THE SPECTRE OF DEMOCRACY

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1 THE SPECTRE OF DEMOCRACY

2 Also by Michael Levin and published by Macmillan MARX, ENGELS AND LIBERAL DEMOCRACY

3 The Spectre of Democracy The Rise of Modern Democracy as seen by its Critics Michael Levin Senior Lecturer in Politics Goldsmiths' College, University of London M MACMILLAN

4 Michael Levin 1992 Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 1992 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, 33-4 Alfred Place, London WC1E 7DP. Any person who does any unauthorised act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. First published 1992 Published by MACMILLAN ACADEMIC AND PROFESSIONAL LTD Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 2XS and London Companies and representatives throughout the world A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN ISBN (ebook) DOI /

5 For Patricia

6 Contents Preface Acknowledgements Part I: FACTS AND THEORIES 1 The Legislative Background 2 The Case Against Democracy PART II: THINKERS 3 John Adams 4 G.W.F. Hegel 5 Alexis de Tocqueville 6 Thomas Carlyle lx xii PART III: DEMOCRACY AND DISCRIMINATION 7 'Beings of an Inferior Order': The Ideology of Black Subordination in the USA 'Exalted by their Inferiority': On the Subjection of Women 175 PART IV 9 Conclusion 201 Notes 218 Bibliography 236 Index 244 vii

7 viii A Spectre is haunting Europe - the spectre of Communism. All the Powers of old Europe have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this spectre: Pope and Czar, Metternich and Guizot, French radicals and German police-spies. Marx and Engels Today's chaos hides behind one word, 'democracy'. This word is sovereign, universal. All parties seek to appropriate it... It is the revolutionary and despotic idea par excellence. It is this idea that must be extirpated. Guizot Whence comes it, this universal, big, black Democracy; whither tends it; what is the meaning of it? Carlyle

8 Preface 'A Spectre is haunting Europe.' On that point Marx and Engels were certainly correct. However, that spectre was not so much of communism as of democracy. Today these phenomena are regarded as mutually exclusive. A century-and-a-half ago they could be taken as identical. Communism was merely the most extreme form of the wider democratic tendency. Before the revolutions the main radical currents, whether liberal, socialist or anarchist, saw themselves as on the same side and engaged in the same struggle against the forces of restoration. At the time the Communist Manifesto was written, the Communist League, from whom it was commissioned, represented no more than a minor clique. It was a form of selfimportant special pleading to imagine that the established powers of Europe feared this as-yet fringe group of mainly German artisans and intellectuals. Thus Marx and Engels drew on to themselves an antipathy that really applied to the much broader radical movement of which they were but a small part. It is the fear of this wider movement which is the theme of this book. My interest in the subject developed out of my study on Marx, Engels and Liberal Democracy (Macmillan, 1989). A number of themes mentioned briefly in Chapter 1 of that work are given more extended treatment here. In a sense the two books are complementary. The first considered a left-wing analysis of emerging liberal democracy while the second looks at the same phenomenon from the viewpoints of certain right-wing thinkers. The first chapter of the present book provides a history of franchise extensions in the United States of America, France, Germany and the United Kingdom. It is, admittedly, too brief for students primarily interested in that process but is intended just to present in outline the milestones along the road of political democratisation. It should, additionally, provide some background and context for the four thinkers from those four countries who will be considered in Part II (Chapters 3 to 6). The second chapter provides an overview of the main themes used by opponents of franchise extension. They tended to regard the status quo as satisfactory and hence judged proposals for change as unnecessary. They also emphasised that stability should be given priority, that experience and expertise were basic necessities and that ix

9 X Preface the soundest judgements were most likely to come from those possessed of property and rationality. We now turn from the general to the particular and look at four key thinkers in the debate on democratic government. Chapter 3 considers John Adams, the first Vice-President and second President of the United States of America. Adams had supported the American Revolution of 1776 but the consequences of the French Revolution and fears for the stability of his own country made him suspicious of the democratic movement. In Chapter 4 we turn to Hegel, who accepted the liberatory ideas of the French Revolution, but regarded the attempts at implementation as incapable of creating the cohesion that modern societies required. Alexis de Tocqueville, who is the subject of Chapter 5, visited the United States of America to see democracy in action. He viewed the victory of democracy as inevitable but feared for the survival of liberty alongside it. In Chapter 6 we consider Thomas Carlyle, a right-wing radical critic of aristocratic regimes both in pre-revolutionary France and in nineteenth-century England. In his view democracy dealt negligent aristocracies their just deserts, but was in itself incapable of producing the true and worthy aristocracy that society required. Two groups were relatively late in achieving citizenship rights. Their disqualifications were genetically based. In Chapter 7 we examine the ideology of black subordination as found in the United States of America. The southern states' pro-slavery literature drew on the Bible, the ancient Greeks and the hardships of the modern 'free' worker in the attempt to justify continuing black slavery. The ideology of black subordination survived emancipation from slavery and helped delay the political enfranchisement of American blacks until the 1960s. Women, whose political integration is the subject of Chapter 8, were the last major grouping to achieve political rights. In addition to particular alleged disqualifications, such as being suited by nature for domestic life, they shared the deficiencies attributed to other subordinate groups. Thus they were seen by men as being irrational, relatively uneducated and, for most of the nineteenth century, unpropertied. In the Conclusion we shall take an overview of the anti-democratic arguments and consider which of them appear most prescient and

10 Preface XI insightful, and whether any have survived as factors in modern liberal democratic politics. To an extent I am here telling a story because I happen to be interested in it. Beyond that, however, I hope this account has a certain educational value. I wish to counter the inclination which too easily accepts present values as eternal norms by showing that the prevailing ideological status of democracy is relatively new. Before the First World War the case for franchise extension had to contend with an entrenched antipathy to democratic ideas. As history is so often biased towards the winners this is something of which we easily lose sight. Consequently, only if we resurrect expressions of this antipathy are we able to understand the victories that the democratic cause has won, for that requires us to know what it was won against. There remains much that my focus leaves out. Other western countries can also lay claim to an absorbing franchise history and I am also interested in them as well as in the later fate of democracy in the 'Third' and communist worlds. Some of these concerns I now hope to investigate. However, the restricted scope of this work is as much as I can cope with at one go. Whatever merits this study possesses have been much enhanced by the help of friends and colleagues who agreed to look through earlier drafts. Shirley Hyde and Barbara Ballis Lal have each read and commented on nearly the whole work. I am very grateful for their help and encouragement as also for that of Frances Heidensohn, David Lazar, Josep Llobera, Howard Williams and Jim Wood. Thanks are also due to Joy Seaton both for her typing and for stylistic improvements. My wife has taught me not to write 'America' when I mean merely the United States of America. That is the least of my reasons for dedicating this book to her. Michael Levin Forest Hill, London

11 Acknowledgements Chapter 4 includes sections drawn from my part of 'Inherited Power and Popular Representation: A Tension in Hegel's Political Theory', co-authored with Howard Williams. The article appeared in Political Studies, Vol. xxxv, no. 1 (1987) and I am grateful to the publishers, Basil Blackwell Ltd, for permission to make use of it. xii

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