LONDON INTERNATIONAL MODEL UNITED NATIONS Disarmament and International Security (DISEC) London International Model United Nations

Transcription

1 Disarmament and International Security (DISEC) London International Model United Nations 17th Session

2 Table of Content Introduction Letter 3 Introduction to Disarmament and International Security 4 Topic A: Preventing an arms race in outer space 5 History of the Problem 5 Statement of the Problem 7 Current Situation 10 Country Positions 10 Questions a Resolution Must Answer 10 Sources 11 Topic B: Preventing the proliferation of arms to non-state actors 12 History of the Problem 12 Statement of the Problem 15 Current Situation 15 Country Positions 15 Questions a Resolution Must Answer 16 Sources 16 Conference Information 17 Position Papers 18 Contact Details

3 . Introduction to Disarmament and International Security DISEC (Disarmament and International Security Committee) deals with disarmament, global challenges and threats to peace that affect the international community and seeks out solutions to the challenges in the international security regime. It considers all disarmament and international security matters within the scope of the UN Charter or relating to the powers and functions of any other organ of the United Nations; the general principles of cooperation in the maintenance of international peace and security, as well as principles governing disarmament and the regulation of armaments; promotion of cooperative arrangements and measures aimed at strengthening stability through lower levels of armaments. The Committee works in close cooperation with the United Nations Disarmament Commission and the Geneva-based Conference on Disarmament. It is the only Main Committee of the General Assembly entitled to verbatim records coverage. The Disarmament and International Security Committee (DISEC) is the First Committee of the United Nations General Assembly. It includes all nations that are United Nations Member States (the number is currently 193). DISEC not only deals with issues regarding the promotion, establishment, but also subsequent maintenance of global peace 3

4 while simultaneously working to prevent weapons proliferation. Under the UN Charter, all member states and observers of the United Nations are automatically part of the first committee of the General Assembly, and have an equal vote. Documents drafted by this committee require a simple majority to be passed. Like the other committees of the United Nations General Assembly, DISEC is unable to impose sanctions, authorize armed intervention, or pass binding resolutions. By the United Nations Association of Minnesota threats, DISEC continues to grow in importance and becomes a significant part of resolving international crises. In summary, DISEC cannot require that countries take a specific action. However, the committee can make recommendations to the Security Council about what should be done on a specific issue 4

5 . Topic A: Preventing an arms race in outer space Introduction Definition of Key Terms Proliferation: The illicit spread of either weapons of mass destructions, chemical, biological, nuclear or radiological material or technology as well as the spread of small and light arms as well as explosive devises. Weapons of Mass Destruction: On August 12, 1948, the Commission for Conventional Armaments stated in the resolution that weapons of mass destruction should be defined to include atomic explosive weapons, radioactive material weapons, lethal chemical and biological weapons, and any weapons developed in the future which have characteristics comparable in destructive effect to those of the atomic bomb or other weapons mentioned above. 1 o Nuclear Weapon: A nuclear weapon is an explosive device whose destructive force results from either nuclear fission chain reactions or combined nuclear fission and fusion reactions. Nuclear weapons whose explosive force results exclusively from fission reactions are commonly referred to as atomic bombs, while those that derive much or most of their energy in nuclear 1 Found on but taken from the Resolution of the Commission for Conventional Armaments from August 12, The Commission for Conventional Armaments dealt with the control of non-nuclear weapons and was dissolved in

6 fusion reactions are termed thermonuclear weapons (or hydrogen bombs). 2 o Radiological Dispersion Devise (or dirty bomb ): The U.S. Department of Defence defines a Radiological Dispersion Devise as any device, including any weapon or equipment, other than a nuclear explosive device, specifically designed to employ radioactive material by disseminating it to cause destruction, damage, or injury by means of the radiation produced by the decay of such material. 3 o Chemical Weapons: The Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC) from 1992 states that chemical weapons means the following, together or separately: (a) Toxic chemicals and their precursors [ ] (b) Munitions and devices, specifically designed to cause death or other harm through the toxic properties of those toxic chemicals specified in subparagraph (a), which would be released as a result of the employment of such munitions and devices; (c) Any equipment specifically designed for use directly in connection with the employment of munitions and devices specified in subparagraph (b). 4 o Lethal Biological Weapons SALW (Small and Light Weapons): The United Nations General Assembly defined small and light weapons as any man-portable lethal weapon that expels or launches, is designed to expel or launch, or may be readily converted to expel or launch a shot, bullet or projectile by the action of an explosive, excluding antique small arms and light weapons or their replicas. Antique small arms and light weapons and their replicas will be defined in accordance with domestic law. In no case will antique small arms and light weapons include those manufactured after o Small Weapons were defined by the United Nations as broadly speaking, weapons designed for individual use. They include, 2 Taken from Gro Nystuen et al. Nuclear Weapons Under International Law: An Overview, Cambridge University Press, pg. 2 3 Taken from John Pichtel Terrorism and WMDs: Awareness and Response, , CRC Press Press, pg Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production, Stockpiling and Use of Chemical Weapons and on Their Destruction (commonly known as Chemical Weapons Convention), Art. II, 1(a), (b) and (c) 5 U.N. General Assembly Resolution 60/88, Art. 4 6

7 inter alia, revolvers and self-loading pistols, rifles and carbines, sub-machine guns, assault rifles and light machine guns; 6 o Light Weapons were defined by the United Nations as broadly speaking, weapons designed for use by two or three persons serving as a crew, although some may be carried and used by a single person. They include, inter alia, heavy machine guns, hand-held under-barrel and mounted grenade launchers, portable anti-aircraft guns, portable anti-tank guns, recoilless rifles, portable launchers of anti-tank missile and rocket systems, portable launchers of anti-aircraft missile systems, and mortars of a calibre of less than 100 millimetres. 7 Explosive weapons: As defined by the International Network on Explosive Weapons, such weapons affect an area around the point of detonation, usually through the effects of blast and fragmentation. 8 o Explosive ordnance were defined by the International Committee of the Red Cross defined explosive ordnance as conventional munitions containing explosives, with the exception of mines, booby traps and other devices as defined in Protocol II of this Convention as amended on 3 May o Improvised explosive devices (IEDs): An IED is defined by NATO as an improvised explosive device (IED) is a type of unconventional explosive weapon that can take any form and be activated in a variety of ways. They target soldiers and civilians alike. 10 Statement of the Problem Preventing Proliferation in the Field of Conventional Weapons Non-proliferation measures, because of its history during the Cold War, are often being equated with the control and reduction of weapons of mass destructions, most prominently nuclear weapons. However, proliferation 6 U.N. General Assembly Resolution 60/88, Art. 4 (a) 7 U.N. General Assembly Resolution 60/88, Art. 4 (b) 8 Taken from the About INEW section of the web presence of the International Network on Explosive Weapons ( 9 Protocol on Explosive Remnants of War (Protocol V to the 1980 CCW Convention), Article 2, 1 10 NATO web presence: Improvised explosive devices ( 7

8 happens, and is indeed very problematic, not only in this field, but also in the area of traditional or conventional weaponry. While throughout the 20 th century, there were a number of very outspoken proponents of the regulation and control of conventional weapon, the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union, led to a large increase in such weapons, both for state and non-state actors. While the political nature of the Cold War, the strict separation in blocks and the arms race made a focus on conventional weapons simply infeasible and instead called for a focus on WMDs, in the post-cold War era, there were few limitations on the production and export of conventional weapons. The fact that a general increase of weapons, especially when these reach non-state actors, can have grave consequences for international security, was seen by some. However, the international community has so far failed in addressing this issue. The Problem of Arms Exports and Trade During the Cold War, arms exports were largely used by the opposing states, the U.S. and the Soviet Union, in order to gain some degree of control over the recipient state, which was in return militarily supported. This was in particular true for third world countries, a fact that still causes large problems today, as these weapons are still being used today and for example the case of Iraq or Afghanistan American troops often end up fighting against advanced weapons of both American and Soviet origin. On the other hand, those third world countries having received uncontrolled exports of conventional weapons and weapon systems during the Cold War, are still largely characterised by instability. Despite these clear problems of arms export, the United States are still the main arms exporter globally, according the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute. Also, quite notably in this context, between and , the volume of international transfers of major conventional weapons grew by 16 per cent. During that time, a final resort to statistics, the Russian exports of weapons increased by 37 per cent. In order to regulate these vast exports of conventional weapons, there are currently several export control regulations in place, most prominently the U.N. Register of Conventional Arms. This register lists all annual imports and exports in the field of conventional weapons by member states of the United Nations. All member states have access to it. 8

9 Focus on for SALWs Small arms and light weapons cause more deaths than any other kind of weapon, they accentuate conflicts, destabilise societies and slow down development. Therefore, the control of SALWs and their munition has to be a crucial aspects in the area of conventional non-proliferation, in particular with regards to nonstate actors. In large areas of the world, civilians can easily and quite cheaply buy SALWs, whether legally or illegally. For this reason non-state actors are in many crisis areas equally well or sometimes even better armed than the regular military fighters. More than 600bn SALWs are in circulation around the globe, many of which last for some 30 to 50 years. Also, these weapons are generally quite easy to use, can indeed are in many cases used by child soldiers. When we look the major intrastate but also cross border conflicts of the last decade, the majority of victims, mainly civilians, were killed by small weapons and even long after a conflict, those weapons pose a threat to security, as they can re-emerge conflicts and further destabilise society and state. In particular Man Portable Air Defence Systems (MANPADS), which are considered light weapons, pose a huge threat and are highly relevant in terms of terrorism. The Role of the United Nations in Controlling Arms Arms control, non-proliferation efforts and disarmament are among the core aims and functions of the United Nations, which according to Art.1 (1) of its charter aims to maintain international peace and security. The General Assembly has in many ways, mainly through its Disarmament and International Security committee, dealt with the question of non-proliferation. Apart from this committee, the GA has for example established the Disarmament Commission (UNDC) and repeatedly discussed the matter of non-proliferation of arms. However, resolutions adopted by the General Assembly are non-binding and therefore often without meaningful effect. Nonetheless, the U.N. has been the important international forum in which regulations, arms controls and non-proliferation treaties were discussed, for example through the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty or the establishment of the International Atomic Energy Organisation. Also in the area of non-conventional weapons the U.N. has been very active. For instance, through the above-mentioned U.N. register for conventional weapons, it created a file with the goal of measuring and illustrating the trade of all kinds of weapons. 9

10 On its website, the U.N. Office for Disarmament Affairs sums up the United Nations position very accurately: In all parts of the world, the ready availability of weapons and ammunition has led to human suffering, political repression, crime and terror among civilian populations. Irresponsible transfers of conventional weapons can destabilize security in a region, enable the violation of Security Council arms embargoes and contribute to human rights abuses. Importantly, investment is discouraged and development disrupted in countries experiencing conflict and high levels of violence, which also affect their ability to attain the Sustainable Development Goals. 11 Country Positions The United States of America 12, the problem is largely restricted to areas of civil war. The problem has a high priority in Western foreign policy and has been fought on various fronts, such as tackling the problem of the large black market in zones of conflicts and raising the general standards of arms exports. Most other countries have followed this U.S. leadership put the problem on their foreign and security policy agenda. Other main international players such as the Russian Federation and to a lesser extend the People s Republic of China have not yet put much emphasis on the issue, partly because other interests are involved. Questions a Resolution Must Answer A resolution should address the following aspects How can the resolution effectively address the different types of weapons (SALWs, WMDs etc.) and their different sources and ways of reaching non-state actors? How can the problem of arms trade be addressed? 11 Taken from the web presence of the United Nations

11 Further Reading United Nations General Assembly Resolution 61/89 Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons Chemical Weapons Convention Small Arms and Light Weapons protocol (SALW) Wassenaar Arrangement Code of Conduct of the European Union (1998) Small arms control was first broached by UN Resolution A/RES/46/36 (December 1991), which was expanded upon by A/RES/50/70 (January 1996) Arms Trade Treaty /ATT) Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons 11

12 Topic B: Preventing the proliferation of arms to non-state actors Introduction Actors (henceforth NSAs) are becoming more evident, more frequent, more violent and more dangerous. The UN has struggled to find a way to deal with this increased threat, as Chapter Six of the UN Charter does not explain the methods with which states can take action against NSAs. According to the Global Peace Index of 2015, world peace has fallen by 2.4% and yet the level of hostility between states has fallen. By analyzing the data, we see that in some areas, despite there not being an external war, the country has become less peaceful. This can only mean that for countries such as Syria, Iraq and Mexico the proliferation of arms to NSAs is causing a destabilizing effect. As defined by the Oxford English Dictionary, NSAs are an individual or organization that has significant political influence but is not allied to any particular country or state. Whilst this definition makes no mention of the intentions of the NSA, it will be up to the DISEC committee to ascertain how best the UN can deal with NSAs and in particular, the issue of the proliferation of arms to such groups. Statement of the Problem NSAs have for a long time been used, if not fully sanctioned and pardoned, by states for various purposes. In International Society and Its Critics by Alex J 12

13 Bellamy, the author writes that For a long time, states in fact encouraged private international violence because non-state actors often did the bidding of states. This was mainly used during the period of empire. For many years following, NSAs were neither influential nor widespread, however during the Cold War era, many wars were fought by proxy, non-state actors, including such groups as the Viet Cong and Fidel Castro s guerillas. When discussing this issue, it is worth bearing in mind that many countries act in a manner of their choosing if threatened by an NSA, leading to violations of the UN Charter. As such, one issue of discussion is how to allow states the right to self-defense, as seen in Article 51 of the UN Charter, without breaching other rights under the charter. Attempting to cause positive social change is a factor which some of these groups were created to attempt to solve. NSAs almost always seek to refute and to resist government, sometimes using violent means. The UN has never passed a resolution which directly relates to the topic of peacekeeping against non-state actors. However, one resolution was passed last year that could be considered relevant, especially when considering what states can do to help with peace keeping operations. Resolution 2178 [Security Council], adopted by the Security Council at its 7272nd meeting, on 24 September 2014 requested that all member states should act to prevent the recruiting, organizing, transporting or equipping of individuals who travel to a State other than their States of residence or nationality for the purpose of the perpetration, planning of, or participation in terrorist acts. According to some, the resolution is merely a simple yet positive step in the right direction in an attempt to stop the flow of foreign fighters joining NSAs. NSAs are becoming increasingly powerful due to globalisation as well as the rise in social media - both concepts which do not respect national boundaries, allowing NSAs to promote their messages to a much wider audience. A paper published by The Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces highlights that in spite of some similarities among them, NSAs represent a great deal of heterogeneity. Some may have clearly defined political objectives, while this may be less clear-cut in other cases. Some may control territory and have established administrative structures parallel to or instead of those of the state, while others have loose command structures and 13

14 weak control over members. Some operate in rural areas conducting guerrilla type warfare, while others are mainly urban phenomena. Some concentrate on attacking military targets, while others attack civilians as a matter of strategy. In order to better understand these groups, we must first discuss the NSAs which are most active and important in the world today: Islamic State Organization [ISIS/ISIL/ISO/IS/Da esh - henceforth IS]: Possibly the very epitome of contemporary violent NSAs is IS, the radical Islamist group that is dramatically advancing through large swathes of the Iraq and Syria. Although the group has been around for some time, it started becoming notable back in 2013 amidst the growing instability in Iraq and the Syrian civil war. Ever since its rise, IS has taken over much territory, taking countless hostages in the process and executing over 3000 people in just one year. Since their rise, many countries and groups have prescribed IS as a terrorist group including the United Nations and European Union. The USA have also been directly fighting IS, leading a global coalition of over 62 countries who are trying to stop IS. Countries that are leading the airstrikes against ISIS include but are not limited to: the USA, UK, Saudi Arabia and Jordan. There are doubts as to the effectiveness of this war against ISIS, with recent atrocities in Europe calling into question the methods used so far. The group, which seems to have no interest in negotiating and coming to any sort of ceasefire, has the potential to cause worldwide devastation. Boko Haram: Founded in 2009, Boko Haram are another Islamic extremist group, based in Nigeria. The name means Western education is forbidden. The group is opposed to western, secular education, but anything that they believe to be affiliated with western culture, such as voting in elections or wearing trousers and shirts. Most of their publicity has come from their abductions of schoolgirls across the country, who they take into the forests where it becomes tricky to find and rescue them. They also carry out military strikes and bombings against both military personnel and civilians, aiming to create their own Islamic State. In March of this year, the Nigerian army, with the help of Cameroon, Chad and Niger, reclaimed much of the territory originally taken by Boko Haram, freeing many of the captive girls and sending the group retreating into the forest. Despite this, they have proven to still be a threat that is continuing strong, with estimates of thousands of troops still active, and with approximately 2000 girls 14

15 still held hostage. Boko Haram recently pledged allegiance to IS, a pledge which the latter gladly accepted. Boko Haram is now referred to by IS as the Islamic States West Africa Province (Henceforth ISWAP). Syrian Civil War Opposition Groups: A group that is a little bit harder to define, but fits the aforementioned description of a group, in this case violently, refusing to live under their country s current regime. Ever since the civil war in Syria broke out over four years ago, various opposition groups have emerged, all with the aim of toppling the Assad regime. However, many of these groups are fragmented, partly due to differing ideas of how Syria should be governed if Assad s government were to be taken down. We therefore have another main issue to contend with - should all NSAs be contained, or do we have to draw a restriction? If we take Syria as an example, how do we draw a boundary to determine legitimate groups from others? How can we define a terrorist? Therefore, we suggest delegates consider the following issues for discussion, and possible inclusion in a resolution: Regardless of a definition, can we draw boundaries determining NSAs that can be worked with and those which can t? Should some violent NSAs be engaged with, and some nonviolent ones be ignored? Which measures could be taken after a successful operation against an NSA to ensure that they do not rise up again/another group takes their place? How can the UN, and the Security Council [with its veto powers] allow countries the right for self-defense without infringing a country s right to protect its territorial integrity? Current Situation Country Positions Technically, whilst block positions don t exist for dealing with NSAs, a good place to start would be each country s anti-terrorism laws and policies. For example, since the 9/11 terrorist attacks which shook the world, both the United States of America and its allies (in particular the United Kingdom), have committed themselves to the so-called War on Terror, which is aimed at 15

16 defeating terrorism wherever it may appear across the globe. This has included the invasion of Afghanistan with the intent to capture Osama Bin Laden, but has seen operations in the Philippines, as well as various countries across the African continent. Other blocs have comparable policies. The ASEAN group, the People s Republic of China and the Russian Federation have all signed various laws, memoranda and agreements in an attempt to stop terrorism. Questions a Resolution Must Answer A resolution should consider the following questions: To what degree shall the international community work with NSAs in future or shall there be no cooperation with such actors? How can the broader problem of emerging NSAs be solved in the long term? How can the UN, and the Security Council [with its veto powers] allow countries the right for self-defence without infringing a country s right to protect its territorial integrity? How can the flow of arms be effectively controlled by the international community with special regards to NSAs? Further Reading/Sources Violent Non State Actors in World Politics, Klejda Mulaj, _Final%20version%20for%20print%2017%20June% pdf 201%20Nov%202011%20Highlights.pdf e%20protection%20of%20civilians% pdf Negotiating state and non-state law : the challenge of global and local legal pluralism / edited by Michael A. Helfand. New York : Cambridge University Press, 2015 Adapting to win : how insurgents fight and defeat foreign states in war / Noriyuki Katagiri. 1st ed. Philadelphia : University of Pennsylvania Press, 2015 Non-state actors in international law / edited by Math Noortmann, August Reinisch and Cedric Ryngaert. Oxford : Hart, Nonstate actors in intrastate conflicts / edited by Dan Miodownik and Oren Barak. Philadelphia : University of Pennsylvania Press, 2014 Human security and international law : the challenge of non-state actors / Cedric Ryngaert, Math Noortmann, Cambridge : Intersentia,

17 Conference Information When looking for information regarding LIMUN 2016 (and subsequent editions) your first step should be to visit our website: LIMUN in social media Please follow updates from us through our social media channels: London International Model United Nations When tweeting about this year s conference (your preparations, journey to/from London or when live-tweeting the events during the conference itself) - please use hashtag #LIMUN2016 Agenda & Rules of Procedure The agenda for the 2016 conference is available online at Since its 16th session last year, LIMUN has introduced changes to its Rules of Procedure. The revised Rules can be accessed here: 17

18 Position Papers What is a position paper? A position paper is a statement of policy, which is intended to communicate an overall position of a country on a particular topic debated in the committee. Position papers should be brief and outline the general policies rather than specific measures. Each delegate should submit one position paper per topic to be debated by the committee (note: most of the committees have two proposed topics). Each paper should be approximately one page per topic. LIMUN offers a short guide on how to write a position paper. It is available on our website: Deadlines The deadline for the submission of delegates position papers is 20 February Failure to submit by this deadline will render delegates ineligible for Diplomacy Awards. Positions Papers will have to be submitted in a publicly-accessible Dropbox, to be provided by committee directors. At their discretion, directors may provide feedback in individuals cases if so requested. The most worthy work submitted in a committee will earn the delegate a Best Position Paper Award. The length of any one paper should not exceed 500 words. 18

19 . Contact Details For any enquiries relating to your committee proceedings or if you want to get in touch with your committee s Directors, or for submission of position papers: - please disec@limun.org.uk Other enquiries regarding the Conference: - please enquiries@limun.org.uk Before contacting LIMUN please make sure you have read FAQ section on our website: 19