominence amongst African countries and some other parts of the world (Pogoson, 2009), and as such, Nigeria s foreign policy clearly advances her position on the centre stage of African politics (Ogunnubi, 2014). In spite of the numerous years of military regime and political instability, Nigeria s Afrocentric foreign policy was further strengthened under the democratic government of former President Olusegun Obasanjo. For instance, Nigeria assumed leadership of some international organizations, namely: ECOWAS, the AU and the G-77. This became more evident when the country hosted important summits and conferences, such as the Commonwealth Heads of State and Government, the AU in 2004, the New Partnership for African Development (NEPAD) in 2005 and, on several occasions since 1999, ECOWAS. As a result of the many feats the country had attained, within a span of few years, there was a general expectation that Nigeria s return to democratic dispensation would further intensify her dedication towards Africa (Pogoson, 2009). Nigeria s avocation for sub-regional unity, economic, technical and political cooperation was championed by her support towards the development of ECOWAS. Most importantly, the aim was to reduce persistent threats to border and political relations, guarantee the member states a more respectable place in the international society, encourage a coordinated development and totally reduce their dependence on foreign powers. Be that as it may, Nigeria has effectively played exceptional and important roles in providing assistance to countries within the sub-region, thereby assuming leadership position in the African continent (Ifedayo, 2013). The paper has been able to establish that the limitless sacrifices that Nigeria has engaged towards the security and development of neighbouring states, and her constant strive to being a part of international bodies and institutions such as the United Nations Security Council, definitely serve as an opportunity towards becoming a force to be reckoned with, not only West Africa and Africa, but also in the international system. Conclusion & Recommendations 201

6 The paper critically examined that the role of policy choices in the course of the pursuit of national interests serve as a basis for state-relations, as well as the influence they express in whichever location they deem fit to be of interest to them. On this note, it can be easily deduced that due to the presence of national interest as a major yardstick for inter-state relations, the hegemonic struggle between Nigeria and France, over the years, has had a major impact on the political, economic and socio-cultural affairs of West Africa. The existence of Nigeria as a renowned country in the West African sub-region can be understood from the purview of a huge population, economic/financial and constant military support to neighbouring states. In essence, the attainment of power and regional acceptance, through the aforementioned attributes, create an opportunity for Nigeria to be relevant in West Africa, and if these attributes are well managed and used for a greater advantage, the country could even espouse dominance on the global scale. From the foregoing, it is evident that regional hegemony entails certain fundamental criteria such as the provision of public goods, the promotion and projection of the hegemon s values and interest, self-perception and regional level of acceptance, as well as the willingness and ability to maximize the resources potential of a state in the implementation of active policies. Regional hegemons therefore serve as examples for other countries to follow in their footsteps so as to improve their worth and enable them to be reckoned with, even on a global scale. In addition, the realist perspective which explains that states relations are characterized by competition and cooperation, clarifies the concept of regional hegemony as a blessing, rather than a curse. Therefore, the paper recommends that healthy competitions should be introduced in the laws governing regions as well as the global system as a whole, so as to encourage emerging or developing economies to push themselves beyond measure towards achieving the highest form of development; whereby they also can be given the opportunity to compete for regional leadership. With this, Nigeria stands a chance of being influential, not just in her relations with neighbouring states, but also in the international system. Also, the attainment of power attributes and regional acceptance can only be possible when Nigeria builds itself to an extent that it would be given proper recognition in the global system. In essence, Nigeria possesses the necessary abilities and capabilities such as a huge population, economic and military support, as well as the drive towards African solidarity, to be recognized as a regional hegemon by West African countries. With the proper management and channeling of these resources towards the right direction, particularly focusing more on tackling internal issues, the country can establish its dominance regionally as well as globally. References Adetula, V.O. (2014). Nigeria and Her Neighbours: Burden and Blessings of Geography. University of Jos Inaugural Lecture Series 60, Akinterinwa, B.A. (1999). Nigeria and France, : The Dilemma of Thirty-five Years of Relationship. Ibadan: Vantage Publishers. Albert, I.O. (2017). Rethinking the Functionality of the Multinational Joint Task Force in Managing the Boko Haram Crisis in the Lake Chad Basin. Africa Development, 42(3), Bach, D.C. (1979). Relations between Nigeria, France and Selected Francophone States in West Africa ( ) (Doctoral Dissertation, University of Oxford). Bach, D. (1980). Le général de Gaulle et la guerre civile au Nigeria. Canadian Journal of African Studies, 14 (2). Bach, D.C. (2010). Nigeria: Called to Hegemony. No. 51, pp. 8. Retrieved September 22, 2017 from Benneyworth, I.J. (2011). The Ongoing Relationship between France and its Former African Colonies. E- International Relations, Retrieved June 8, 2017 from Boukhars, A. (2017). Overcoming the Barriers to Regional Security Cooperation in West Africa and the Sahel. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Retrieved January 30, 2018 from 202

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