Resilient Action among Jordanian Women in Al Manara, Amman, in Response to Pressures on Charity Donations Posed by Syrian Refugees

Transcription

1 Resilient Action among Jordanian Women in Al Manara, Amman, in Response to Pressures on Charity Donations Posed by Syrian Refugees Leoni Groot Utrecht University August 4, 2014 A Thesis Submitted to the Board of Examiners in partial Fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Masters of Arts in Conflict Studies & Human Rights

2 TheLogicofGenerosityinTimesofCrisis ResilientActionamongJordanianWomeninAlManara,Amman,inResponsetoPressureson CharityDonationsPosedbySyrianRefugees LeoniGroot SupervisedbyDr.JolleDemmers Programtrajectoryfollowed: Research&ThesisWritingonly(30ECTS) Wordcount: Dateofsubmission: August4,2014

3 % Imagineallthepeople Livinglifeinpeace John%Lennon% 3

4 4

5 Contents Acknowledgement 6 1.Introduction 7 Methodology% 9 Outline%of%the%thesis% 13 2.Resilienceoftheprecarious:aframeworkofanalysis 15 Coping%mechanisms% 16 Religion% 18 Patronage% 19 An%analysis%of%resilience% 21 3.Precariousnessandthegift 23 Precariousness%and%vulnerability%in%the%periphery% 24 Religion%and%coping%strategies%of%the%receivers% 24 The%care%system%in%civil%society% 26 Powers%of%the%weak% 30 Al%Manara s%patronage:%religiosity%and%the%gift%in%the%periphery% 31 4.Exclusion,empowermentandenforcement:PressuresonEastAmman scaresystem 33 Impact%on%the%socioLeconomical%lives% 33 The%paradoxical%logic%of%the%care%system%in%times%of%crisis% 36 Power%of%knowledge%and%the%power%of%rumors% 39 5.Generosityintimesofcrisis 42 Charity% 42 Hospitality% 46 Included%outsiders%and%excluded%insiders% 50 6.Conclusions 52 Jordan s%patronage%system:%the%gift%and%religious%interpretations% 52 A%framework%of%resilient%action:%a%recipe%for%peace?% 54 Recommendations% 55 Appendix1:Contextualizationofinformants 58 Bibliography 60 5

6 Acknowledgement ThisthesiscouldneverhavebeenwrittenwithoutallthepeoplethatIhavemetduringthis fieldworkofwhichsomeofthembecamemycloserfriends.therearecountlesspeoplethat supportedmewithandduringthisresearchandwritingprocess.icouldnothavedonethis withoutseveralspecificpersonswhoiwouldliketothankpersonallyinthisacknowledgement. Firstofall,mydedicationgoestomyparentswhoinallthoseyearssupportedmeinmystudy, research,andthisthesis.theyhavealwaysbeenthereformeunconditionally,inthegoodand thebadtimes.iwouldliketothankmysupervisorjolledemmersforheralwaysxenthusiastic encouragementduringtheresearch,andespeciallythealwaysoptimisticbutcriticalfeedback onthisthesis.mythanksgotomyfatherrenégroot,linclaessens,janaflieshart,andnielsvan denbergwhoeditedthetextanditsform. Withouttheinterpreters,Lydia,Razan,andFidaIcouldneverhaveconductedthisreX search,hearthestoriesofthewomen,andwritedowntheirvoices.iamverygratefultothem. Aboveall,Iamverythankfultothosewhotooktimetoexplainmetheirviews,theirfrustrations, andtheirpositiveviews.manythanksgoestothealmanarasocietythatrepeatedlygaveme insightintheirworkandexplainedmetheirideas.theyneverletmeleavethiswarmplace withoutgivingacoffee,juice,orsweets. IwouldespeciallyliketoexpressmygratitudetothosewomenregisteredattheAl ManaraSocietywhowerewillingtotellmetheirstories,thosewhoopenedtheirworldstome, expressedtheirtearsbutalsotheirsmiles.itisforthemwhoihavewrittenthisthesis,andthey arewhomademeabletodoso.withthisthesisihopeihavemadetheseinvisiblewomenvisix bleagain. 6

7 1. Introduction To%know%others% %indeed%to%know%oneself% %is%to%be%able%to%make% sense%of%their%experience. % L%Fay,%2010:28% It%was%a%rainy%Friday%noon%when%I%arrived%in%Amman%for%the%first%time.%The%taxi%driver%tried%to% make%his%way%through%the%busy%wet%streets,%in%which%people%walked%fast%while%slipping%bel tween%the%cars%to%reach%their%destinations%under%the%drops%of%rain.%as%the%taxi%driver%explained% to%me,%even%though%the%streets%are%emptier%on%fridays%than%on%the%other%days,%those%in%down% town% are% always% busy.% How% many% people% live% in% Amman,% actually?,% I% asked% him.% The% man% guessed%around%3%million,% but%probably%with%the%syrians,%maybe%four%million%now. % Humanlivesaresurroundedandinvolvedintheacceleratedchangesintheglobalworld.Weare believedtoliveaprecariouslife(butler,2004),withina radicaluncertainty (Duffield,2013). WiththehighlyinterconnectedandtechnologicalworldwecanexpectthatchangeswillcontinX uetoaccelerate,buthowcanwebesure?howcouldwenhavepredictedthatthepeacefulprox tests on March 2011 (Aljazeera, 2011) in Syria would lead to a massive flow of refugees, of which606,716 1 peoplewouldcrossthejordanianborder,penetratingitsurbanspacescontinux ouslyuntilthepresentday? ThevastmassiveinfluxofSyrianscrossingtheborderoftheHashemiteKingdomofJorX danmeansarapiddemographicchangeinthecountry.itslandscapehaschanged,filledupwith newrefugeecamps 2 thataretransformedintonewcities,suchaszaatari thefourthlargestcity in the country (The%Guardian, 2013). However, the influx does not only mean a change in the country slandscape,butalsointheurbandemography.around80percentofthesyrianrefux geesliveinurbanareas.amman,themaincapitalofthekingdomhostsaround20to30percent ofthisamount(un&hcsp,2014).however,sincemostofthesyriansresideintheeasternpart ofthecity,mainlycommunitieswithinthispoorerzonehavebecomesubjecttothepressureof thelargeamountofmigrants,suchasonhealthcareandhousing(un&hcsp,2014).thisrapid urbanenvironmentalchangedoesnotonlyhavespatialeffects,butcauseseconomicandsocial pressuresonjordaniansaswell,especiallyamongthepoor. NotonlyJordanisdealingwiththisrefugeeburdenoftheSyriancrisis,alsoothersurX roundingcountriesofsyria,namelyturkey,lebanonandnorthxiraq,areimpacted,albeitdifferx ently.inlebanonforexample,acountrythatsuffersfromalonghistoryofsectarianconflict,the situationhasbecomeincreasinglymoreinstableandviolentasthesyriancivilwarcontinues. Lebanesehostcommunitieskeepabsorbingmorerefugeesbecausetherearenoformalrefugee camps (Migration Policy Center, 2013). Consequently, Syrians use the same facilities and serx vicesaslocalpeople,puttingnotonlysignificantpressureontheseresources,butalsoonthe resilience of the host communities (World Vision, 2013). In Turkey, a discourse of antix immigrantandantixarabnesshassurfacedamongtheturkishpublic(dinçer,etal,2013)and violenttensionsanduncertaintytoitssouthernborderhasbeenreported(internationalcrisis Group,2013).NorthXIraq,aKurdisharea,ismainlyhostingKurdishSyrians.Althoughitclosed itsbordersforawhile,itisnowreceivingrefugeesandreturnees(fromformeriraqiwars)again 1SincethisisonlytheofficialregisterednumberbyUNHCR,theestimationsarehigher.ManySyrians,suchasbusiX nessmen,residedinjordanbeforeandduringtheuprisingsinsyria.notallofthemregisteredthemselvesasrefugees. TheexpectationoftheamountofSyriansinJordanlaysaround1.3million(Reuters,2014). 2Jordan slandscapealreadyabsorbedmanyrefugeecampssincepalestinianshavethebordersinthepast.ishortly 7

8 (MigrationPolicyCenter,2013).Interestingly,Jordanseemstobethemoststablecountryand keepsitsbordersopentohostrefugeesfleeingfromsyria 3. EventhoughJordanisthemoststablecountryofthethreecomparablecases,thepresX sure has implications for the urban poor s strategies to sustain a livelihood while the urban spaceisabsorbingmoreandmoresyrians.onecanunderstandthatthisaffectstherelationship between Syrians and Jordanians that, before the crisis, was shaped economically and socially overdecades.thesyriancrisisputsanewdimensiononthishistoricalrelationship,inwhich Jordanians perceptionsaboutthe other havechanged.asreports(davis&taylor,2013;hcsp, 2013)indicate,someunderlyingtensionsbetweentherefugeeandhostXcommunityarepresent injordan.however,asthesereportsnote,thevastmajoritydoesnotseemtoexperiencefearor insecurity. Instead, Jordanians and refugees from Syria seem to get along relatively well; no greatclashesbetweenjordaniansandsyrianshavebeenreportedsofar.mercycorps(2012) notestensionsbetweenjordaniansandsyriansmainlyconcentrateinthenortherngovernorate calledmafraqinwhichzataaricampislocated.thisgovernoratehasthelargestdistributionof refugee population in the country. In other words, within a particular country, differences in pressures,experiences,andreactionsshouldnotbeunderestimated.asinthecaseofnorthern Iraqaswell(IOM,2013),perceptionsvarygreatlyfromonegovernoratetoanother.Inlinewith King(2004),amicro%political%viewisthereforeneededinordertouncoverdifferentmechanisms atthesupraxlocallevelbywhichindividualsandgroupslookforornegotiatestability. ThisresearchisthusamicroXpoliticalanalysisofeastAmmanwhoseinhabitantsunderX godisruptivechangessincethesuddeninfluxofsyrianrefugees.incomparisontothenorthern governorates,thiscityhasreceivedrelativelyfeweramountsofsyrianrefugees,butpressures ondailylivesnonethelessremainamongpoorammanianhouseholds.asopposedtothefindx ingsofthesereportsabove,ishowjordaniansispokewithdoexperiencefearandinsecurity, but peaceful relations between Jordanians and Syrians nevertheless remain. The question is then:whythereseemstobepeacefulsituationsandattitudesdespitetheexperienceofheavy impacts? Specifically,thisresearchfocusesonthepressureoncharitydonationstowomeninthe neighborhoodalmanaraineastamman.asshownabove,avarietyoforganizationshaveconx ductedresearchonpressureson(public)services.however,noinxdepthresearchhasbeenconx ductedonthepressureoncharitydonations.somedonorshavechangedtheprovisionofdonax tionsthatusedtobeprovidedtojordanianstosyriansnow.hence,civilsocietyorganizations strugglewithfewerdonationsthatinfluencetheirbudgetandthereforetheirstrategiesforlocal development 4.Inaddition,Syrianshavepenetratedinthecaresystem.Asaconsequence,poorer communitiessufferfromfewerdonationsthattheyreceivefromtheirbrokersx volunteersin charityorganizationsor independent individualswhoreceivemoneyfromdonorsforpoorer households.thisresearchlooksathowthepoorestandmostvulnerableineastammanarehit byitandhowtheydealwithdisruptivechangessincetheinfluxofsyrianrefugees. Ofcourse,AmmanhasalowerconcentrationofSyrianrefugeesandprovidesmoreopX portunities,suchasjobs.thispartlyexplainswhythiscityhasabettercapacitytoabsorbasudx deninfluxofalargenumberofrefugeesthanotherplacesinthecountry.whileacknowledging this,ibelievethiscapacitycannotentirelybeexplainedfromageographicalperspective.iasx sumethereare(underlying)political,socialandculturalmechanismsthatinfluencethisapparx entresilience.iargueresilience thecapacitytoabsorborcopewithsuddendisruptivechanges needstobeunderstoodfromthreedifferentcomponentsthatiencounteredinthefield,namex lyreligiousinterpretations,patronagenetworkswithincharity,andcopingmechanismsofindix viduals.inthenextchapterifurtherexplainthesesensitizingconcepts.buthowdothesethree 3Notably,Jordanisnotasignatoryofthe1951ConventionrelatingtotheStatusofRefugees. 4DifferentorganizationsinAmmanthatIspokewithtoldmetheyaredealingwithadecreaseindonationsfrom nationalandinternationaldonors,sincesyriansareresidinginthecountry.zenid,alocaldevelopmentinstitute,notx edthattheyhavetochangetheirstrategiestowardssyriansinordertokeepreceivingdonations,because,asthey explainedtome,donorsaremoreinterestedinthesyrianrefugeeissuenow. 8

9 componentscorrelatewitheachotherinthisapparentresilienceamongwomeninalmanara? Inotherwords,thepuzzlethisthesisaimstoansweris: What%is%the%role%of%coping%mechanisms,%religion,%and%patronage%in%the%apparent%resilL ience%among%jordanian%women%in%the%neighborhood% Al%Manara %in%response%to%the% pressure%posed%by%syrian%refugees%on%charity%donations%in%east%amman?% Iarguethesethreecomponentsformimportantsourcesforresilienceandcontributetoresilient% action%that Jordanian women in this neighborhood seem to have created in the socioxpolitical gameofpowerrelationsthatissubjecttochangessincetheflowofsyrianrefugees.%conflictthex oriesareoftenabouthowandwhypeopleresorttoviolenceorconflict,butnothowandwhy peopleremainpeaceful.theobjectiveofthisresearchandpuzzleistoprovideaculturalunderx standinginresilienceandpeacefulsituationsbylookingatthesethreecomponentsofresilience. In other words, it gives insight in how and why conflict situations in Amman do not seem to happen,whilesignificantingredientsarepresent.byprovidinginsightsintheconceptofresilix ence and understanding in peaceful situations, this thesis contributes to theory building on peace,conflict,andresiliencefromananthropologicalperspective. Furthermore,thesocialrelevanceofthisempiricalresearchistheinXdepthunderstandX ingofhowthepoorestineastammanhavebeenhitbytheinfluxbylookingatchangesincharix tydonations,somethingthatonlythepoorestoftheperipheryreceive.thisthesisismeantto raiseawarenessaboutthefurtheralienationandfrustrationoftheglobalpoorwhentheinterx nationalcommunitymainlygivesattentiontorefugees,whichcanfosterinequalities.hence,this thesisprovidesaculturalcomprehensionthatisneededforbuildingstrategiestocreateorsusx taincommunitycohesionandresilienceofhostcommunities.lastly,whilemediabombardus withnegativeideasabouttheislam,ishowislam,andmorespecificallyitsvalues,canalsobea resourceforpeaceandresilience.inthiswayihopethisthesisisanantithesisofthecorrelation betweenislamandconflict,asocialissuethatconcernsusespeciallyinthepost9/11era. Methodology Sampling)and)research)methods) Thisthesisisaproductofahighlydynamicprocess.AccordingtoRagin(2011)theprocessof conductingqualitativesocialresearchisadialoguebetweenideas(socialtheory)andevidence (datafromthefield).theoutcomeofthisdialogue,writesragin,isasocialacademicrepresentax tionofsociallifethatisestablishedwithconceptualboundaries. TheevidenceofthisempiricalresearchwasacquiredinAmman,Jordan,fornearlythree months,frommarchtojune2014.thismicroxpoliticalcasestudyfocusesonalmanara,aneighx borhoodthatislocatedononeofthehillsineasternamman.theunitsofobservationareindix viduals,namelypoorwomenthatarebeneficiariesofthecharityorganizationalmanara,and the individuals(brokers)volunteeringforacharityorganizationorindividually,whomediate thedonationsbetweenbeneficiariesanddonors.theunitsofanalysisarestructuresandagency, specificallyhowthesewomendealwithchangesandperformeverydayactsofresistance(scott, 1990)againstthedominationofthesebrokers,theirpatrons,whileexperiencingthepressure ondonationsposedbysyrianrefugees.thesnowballsamplingmethodhelpedmetogetinconx tactwiththealmanarasocietyandinfindingparticipantsforthisresearchonresilience.alimit ofthismethodisthatthesampleisnotrepresentativeofalargerpopulation.however,injordan networksoftrustareveryimportantingainingcontactswithlocalorganizationsand,asiexpex rienced,areferenceisoftenneededinordertogainaccesstothetargetpopulation. Thedataofthiscasestudyweredevelopedbyusingqualitativeresearchmethods.IconX ductedinterviews(33intotal)inordertounderstandperceptionsofmyinformants.iusedfive 9

10 typesofinterviewsinordertogaindataviadifferentways,namelysemixstructuredinterviews, everyxdaychats,focusgroups,andanexpertinterview.inthelast1,5monthoftheresearchi visitedthealmanarasocietyfewtimesaweek.iheldfiveinterviewswithfivevolunteers,exx cludingeverydaytalks.inaddition,iinterviewedtwootherbrokerswhowerenotvolunteers fromthesocietyinordertobetterunderstandtheirfunctionintherelationship. Ipurposivelychosetostartwithafocusgroupwiththewomen,inordertogettoknow eachother.besides,byusingthismethodilearntwhichspecifictopicscameup,howthesetopx icswereexpressed,andhowtheywerecommunicatedinagroupofwomen.inthefourteenprix vate semixstructured interviews with seven interviewed beneficiaries, they told me their life historiesandcouldfurtherelaborateontheirviews.thisgavemeanuancedunderstandingof thediverseideasandexperiences.theremaininginterviewswerewithotherlocalorganizations thatprovidedmewithacomprehensionofpressuresonjordaniansineastammanandontheir organization(includingonedonorofalmanarasociety).moreoveriheldoneinterviewwitha localexpert(dr.musashteiwi)oncivilsociety,povertyandgenderofthecenterforstrategic StudiesofUniversityofJordan,withwhomIcheckedmyfindings. ObservationtookplaceinAlManaraSociety.ByvisitingtheSocietyalmosteverydayin thelastmonth,icreatedtrustamongthevolunteersandexperiencedeverydaylifeinthisorx ganizationandneighborhood.hereiobservedsocialinteractionsbetweenvolunteersandjorx danianbeneficiaries,interactionswithsyrianrefugees,andtheprovisionoffooddonations.parx ticipantobservationtookplacebyattendingtheelectionofthealmanaraboard.thisprovided meaccesstothesocietyandinsightintheapparentdemocraticcharacter.inadditionijoined Family Kitchen in the their ritual act of providing food packages in the village Wadi Araba, southjordan.withthismethodigainedinsights into theactofdonations,thedependencyof clients,andlivingcircumstancesofpoorerhouseholds.iexperiencedthatparticipantobservax tioninwomen sliveswasabarrier,becausemytranslatorsdidnotfeelsafetovisitwomenin theirhouses.irecognizethishighlynegativelyaffectedtheethnographiccontentofthisresearch intermsofgainingaculturalunderstandingoftheirlives.sinceifelthighlydependableonmy translatorsidecidedtokeeptheinterviewsinthesociety,wherewecouldtalkprivately and whereicoulddosomeobservations. A)constructed)social)world) Withinthepluralityofideasofsocialtheory,myontologicalandepistemologicalstanceshave guidedmethroughthisresearchandwritingprocess.thisthesisshouldbetakenasadynamic processofchoiceswhichiconstantlymade.frommyconstructioniststance,iassumeindividux als have an active role in the construction of social reality (Boeije, 2010). Based on Giddens (1984),constructionismbelievesthatsocialrealityisadialecticbetweenstructureandagency. Fromaninterpretativeepistemologythatisembeddedinconstructivism,Ibelieveweneedto understand the meaning of action. Actions derive their meaning from rules of social life and sharedideas(demmers,2012).inotherwords,wehavetointerprettheactsofpeopleandthe world around them and attach their behavior to their interpretations (Boeije, 2010) that rex searchersneedtodeconstruct.thismeansthatthemeaningofsomethingdependsupontherole ithasincomplexsystemsofwhichitisapart.accordingtofay(2010)thisrequiresknowledge ofcertainsocialrulesinordertounderstandwhatcertainactionsandpracticesmean.onlyby deconstructingthismeaningandinterpretingthis,ithinkweareabletograspasenseofthe perceivedimpactofsyriansonjordanianlives.forthisresearchthismeansiassumereligious idiomsaremeaningfullyconstructedaccordingtothecontextpeoplelivein.jordanianwomenin AlManaraseemtoreconstructitintimesofdisruptivechangestomakesenseofwhathappens, tojustifytheirfeelings,whilemaintainingpeacefulvisionstowardsthesyrianrefugeecommunix ty. In this way they shape their cultural context which rexshapes them at the same time. ReX searchersshoulddeconstructtheseidiomsinordertounderstandthem. 10

11 Besides,IbelieveethniccategoriesarenotpreXgivenbutconstructed.Mostofthewomen IspokewithhadaPalestinianbackgroundormixedmarriage.However,Ididn texplicitlyask this,unlesstheyreferredtothisthemselves.asiunderstoodinjordan,palestiniansareoften consideredasjordanians,sincetheyhavethesamelanguageandhabits.besides,asmanypeox pleispokewithmentionedaswell,manypalestinianshaveajordanianpassport.frommypoint ofview,toaskbeforehandwhichethnicornationalbackgroundtheyhave,createsdistinctcatex gories formedbytheresearcher thatmightnotexistassuchoppositeorbipolargroupsin thissocialreality.byaskingquestionsaboutwhatwomenthinkaboutthehelpanddonations Syrians perceive, many of them mentioned that as Palestinians they also received help from Jordanwhentheyortheirfamiliesenteredthecountryasrefugees.Inthisway,theconstruction ofaparticularidentityinaparticularcontextbecomesclearerwithoutbeingconstructedbythe researcheritself. % A)complete)understanding,)is)that)possible?)Limitations)of)this)research) Theinterpretativestanceimmediatelybringsupquestionsaboutthereliabilityofthedatathat isgatheredrelatedtothelimitsofthisresearch.withinterpretivism,thereisalwaysadouble interpretation,meaningthereisanalreadyinterpretedrealitybytheinformantsfromwhichthe researchermustmakehis/herinterpretationofhowtheseparticipantsunderstandtheirdaily life(boeije,2010).butinordertocomprehendothers,weneedtounderstandthemeaningof whattheydoandsay.tounderstandthismeaning,asfray(2013:113)writes,weneedto unx derstandthemsimplyintheirownterms.buthowisaresearcherabletounderstandinformx ants owntermswhentheydonotspeakthesamelanguage?althoughiusedatranslatorwhen myinformantsdidnotspeakenglish,therealwaysremainsalanguagebarrier,sincethetranslax torandididnotspeakinournativelanguage.problematicwiththeinterpretativestancewith languagebarriersisthatparticipantsinterprettheirworldandtrytoexplainthistothetranslax tor.thetranslatorneedsaparticulardegreeofunderstandingwhattheinformanttellshim/her in order to translate this interpretation towards the researcher that has a different cultural backgroundanddifferentschemeofinterpretation,aswasthecaseinthisresearch.language barriersthusdonotonlycomplicatetheunderstanding,butalsothedoubleinterpretationthat ischaracteristicofqualitativeresearch. Certainly,someinformationandunderstandingswerelostintranslationandinterpretaX tion.inordertoactresponsibleasaresearcher,itriedtominimizethisasmuchaspossibleand madeagreatefforttounderstandthelocalschemeofinterpretation.accordingtoboeije(2010) flexibleresearchmethodsareimportantinthiskindofqualitativeresearch,inordertoeasily adjusttotheseissues.therefore,itriedtocheckwithmyparticipantsandtranslatorifiunderx stoodtheinformationintherightway.furthermore,iuseddifferentresearchmethodsanddifx ferenttypesofinterviewsasdescribedaboveinordertogaindataindifferentways.ibelieve thismadethedatamorereliable.unfortunately,visitingwomenintheirhomeswasnotpossix ble 5,whichkeptmefromobservingtheirlivingcircumstances.Indeed,thereisalwaysadifferX enceinwhatpeoplesay%theydo,andwhattheyactuallydo.althoughimainlyfocusedonpercepx tions,thefewobservationsiconductedaredefinitelyalimitationofthisethnographicresearch, andthisshouldbekeptinmindwhilereadingthisthesis. Butdespitethesetriangulations,despitetheinterpretationfromdifferentangles,howis aresearcherabletogainafullunderstandingofhis/herinformantswhen(s)hecomesfroma differentsocialworld,speaksadifferentlanguage,hasadifferentinterpretativescheme?toask theotherwayaround,doweactuallyneedtobesimilarortohavesimilarexperiencesinorder tounderstandtheinformant?duringtheresearchandwritingprocessesiconstantlyfoundmyx selfaskingthesequestions.infay sviewweneedtodistinguishknowingfrombeing.according tohim, [k]nowledge%consists%not%in%the%experience%itself%but%in%grasping%the%sense%of%this%experience% 5Seefootnotenr.4. 11

12 (2010:27,emphasisinoriginal),%meaningaresearcherrequiresacertainformofsensitivity 6 and theabilitytodeconstructandinterpretthemeaningoftheirexperiences.accordingtoedward Said(1985),researchontheMiddleEastconductedbywesternscholarsoftencontainacertain Westernpower,aformofknowledgeproductionthatshapestheOrient sidentityasthe Other. AlthoughIagreewithSaidthattherealwaysremainsariskofadominantWesternperspective,I alsobelievethatbesidethedifferences,thereisacertaindegreeofsimilaritybetweentherex searcherandtheinformants,especiallythosefromthesamegender.thismeansbesidedifferx ences,informantsandisharedparticularprinciplesofthought,desires,acertainsimilarbackx groundofbeliefs,andthesameworldwelivein.thechallengeofsocialresearchistofindthe equilibrium between differences and%similarities (Fay, 2010) 7. For this reason, I, as a woman, chosetofocussolelyonjordanianwomenineastammaninordertocreateandunderstandmy informantsasmuchaspossible whilerecognizingculturaldifferences.. Assuch,Idonotbelieveacompleteunderstandingispossible asaconsequenceofculx turaldifferences andiamawareofmywesternbackground andmypossibleinterpretation assuch.therefore,frommyepistemologicalpointofviewibelievethesesocialacademicreprex sentationsthatareconstructedthroughthedialogueofideasandevidence(seeragin,2011)are alwayspartialandsubjective.indeed,intheendasocialresearcher,asahumanbeing,hasonly hisx/herselfasaresearchtool.withtheexistenceofsimilaritiesamonghumanbeings,ibelievea socialresearcherisundoubtedlyabletograspanimportantpieceofthemeaningofexperiences andperceptionsofhis/herinformants.andwhilewewillneverfullycomprehendthesesocial andculturallives,andthereforeneverbeableprovidingacompleteacademicrepresentationof sociallife,wecanandshouldneverthelessstriveforacquiringknowledgeofthesocialworldwe liveinascompleteaspossible.itisthisresponsibilityofasocialresearcherthatguidedmein thechoicesiconstantlymade. % Other)choices)and)ethical)considerations) ThechoicesImadearenotonlyrelatedwithmyconstructioniststance.Bothduringfieldwork, as well as in the writing process, researchers are bounded to ethical principles. Fieldworkers constantlyfindthemselvesindifferentsituations,inwhichtheyhavetomake(sometimesfast) decisionsinordertogainorpreventcertainoutcomes.iencounteredthesesituationsinterms ofproperbehavior,myidentity,sensitivetopics,andrichversuspoor.certainly,icontinuously madechoicesthathaveinfluencedmyfieldwork.andthisthesisshouldbereadassuch. DecisionsImadeinthewritingprocessinfluencedthistext,influencedthewaythereadX erinterpretsthesewords,thewordsofmyinformants.accordingtoboeije(2010)oneofthe ethicalissuesaresearcherisconstantlydealingwithwhilewriting,isholdingananalyticalperx spective,whileremainingempathicallytothewaysinformantsmakesenseofthemselvesand theworldaroundthem.ipurposivelychoseforgivingmyinformantsavoice.notonlybecause many interviews were translated and therefore information, nuances et cetera could have beenlost butalsobecausewomenispokewitharealreadyrelativelyinvisible.besides,idisx missanauthoritarianviewbyclaimingthe truth aboutthesefindings 8.Instead,IwishtoproX 6AsFay(2010:28)writes:toknowothers indeedtoknowoneself istobeabletomakesenseoftheirexperience. 7Withthetermequilibriumor balance,fay(2010)meansweshouldemphasizeneitherdifferencesnorsimilarities betweentheresearcherandhis/herinformantsbyinsistingtooheavilyondifferences,welose,accordingtohim,the capacitytounderstandothers,andthereforethecapabilitytoappreciatedifferences.ontheotherhand,ifweinsiston indifference,welosethecapacitytoappreciateandinterpretdifferences,whichultimatelyleadstoseeingtheotheras somethingasourselves. 8IaminspiredbypostmodernistthinkerssuchasCliffordGeertz(1973),BryanS.Turner(1990),andLilaAbuX Lughod(1993),whotriedtomoveawayfromauthoritarianviewofanthropologistsandsociologists.Somewriters, suchasabulughodinherbookwriting%women s%worldsonlyletherinformantsspeak.idobelievewriterscanwrite theirowninterpretationwithoutclaimingtruth,butalwaysneedtolettheirinformantstalkinthetext,inorderto showwheretheinterpretationisbasedonandtogiveinformantsavoice. 12

13 videmyunderstandingofjordan spressureofsyrianrefugees,whichidorecognizeasneither objectivenorcomplete.ichosetoletmyinformantsspeakthemselvesasmuchaspossiblein thisthesiswhentheyareexplainingtheirstruggles,fears,prides,wayoflivingandideas.inthis wayiletthereaderdecideforhimx/herselfthechoicesofinterpretationsimadeinmyargux mentsand,hopefully,letthereaderfeelthesentimentsifeltatthattime. AsecondethicalissueIstruggledwithispreventingmyselfofchoosingsides,favoring oneperspectiveovertheotherandtocreate thosewhodominate and subordinates myself. AlsoBoeijenoteswritersoftendealwithdifferentperspectivesandaccountsontheexamined subject.tofavoroneovertheotherisunethical,becausetheresponsibilityofasocialscientistis to translate thewordsoftheinformantsinanacademictext,insteadofhis/herownopinion.in thisthesisitrytoshowthemultipleanddiverseexperiences,perceptionsandsentimentsofmy informantstopreventgeneralizationsandtoindicatethecomplexityoftheissueielaborateon. Outlineofthethesis ThisthesislooksattheimpactsoftheSyriancrisisonhostcommunities,whichisnotonlyaconX cernforjordan,butalsotheotherneighboringcountriesofsyria,namelylebanon,turkeyand NorthIraq.Ilookathowwomen (beneficiaries or clients) and brokers (which I call patrons) experience the pressure on charity donations. In order to gain a deeper understanding of the powerrelation(foucault,1982),ibasemyanalysisonjamesscott s(1990)conceptsofthepubx lic and hidden transcripts or the way in which the dominants and the subordinates interact. Herethesubordinates manageinthousandartfulways (ibid.15)toaffectthepowerofthose whodominate.mymainargumentinthisthesisisthatthelogicofgenerosityintimesofcrisisis notonlyaresourceofresilient%action,butalsoofthemaintenanceofaresilientcaresystemof charityinwhichthesocioxpoliticalgameofpatronageissituated. Inordertoanswerthepuzzle,Ifirstprovideananalyticalframeworkofresilienceinthe nextchapter(chapter2).iarguethatweneedaninxdepthunderstandingofeastamman ssociox politicalstructureandculturallifeinordertograsptheideaofresilienceinalmanara.ielabox rateondebatesoncopingmechanisms,patronagenetworks,andreligionandrelatethistothe largerdebateonresilience.thesethreecomponentsofresilience,theconceptualboundariesof thissocialtheory(ragin,2011),provideadeeperunderstandingoftheethnographicdataprex sentedinthesubsequentchaptersontheconstructionofresilience. Chapter 3 deals with a description of the patronage relationship between the female beneficiaries(clients)andthevolunteers(patrons)thatfunctionasbrokersbetweenthedonors andtheirclients.asishowhere,theunequalexchangerelationshipissubjecttopowersinthe publicandhiddentranscriptbyboththepatronsaswellastheclients.here,religionplaysavital rolefortheclients dealingwiththestructuresintheirnetworkandintheirstruggleoftheir precariouslives aswellastheirpatrons theideaofbenefitingfromgodwithcharity.with thearrivalofsyrianrefugees(chapter4)thispatronagerelationshiphasbeenenforced.anamx biguoussituationappearsinwhichpatronsprovidehelp informsofcharity towardssyrian refugees,whilejordanianwomenfeelaffectedbythis. In the subsequent chapter I answer the question of why doesn t the care system, in whichpatronageismanifested,collapsedespitethepressureonitsincetheinfluxofsyrianrefx ugees?inthischapterimainlyfocusonthebeneficiaries.itseemsprovidersandreceiversspeak accordingtothesamereligiouslogicofgenerosity.iusethetermsexcluded%insidersandincluded% outsiderstoshowthereisasubtledifferencebetweenclientsandpatronsinterpretativescheme withinthissamelogic,butalsotoindicatecertainlimitsofgenerosityexist.iarguewhilethe patronagesystemhasbecomeenforced,generosity whichneedstobeunderstoodinitsculturx alandhistoricalcontext seemstocontributetotheresilienceofthecommunityineastamman. In the remaining chapter I conclude the findings and relate these to the analytical frameworkprovidedinchapter2.thisthesisprovidesinterestinginsightsinresilienceofajorx danianurbancommunity.inspiredbyking s(2004)microxpoliticalanalysisoncollectiveaction, Isuggestaframeworkofresilient%actionthatcontainsthethreecomponentsofresilienceasdisX cussedinthisthesis.%however,thesecomponentsofresiliencecannotjustbetakenastheultix 13

14 materecipeforpeaceinotherrelatedcountries,becausethisratherimpliesculturalinsensitivix ty.iendthisthesiswithrecommendationsforfurtherresearchandforstrategiesforinternax tional development organizations that try to promote cohesion between refugees and host communities. In Appendix 1 I have elaborated and contextualized the informants of this rex search. 14

15 2. Resilienceoftheprecarious:aframework ofanalysis The framework of resilience provides an interesting insight in how people create relatively peacefulsituationsininstableandinsecuretimes,suchasinthecaseofjordansincetheinfluxof Syrianrefugees.Bycomparingdifferentreportsonotherimpactedcountries 9,similartrendsof pressure,suchasoneducation,health,publicservices,andjobcompetition,amonghostcomx munitiesappear.importantly,thecontextinwhichthesepressuresaremanifestedinfluencethe wayhostcommunitiesperceiveanddealwiththeseburdens.forexample,lebanonmainlyhasa Shi itepopulation,butsyriansaremainlysunni.inacountrythatalreadysufferedfromforsecx tarian violence, perceptions towards Syrians are, logically, different from Jordan with mainly SunniMuslims.Basedonthesocialidentitytheory,Loescher&Milner(2011)argueadegreeof samenessisanimportantexplanationforpositiveandgenerousconceptionsfromhostcommux nities towards refugees. I believe this explanation is too simplistic. In my view, underlying mechanisms provide a better understanding of these conceptions. A microxpolitical view (see King,2004)isimportant,sincetheseconceptionsvarybetweenthenorthernandAmmangovX ernorate.hence,whydojordaniansineastammanseemtostaycalmandwhyhavenointense hostilitiesagainstsyrianrefugeesarisenyet,despitethehugeimpactofrefugeeflowsondifferx entaspectofjordanasacountryandasasociety? Theconceptresilienceoriginallyderivesfromecology,referringto thecapacityofasysx tem to absorb disturbance and recognize and yet persist in a similar state (Gunderson et al, 2006inMasten&Obradovic,2007).OneofthefirstscholarsonresiliencewasHolling(1973:17) whodefinedresilienceas ameasureoftheabilityofthesesystemstoabsorbchangesofstate variables, driving variables and parameters and still persist. From the ecological perspective, resilience is perceived as a natural order, similar like biological phenomena (Walker, 2011). Basedonthisdefinition,resiliencecanbeunderstoodasanindicationofstabilityandthecapaX bilityto cope withdisruptivechangesinaparticularenvironment. Withinthesocialsciencesresilienceisarelativelynewandundertheorizedconcept.The concept is often connected to other concepts such as local ownership, livelihood, community capacityandcommunitywellbeing.whilethetermisstillfrequentlyrelatedtoecology,natural disastersandpoverty,morescholarstrytogobeyondthissystemxorientatedfocusandargue theimportanceofagencyinresilience.forexample,berkesandross(2013)emphasizetheimx portanceofagencyandselfxorganizationthroughnetworks.theconceptofresiliencethusprox videstheopportunitytoincludeanontologyofboththedialecticofstructureandagency(gidx dens,1984),andthereforeausefulconcepttoresearchpeacefulorresilientaction. BerkesandRossseevulnerability%asacomplementaryconcepttoresilience.Accordingto them, both terms are orientated towards responses to stress and reactions to rapid and slow changes.additionally,bothtrytounderstandsocialdifferentiation,equalityandpower.butler (2004)examinesvulnerabilityfromamorephilosophicalandsociologicalperspective.Byusing herapproachonmourningandgrief,shereflectsonthesufferingofothers,weaknessandvulx nerability, in short on precariousness. Precariousness describes the common yet unequal disx tributed fragility of human existence. For Butler, it is essential to the construction of interdex pendence and vulnerability of people (McRobbie, 2006). Vulnerability and precariousness are 9ReportsthatIcomparedare:WorldVision(2013),Davis&Taylor(2013)forLebanon,WFP(2013b),IOM(2013)for NorthIraq,ICG(2013)andUNDPwebsite Host%Communities %forturkey,andmercycorps(2013),davis&taylor (2013),andUN&HCSP(2014)forJordan. 15

16 useful concepts to understand human fragility in this uncertain world, to understand human conditionsandhowfragilepeople,despitetheirprecariouslives,createresilience. Inarecentarticle,Duffield(2013)arguesthatoverthelastdecades,resilientthinking becamebasedupontheideaof radicaluncertainty.humanbeingsareexposedtounforeseen threats,inwhichweconstantlyfindourselvesunprepared.inhisanalysisonresilience,duffield explicitlyemphasizesthatresilientthinkingiscommonlyshapedaroundmarginalizedcommux nities.thismeansthatthosepopulationsthatareexposedtodisastersanddisruptivechanges arenottheelites,butthevulnerableanduncertainglobalpoor.insteadofsavinglives,developx mentalactsincludeelitesteachingtheglobalpoortoberesilientagainstquicksocial,political, economical or environmental transformations. Marginalized communities only have the prox spect of imagining social Dystopias of undesirable, uncertain and frightening future (Duffield, 2013).Inotherwords,thetermresilienceitselfalreadyindicatesexistingandmaybeevenfurX theremergingpowerrelationsbetweentherichandthepoor,betweenthosewhostruggleand thosewhodon t.duffield sanalysisisinlinewithbutler sworkonprecariousnessasanunevenx lydistributedexistenceofhumanlife.however,theproblemwithduffield sanalysisis,inmy view,thattheauthorhimselfvictimizesthepoorasmarginalizedandpowerlessobjects, subx jectedtothreatsinwhichtheycandonothingelsebutsurvive.inlinewithbutler,iargueboth therichandpoorliveaprecariouslife,butcertainfactorsmakeonemorevulnerablethanthe other.inthiswayidonotassumebeforehandone smarginalityandoneother sabsolutepower beforeactuallyresearchingthis.instead,iwillstartwithassumingthatthereisacertainbasisof precariousnessinwhichweneedtogainunderstandinginwhatmakescertainpeoplemorevulx nerablethanothersandinhowtheydeploytheiragencyagainstthis. Althoughdifferentauthorsprovideimportantinsightsintoresilience,aconceptthatis interdisciplinary,thatcanbestudiedfromdifferentontologiesandepistemologies,thereseems to be no grounded conceptual framing. This is especially the case regarding works on forced migration and hostxcommunities that try to be resilient to unexpected, extreme and rapid changesintheirsocialenvironmentandsociallife.literatureprovidesanevidencexbasedunx derstandinginnonxviolentbehaviorofcommunitiestowardsothercommunities,butpeaceful and generous attitudes are not as straightforward and obvious as they seem; they are highly social,political,culturalandhistorical.interestingly,thisremainsagapwithinsocialtheory.the termprovidesunderstandingintheinterplayofstructureandagency,butleavesquestionssuch ashowisresilienceconstructed?howdoprecariouspeopledealwithuncertaintyyetmaintain generous gestures towards the Other? Referring back to the research interest: Can resilience explainhospitality andifso,how?orishospitalityanindicatorofresilience,aformofadaptax tion? Inordertoanswerthesequestions,aninXdepthunderstandingofeastAmman ssociox politicalstructureandculturallifeisneeded.asbecameclearduringthethreexmonthsoffieldx work,anewframeworkisneededinordertoexplainwhysomejordaniansseemtoberesilient; onethatinterconnectsthreeconcepts,namelyresilientcopingmechanisms,religionandpatronx age.ielaborateonthesetermsfurtherbelow.theframeworkneededforthiscase,isbasedon King s(2004)microxpoliticalanalysisonthethreecomponentsthatcontributetocollectiveacx tion.inthisthesisiproposeaframeworkofresilient%actionthatcontainsthreecomponentsof resilienceasdiscussedinthischapter. Copingmechanisms Thetermlivelihoodisoftenheardindevelopmentstudies.However,itislessdiscussedwithin conflictstudies.almostthreemillionsyrianrefugees(unhcr,2014)havefledfromtheircounx tries and have spread over the neighboring countries. Each host country is dealing, albeit all differently, with the immense pressures these refugees pose on the host communities. In the caseofjordan,aninfluxof606, Syrianrefugees(UNHCR,2014b)hasanenormousimpact 10SeeIntroduction,footnote1. 16

17 onthedailylifeofjordanianmenandwomen.accordingtoreports(unhcr,2014;un&hcsp, 2014; Mercy Corps, 2012) and after talking with some Jordanian organizations in Amman, it becameclearthateveryonewaswellawareoftheimpacts:education,housing,jobs,foodprices, fuel,andhealthcare.peopleagreed:jordanian sdailylivesweredefinitelyimpacteduponbythe Syrianinfluxsince2011.TheaimofthisresearchwastounderstandhowJordanianwomenin Ammandealtwiththeongoingchangesintheirenvironmentanddailylivesduringthelastthree years. The definition of resilience mentioned above refers to systems. From my ontological pointofview,andinlinewithgiddens(1984),peopleparticipateinsystems;theyaffectandare affectedbystructures.whenasystemisunderpressure,howdopeoplewithinthissystemdeal withthesepressures?forthisquestion,weneedtolookatresilientmechanismsofpeoplethat trytocreatesustainabledailylives.inotherwords,forthisthesisanexaminationofsustainable livelihoodstrategiesisneeded. Alivelihoodcompromisesthecapabilities,assets(stores,resources[materialaswellasimX material],claimsandaccess)andactivitiesrequiredforameansofliving:alivelihoodissusx tainablewhichcancopewithandrecoverfromstressandshocks,maintainorenhanceits capabilitiesandassets,andprovidesustainablelivelihoodopportunitiesforthenextgenerax tion;andwhichcontributesnetbenefitstootherlivelihoodsatthelocalandgloballevelsand intheshortandlongterm(chambers&conway,1991:6). Asbecomesclearinthedefinition,theconceptoflivelihoodiscloselyconnectedwiththeconX ceptofresilience,whichmeansthecapabilitytoabsorbdisturbanceandtopersistinasimilar state(gundersonetal,2006inmasten&obradovic,2008).toputitsimple,alivelihoodisresilx ient,whenpeoplecancopewithdisruptivechangesintheircommunityorenvironment,inthe presentaswellasinthefuture.copingstrategiesareforexample:flexibility,adaptation(walker & Cooper, 2011), acceptance, and enhancing capabilities for future generations (Chambers & Conway, 1991). These strategies of individuals can create resilience among people. Chambers and Conway argue individual resilient action contributes to a larger net of resilience among peopleandtherefore,iassume,toaresilientcommunity.theunderlyingassumptionisthatrex silient individuals lead to resilient systems. Although I show this in this thesis as well, one shouldbearinmindthatthis,asinthecaseofjordan,sometimestakesplaceinhighlycomplex socioxpoliticalinteractionsandnegotiationsofpowerinspecificculturalandhistoricalsettings. Butbesidethefactthatagency,intheformoflivelihoodstrategies,influencesstructures, asihavearguedabove,theyareshapedbystructuresatthesametime.morespecifically,livelix hoodstrategiesarebaseduponfive capitals,namelyhuman%(labor,experienceandknowledge), natural(suchaswaterandland),physical%(likestocks,jewelryandsavings),financial(money, savings)andsocial%capital%(relationshipsasnetworks).%thesecapitalsaresubjecttoinfluences withindifferentcontexts.consequently,theseinfluencesaffectlivelihoodstrategies,whichare enactedbytheagencyofindividuals(haan,2000).inotherwords,livelihoodsandstrategiesare shaped by and within social, cultural, economic and political contexts. These structures are, amongotherthings,socialnorms,institutions,processesandpoliciesthataffectpeople sability toaccessandmakeuseofassetsforafavorableoutcome.theycancreatebothopportunitiesas wellasobstaclesforpeoplemakingaliving(irp,2010). Althoughresilienceseemstobeausefulconcept,itoftendoesnotincludeaculturalunX derstandinginconflictissues.lyon&parkins(2013)conductedethnographicresearchinorder to understand social and cultural systems and collective action in transitioning forestxbased communitiesincanada.withtheiranalysis,theytrytoprovideinsightinfacilitatorsforadaptax tionandcollectiveactionwithinresilientculturalrealms,tomovebeyondinstitutionalfactors, such as political opportunity and economic dependency. Instead, they show the interplay of structure and agency through the sociocultural dependency of these communities that faced economicchanges.intheirterms: 17

18 [h]umanagencyandsocialagencyleadtoadaptation,bylocatingcultureasdynamicsystem differentiatedfromsocialsystemthatcanremainresilientorchangeaspartofsocialadapx tiveprocessesinsteadofcollectiveaction(lyon&parkins,2013:546). Inotherwords,culturalsystemscanprovidesourcesthathelppeopleintermsofresilientacts otherthancollectiveaction,suchasadaptation,therebycontributingtoresilientcommunities. Inthiswayindividualsandcommunitieshavethepowertoadaptandtocopewithdisturbing changes.importantfortheirresearchandunlikeotherworks,theauthorsthusshowhowresilix encecanbestudiedwithinchangingsocieties,inwhichpeoplehaveachoicetoadaptorresort to violent action, from an interpretative epistemology. Anthropological research is prex eminentlyusefultogainadeepculturalunderstandingofhowcommunitiesdealwithtransforx mationsinsociety. BelowIfurtherelaborateonhowculturecanfunctionasasourceinresiliX ence. Religion According to the International Religious Freedom Report (2010) more than ninety percent of Jordan sinhabitantsaremuslim,mainlysunni.asiexperienced,eastammanseemstobemore conservative in religious practices than the western part of the city, meaning that I observed moremenandwomenintraditionalclothingandpeopleispokewithtendedtospeakmorein religioustermsthaninthewest.irealizedreligionplaysamajorroleinwomen sdailylivesand inhowwomendealwiththeinfluxofsyriansspecifically.therefore,iarguethatreligiouspracx ticesandnotionsneedtoberelatedtotheframeworkofresilience,inadditiontocopingstratex giesdiscussedaboveinordertounderstandresilientactionofpoorerwomeninalmanara,east Amman. Withinsocialtheory,thereseemstobealackofinsightinresilienceinculturalsystems (Masten & Obradovic, 2008). Clearly, not much has been discussed on resilience and religion spirituality,especiallynotwithinsociologicalandanthropologicaldisciplines.mostresearchthat hasbeendoneiswithindevelopmentstudiesorpsychology.peresetal(2007)forexample,look attheroleofspiritualityandresilienceintraumavictims.accordingtothem,religiousnessand spirituality foster questions about understanding life and its meaning. In their view, spiritual andreligiousbeliefshaveapositiveeffectoncopingwithtraumaticeventsthereforepromoting resilience. They can reduce loss of control and feelings of helplessness, provide a cognitive frameworkthatmaydecreasesufferingandfortifyone sideaofpurposeandmeaning.besides, theycanprovideaworldviewthathelpstogivepurposeandmeaningtothesuffering.aboveall, religiousandspiritualbeliefsmayofferhopeandmotivation(peresetal,2007).religiousness andspiritualitycanfunctionasspiritualsupport,reappraisal,religioussurrender,spiritualdix rectionandconnection(peresetal,2007)bypraying,trustingingod,seekinggod shelp,taking comfort in religion and mediation (King & Roeser, 2009). Instead of looking at the individual level,patonetal(2007)focusedoncollectivistcommunities.theyexaminedtheadaptivecapacx ityofthaicommunitiesinthecontextofthe2004tsunami.researcherslookedattheroleof religious affiliation, ethnicity and place of a collectivist society and understand religion as a mechanism and social context for the development of the capacity to adapt. In other words, whilelookingattheindividualandgrouplevelofresilience,theauthorsallperceivereligionasa copingmechanisminordertocreateresilience. However, religion and spirituality can also be seen as a resource of resilience that enx hancestheabilitytocope(kim,2011).iagreewithsulivan(2011),whorejectstheutilitarian viewofreligionasacopingmechanism,andratherseesitasaresourceinnegotiatingdemands of life. In her book Living%Faith, she examines how poor women practice religion in daily life. HereshearguesthatwomensheresearcheddidnotseereligionasaproblemXsolvingtooland thereforeitcannotbeseenasamechanismofcoping.instead,itcanstructurehowwomenunx derstandtheworldaroundthemandhowtheyrespondtomisfortuneintheirdailylives,therex bypromotingresilience(sulivan2011).inotherwords,insteadofregardingreligionasacoping 18

19 strategyormechanisms,religionandreligiouspracticescanhelpincopingwithdifficultiesin timesofcrisis. Inordertounderstanddailylifepracticesandhowpoorwomenaredealingwiththeir harshcircumstances,sulivanarguesweneedtoseereligionasatypeofculturalwork,meaning thatwhileexaminingreligion,researchersneedtolookatwhatpeopledowithreligiousidioms, howtheyusethem,whattheymakeofthemselvesandtheworldthattheyarein(orsi,2002xiv insulivan,2011).ithereforelookedathowpoorerwomenineastammanusedislamicnotions, whichhelpedthemtounderstandthepressureofsyrianrefugeesontheirdailylivesandtheir incomeofdonationsspecifically. Patronage WiththecaseofeastAmmanIexploredthelinkbetweencopingmechanisms,religionandpatX ronageandtheapparentresilienceamongjordanianwomeninalmanaradespitetheinfluxof Syrianrefugeesintheircountryandtheirneighborhoodspecifically.Inthe1960sand1970sa dominantassumptionamongscholarswasthatpatronageorclientelistmodelswouldeventually disappear with the development of modernity (Roniger, 2004). However, in modern contexts patronagestillexistsnowadaysandasronigershows,thesetwocangohandinhand.nowax days,theconceptofpatronagehaslargelybeendiscussedinthecontextoflatinamerica(see forexample:lomnitz,2001).albeitindifferentforms,patronagerelationshipsalsoseemtobe present in the social and political spheres in Middle Eastern contexts (Clark, 2004; Harmsen, 2004;Lust,2009),suchasinthecountriesthatarecomparablyaffectedbytheSyriancrisis,like Lebanon(Hamzeh,2010).ByfocusingsolelyoneastAmmaninthisthesis,patronageprovides aninterestingmicroxpoliticalviewonsupraxlocalpoliticsinjordan,aspecificpoliticalinteracx tionofpowerbetweenthosewhodominate(thepatrons)andthesubordinatedclients(scott, 1990).Inthissection,Ioutlinethedebateonpatronageandpositionthisintherationalchoice theory. Forthisthesis,IusethegeneraldefinitionofNelsonthatleavesroomfornuancesandis applicableindifferentculturalsettings.accordingtohim,patronagecanbedefinedas theact andsubstanceofgiving betweenthepatron(thegiver)andclient(receiver) (Nelson,1996:45). Inotherwords,itisaformofhumanbehaviorofofferingsomethingtotheotherperson.The giverishonoredasaguardianandsupporter,whilethereceiverisofteninferiorandboundedto thepatron.therelationshipalwaysremainsunequal,becauseapatroncanhavemoreclients. Aboveall,apatronisoftenfromahigherrank,oftenfromahigherclassthathasmorepower thanhisorherclient(s).inthiswaypatronagebecomesawayofcommunicationbetweenthe higherandlowerclassthroughtheprovisionofagift.importantly,patronagesystemsareenx tirelyvoluntarily,butassoonasbothpartiesenterintherelationship,theybecomedepended oneachother:whiletheclientdependsonthe offer ofthepatron,whichcanbejobs,moneyor other opportunities, a patron mainly relies on resources, power, loyalty, and trust, that (s)he expectsfromhisorherclient(s)inreturn.inshort,patronageisanunequalexchangerelationx shipbasedoninterdependency. Thegift playsamajorroleintheexchangerelationshipbetweentheproviderandthe receiver. The concept of the gift has largely been debated within the social science. Marcel Mauss sbookthe%gift(1954[1950])isamajorcontributiontosocialthoughtofexchangetheory andgifttheorywithinthefieldofanthropologyandothersocialdisciplines.inthisbook,mauss presentstheexchangeofgiftsasafundamentalsocialsystemthatbindsgroupsofpeopletox gether.heopposesarchaicsystemtothemodernmarket,arguingthatwithinthe(nostalgically) systemofgiftexchange,collectiveinterestpredominatestheindividualinterest. In line with Mauss, Frow (1997, in Murphy, 2006) emphasizes that gifts shouldn t be seenasthings,butastransactionsandsocialrelations:giftsbindpeople;itisconstantlyconstix tutedwhileconstitutingthem.importantly,socialsystemsorinstitutions,ofwhichtheeventof thegiftispartof,createthemeaningsofthegiftanditsforms(murphy,2006).hence,inorder tounderstandthis,oneshouldunderstandthesocialandculturalsystemorinstitution.thegift, asthecentralsocialtransaction,isanarticulatedsymbolismofunequalrelationshipsbetween 19

20 thegiverandthereceiver.inthisway,giftexchangesignifiessocialrelations,whichprescribes particularculturalandsocialpractices.therefore,itstipulatesthepowerofthegiftinorderto shapesocialbehavioranditsworkasabond,asocialglue(murphy,2006),orasanexpression ofabondofallianceandcommonality(verhezen,2002). Generosity)and)calculation) The form usually taken is thatofthegiftgenerouslyoffered; but the accompanying behaviorisformalpretenseandsocialdeception,whilethetransactionitselfisbased onobligationandeconomicselfxinterest(mauss,1954:1). AccordingtoMauss(inMurphy,2006:190),thegiftisanambivalentcategoryofethics,because itoscillates betweenthepolesofgenerosityandcalculation[ ]whereastheformsofcalculax tionandindebtednessthataresetinmotioningifteconomiesmustbeunderstoodtobestrucx turalandpriortoall ethicalforms. Inotherwords,heperceivesthegiftasanexchangeprimarX ily for profitable reasons; maybe even selfishness, rather than feeling of sympathy, care, and altruism. Gifttheorycouldberelatedtorationalchoicetheory,inwhichhumanbeingsareperX ceivedashomo%economicus,assumingthatpeoplearerationalagentswhomakeconstantlypurx posivechoicestogainmaximumutility.thistheoryisbasedontheepistemologicalviewofrax tionalismthatassumesindividualbehaviorispredictableand(s)hechoosestheactionthat(s)he correctlycalculatestobemostinstrumentalinsatisfyinghisorherpreferences.incontrast,the thick or soft rational theory also incorporates psychological and operational processes in its framework,insteadofonlyeconomical(demmers,2012).thismeansbehaviorcanberational on nonxeconomic grounds as well. Logically, something might seem irrational in economic terms, but rational in extraxeconomic terms (Zafirovski, 2003). Although individuals are still perceived as purposeful agents, the theory also believes perceptions and evaluations of costs and benefits are influenced by normative expectations related with the role a person enacts (Demmers,2012).Inotherwords,particularroleslogicallyrelatetoparticularexpectedcalculaX tions.thiswouldmeanthatapatronlogicallyactsinordertoaccumulatepowerandwealth,and theclientwillmakecertainchoicesinordertoreceivethegift.problematicfromthisviewisthat itremainsdeterministic.thismeans,forthisresearchthese predictable behaviorscanonlybe logicinitsspecificculturalcontext. AsOsteen(2002)disapprovinglynotes,withintheacademicdebatethegiftisoftenreX latedtotheeconomicrealmofcommoditiesandprofit.whilemaussperceivesthegiftasaform ofpersonalgain,verhezenbelievesthelogicofthegiftstillhasits original generousmeaning, butonlycertain(powerful)individualscanabusethisidea.inhisethnographyonjava,verhezen (2002) shows how the gift is central in profitxmaximizing alliances enabled by institutional changesofdemocracy.thelogicofthegift,asheshows,hastransformedintoa culturalgimx mick ofpersonalenrichmentontheisland.thegiftmechanismitselfisambiguousbecauseit establishes solidarity through sharing and meanwhile it pursues superiority and hierarchical statusthroughexchanges. Whethergenerosityisestablishedpriortocalculationortheotherwayaround,thegift remains an ambivalent, but a significant phenomenon that symbolizes a power relationship basedondependencyandreciprocity.thepowerofthegiftistoconnecttwodifferentpersons andplacetheminasituationwithfeelingsofobligation,inequality,andloyalty.thegiftespecialx lybecomesanambivalentphenomenonwhenweplaceitbetweenpatronage inwhichcalculax tion is the basis of the relationship and religion in which alms are gestures of generosity (Mauss,1954).ItisinthisapparentfragileequilibriumIplacetheconceptofthegiftinthistheX sis. 20

21 Patronage)networks)of)trust) Asshortlymentionedabove,networkscanplayamajorroleinresilientsystems.ForBerkesand Ross(2013)selfXorganizationthroughnetworksincombinationwithagencyareimportantinX gredientsofresilience.accordingtobefu(1997),networktheoryandexchangetheoryaretwo distinctbutfruitfulcontributionstoeachotherinunderstandingsocialexchange.socialnetwork theoryassumesindividualsinteractsimultaneouslywithotherpeople,includingusingindirect relationships.exchangetheoryanalyzesprocesses,strategies,andfunctions,whilenetworkthex orytriestodevelopastructuralframework.inthisway,networkandexchangetheorycangive aninsightfulcontributiontounderstandthephenomenonofthegiftinpatronagerelationships andresilienceineastamman. Withintheframeworkofresilience,networkscouldbeperceivedasaformofsocialcapiX tal. In Chamber and Conway s analysis (1991) on human vulnerability and sustainable livelix hoods,capitalssupportone slivelihoodintimesofcrisis.peoplewhousetheirnetworksand stepintopatronagerelationshipsacquiresocialcapital,sincetheyarewideningtheirnetworks. Inthiswaytheyopenopportunitiestogainaccesstoresourcesandotheropportunities.Social networks and relationships are therefore essential in order to create and sustain resilience (Tomkins&Adger,2004;Newman&Dale,2004).AccordingtoTomkinsandAdger,vulnerability canbereducedthroughthecreationanduseofsocialnetworkstherebycontributingtoacomx munity sresilience.newmananddale,however,arguethat their framework is too simplistic. Theyshowthatonlynetworkscomposedofadiversityof bridging linkstoadiversewebof resourcesand bonding linksthatbuildtruststrengthenacommunity sresilience.asinthecase ofjordanaswell,trust,includinginformalnormsandvalues,isanessentialcomponentonwhich patronagerelationshipsarebuilt(verhezen,2002). WiththeircaseonNorthBrazil,NelsonandFinan(2009)onthecontraryshowthatpatX ronagenetworks,whicharebasedoninformalnormsandvalues,areimportantformsofprotecx tionthatcansupportbutalsodiscourageresilience.understandingthesocioxpoliticalmakexup ofthesenetworksandrelationshipsseemsthereforeimportantinopportunitiesorlimitations for resilience. Myprimaryfocus,butnotexclusively,isonthesocialcapitalofwomen,which includessocialresources,suchasnetworks,membershipandrelationshipsoftrustthatfacilitate economicopportunitiesandcoxoperation(irp,2010).inthenextchapters,ishowdistrustcan sometimesprevailintheserelations,whichleadstocertaintacticsofbothactorstodealwith thisinordertomaintainapatronagenetwork. Ananalysisofresilience Theaimforthisthesisistounderstandtheseeminglycontradictoryphenomenonofthemass influx of Syrian refugees and the peaceful reactions to this among women of East Amman. In ordertoprovidethisunderstanding,iarguethatweneedtolookatresiliencefromacultural perspective.the danger ofresilienceisitsoriginalbiologicalperspective,assumingthatresilix entsystemsarebiologicalphenomena.withtheentréeofmoreindividualandcommunalperx spectivesinthesocialscience,thedebateonresiliencehasbecomemorediverseandinsightful. However,itremainsanundertheorizeddebatewithlittleculturalunderstandingsindifferent socioxculturalsettings. AsinthecomparablecountrieslikeLebanon,Iraq,andTurkey,itiscertainthatthepreX cariouslivesofwomenandtheirhouseholdsineastammanhavebeenaffected,albeitdifferentx ly,byimpactsofsyrianrefugeesondifferentfacetsofjordan ssociety.thepoorhavebeenhit thehardestandneedtousedifferentstrategiesinordertoremainorbecomeresilient.inthis case,thecombinationofreligion,andpatronagenetworksformtheimportantsourcesofresilix ence.religiousinterpretationsareproblemxsolvingtoolsofresilience.patronageisacomplex socioxpoliticalformofnetworksthatareimportantingredientsofresilience,buttheyalsocomx plicatethereligiousinterpretationofgenerosity,asopposedtocalculationthatisembeddedin thegift.lastly,copingmechanismsarepowerfulstrategies,suchasadaptation,flexibility,and 21

22 acceptancethatfacilitateresilienceandneedtobeunderstoodfromitssocioxculturalandhistorx icalcontext.iusethisframeworkofresilienceinthisthesisinordertoprovideadeeperunderx standing of resilience of precarious women in Al Manara. Inspired by King s (2004) microx politicalanalysisoncollectiveaction,isuggestaframeworkofresilient%actionthatcontainsthe threecomponentsofresilienceamongwomenthatcontributestoaresilientcaresystemineast Amman. 22

23 3.%Precariousnessandthegift Hadra% % Hadra% is% one% of% the% beneficiaries% of% Al% Manara% Society.% She% is% a% 39% years% old% woman,% married,%has%three%daughters%and%one%son.%after%her%first%daughter,%heba%who%is%fourteen% years% old,% she% had% problems% in% falling% pregnant% again.% I% think% it% was% not% something% physical%or%medical.%maybe%it%is%something%from%god,%is%her%explanation%to%me.% Hadra%lives%with%her%familyLinLlaw%in%one%small%house%because%of%financial%issues.% She%is%born%in%Zarqa,%a%smaller%and%poor%industrial%town%north%of%Amman.% It%was%better% there,%because%i%was%born%and%raised%there.%it%is%my%house.%socially%it%was%better%for%me,% because%i%knew%everyone%there.%i%didn t%have%the%burdens%of%families%and%a%sick%husband.% We%just%played%around%the%house%and%we%played%at%school. %She%moved%to%Al%Manara%at% the%age%of%eighteen%when%she%got%married%for%the%first%time.%the%marriage%only%lasted%for% one%week,%because%her%husband%turned%out%to%be%a%drug%and%alcohol%addict%who%abused% her%physically.%she%ran%away%from%the%house%back%to%her%parents%in%zarqa%and%asked%for% divorce%at%the%court%where%she%got%married.%it%was%not%easy%because%her%husband%didn t% want%to%divorce%her%since%he%owned%her%grants 11.%She%gave%up%for%these%grants.%All%she% wanted%was%to%get%divorced%from%him.% Hadra%felt%traumatized%from%this%marriage.%She%didn t%want%to%get%married%again.% Soon%her%mother%got%very%sick.%Her%mother%wanted%to%be%sure%Hadra%would%not%end%up% alone%when%she%would%pass%away.%she%advised%hadra%to%get%married%again,%because%she% knew%her%father%would%marry%another%wife%as%soon%as%she%would%pass%away.%two%years% after%her%first%marriage%her%previous%neighbors%of%her%first%husband%introduced%her%to% her%current%husband.%they%told%her%he%was%a%sewer,%but%looking%for%a%job.% She% got% married% and% soon% got% her% daughter,% Heba.% However% during% a% fight% she% found%out%about%his%depression.%she%ran%to%her%family s%house%again%to%express%her%sadl ness%and%madness.%after%two%weeks%they%talked.%he%explained%to%her%about%his%depression% and%that%therefore%he%does%not%work.%because%of%that%nothing%could%be%changed%about%it.% % Emotionally,% I% got% really% tired% of% him.% He% can t% work,% because% he% gets% attacks% when% he% works.% So% I% can t% work.% There% is% always% negativity% around% the% house.% He% doesn t% go% out% from%the%house.%he%always%stays%[there].%he%doesn t%have%friends%to%hang%around%with.%so% he%is%depressed.%i%feel%bad%from%his%depression%and%all%the%negativity%around%the%house.% % But%despite%his%bad%condition,%she%feels%he%is%much%better%than%her%exLhusband,%because% he%has%never%abused%her.%she%used%to%blame%the%neighbor%for%this%situation.% It s%like,%this% is%reality %and%accepts%the%situation%now.%% ThischapterisaboutpatronagerelationsinthecaresystemintheperipheryofAmman,ormore preciselyinalmanara.withcaresystemimeanalargersystemofsocietyinwhichpeople(feel responsibilityto)careforeachotherthat,amongotherthings,includesgenerosityandsolicix tude. The logic of this system flows through different layers of society. One of my translators explainedtomethatsupportcharitiesprovide,derivesfromfazha.%fazhaiswhenapersonasks forhelptohis/herbelovedfriendsandfamily.thesecloseindividualshelpfinancially,emotionx allyand,assheexplainedtome,eveninfights,becausethesepeople care andfeel love for thepersoninneed.sowhiletheideaoffazhastemsfromthepersonallevel,itisimplementedin thecivilsocietylevelaswell. 11 Whenawomanwantstodivorce,shehasherright,accordingtotheIslamicrules,tokeepthemahr(dowry).In addition,oftenshegetshalfofthemen spossessionaccordingthemarriagecontract(jaafarxmohammad&lehmann, 2011). 23

24 TheresponsibilitytocareaboutfellowpeopleisreflectedincharitableXgiving.Zakat,%one ofthefivepillarsofislam,isanislamicpracticeofalmsgivingbasedon2.5percentoftheaccux mulativewealthofapersonwhoisabletodoso.itisareligiousobligationtoprovidehelpand charity to the weaker of the society. The practice is considered as purifying one s soul and wealthwiththeideaallahwillrewardthoseintheafterlife.atthelevelofcivilsocietycharity organizationsformanimportant center inthiscaresystemthatdividethesecharitiesovera particularpartofsociety.atthenationallevel,thestateencouragesfirmstoprovidezakatto thesecharityorganizationsbylessentaxforthosewhodo.besides,theministryofawqafand IslamicAffairsisresponsiblefortheZakatCommitteethatprovideszakatoverneedycitizensas well.inthisway,thecaresystem,inwhichcharityorganizationsareessentialactors,transcends thethreelevelsofsociety. Precariousnessandvulnerabilityintheperiphery AlManaraisconsideredasoneofthepoorerneighborhoodsinEastAmman.Itisbuiltononeof thetwentyxonehillsofthecapital,relativelyisolatedfromdowntownthatseparateseastfrom west.thisisolationsymbolizestheinhabitants anonymityinammanandtheeconomicdivision betweentheurbanpoorandtheaffluentwesternammanis.potter(2009)describesthesocial constructionorthesocioxeconomiczonationofeastandwestasthe twoammans.theeastis thehomefortheurbanizedpoor.itischaracterizedbylowxincomeresidentsandhighpopulax tiondensity.thispartisrelativelyconservative,moreislamicinitssympathies,andhaslarge Palestinianrefugeecampsontheedgesofthecity.Incontrast,westAmman,whichislessdenseX ly populated than the east, has more flouring and luxurious neighborhoods, trendy bars and cafes,andimpressiveartgalleries.besides,unliketheeast,thewesternpartoffersmorepublic servicesandbetterwatersupplies(potter,2009).husam,thepresidentofalmanarasocietyof Development(hereafter,AlManaraSociety)alsonoticedthebetterandmorepublicservicesin theotherpartsofthecity.% Manystreetsdonothavelightandaredirty[ineast].Onlyfewstreets[inwest]where peoplefromtheparliamentlivearewithlightsandareclean.theprimeministerhas neverbeenhereineastamman.hedoesn tknowwhatisgoingonhere. FromthiscommentHusamclearlyshowsthathefeelsanexclusionandanonymitycomingfrom thestate. As I illustrated by the story of Hadra, women seem to be vulnerable especially on the psychologicalandsocioxeconomiclevel,whileatthesametimeaffectedbythesocialandculturx alcontexttheylivein.hadrastruggleswithaverylimitedincomeandahusbandwhoisunable towork,whiledealingwithprivateissuesatthesametime.women svulnerabilityonthepsyx chologicalandsocioxeconomiclevelshouldbeunderstoodfromaspatialdimension.mostofthe womenispoketo,eitheroriginallycomefromalmanara,anyothermorepoorneighborhoodin AmmanorfromapoortownnearbyAmman.Thismeansthatthroughouttheirlivestheyhave always remained in the poorer part, spatially separated from the west, with no prospect of leavingthisurbanzoneofpoverty.inthisway,thewomenispokewithremainboundtothe periphery,astagnationintheirsocioxeconomicmobility.thisspatialdimensionofpovertyalx mostimmediatelymarkswomenas thepoor, theuneducated and theunknown. Religionandcopingstrategiesofthereceivers MostofthewomenIspokewith,receivemoneyfromthegovernment,namelytheMinistryof SocialDevelopment(NationalAidFund)and/orfromtheMinistryofAwqafandIslamicAffairs. Thelatterisinchargeofthecharityinstitute ZakatCommittee thatprovidesdonationstopoorx erhousehold.inaddition,theytryotherwaysviatheirnetworksoffriendsandfamiliestorex ceive personal donations. Except for Fatima, these women do not have ambulant businesses. However,sincetheyhavenoincometostartanyinitiative 12 theyremainreliantondonations. 12WomennotedthattheSocietytaughtthemhandcrafts.However,theynotedthatalthoughtheywouldliketostart aninitiative,theydonothaveanymoneyorsourcestobuybasicthingstostartthis.onlyfatimaearnsalittlebitof 24

25 Sincestatesupportisoftennotenough,womengotocharityorganizationsanda rich mosque. 13 MostofthedonationswomenreceivefromAlManaraSocietyandsomefromtheMosquetake placeduringramadan.theyrarelyreceivealittlebitinothermonths.ashadraandamalexx plained, except during the holy month of Ramadan, they can barely manage. This means that theyhavedebtsinthesupermarketandnotalwaysfoodonthetable.inadditiontogivingup mealsandbuyingfoodoncredit,theycopebycuttingtheirexpenses. Genderplaysamajorroleinthiscaresystem.Jordanians,unlikeSyriansasIwillshowin thenextchapter,oftenfeelshytoaskformoremoney.thisseemsespeciallythecaseformen. Samar,forexample,toldmeshewillneveraskmoneyfromherbrotherswholiveintheGulf, becauseshedoesnotwanttoputherhusbandinanawkwardsituation,inwhichhewouldfeel shy.accordingtoher,herhusbandwouldfeelsmallerinfrontofherbrothers,becauseofthe ideaheshouldbethemanofthehouse. Hewouldfeelembarrassed,reallyembarrassed.AltX houghthisismaybenotthecaseinallhouseholds,alsoavolunteerofalmanarasocietyalso mentionedandexplainedtomethis: Mencan tjustgotothesocietytoaskforsupport.thereismoreacceptancebythecommux nityforwomentoaskforhelp.menarenotgoing.theywillsay: Gotowork It sacultural thing.thesocietyandcommunityacceptitmoreandaremorewillingtohelpwhenwomen askforsupport. In other words, women play a vital role in the income activities of poor households and are thereforeindispensableinthecaresystemthatisintertwinedwithembarrassment,honorand dignity. Themanydifferentincomesourcesareoftenvariableandverysmall,whichmakesfor womenispokewithfindingabalancebetweenincomeandexpensesevenharder.alsodealing withharshcircumstanceshasaverygenderedaspect.accordingtoiasc(2006)womenhave differentresourcesandsurvivalstrategiesthanmenincrisissituations.accordingtothesame volunteer,womenhavethecapabilitytodealwithchanges.theyhaverelations,network,and canreachthesocietytogetmoresupport. Whydowomenhavethisabilitymorethanman?,I asked.anotherwomanworkinginthesocietysmiledandanswered: Womenarefasterinfindingsolutions,todealwithproblems.TheythinkabouttheirchilX dren.menjustsettledown. ButfindingnewconnectionsinordertoreceivepersonaldonationsisverydifficultinthecomX petitive care system in which all women try their best to find affluent people who may help. Women try to create wasta,%an Arabic form of connections of favoritism and influence to get somethingdoneby pulling connections.theyattempttoacquiresocialcapitalintheformof networksinordertoeaseeverydaystrugglesandtocreateopportunities.diana,forexample, asked one of my translators if she knew anyone who could help her. As Newman and Dale (2004)havearguedaswell,socialcapitalintheformsofnetworksfacilitatesopportunitiesand adaptationtochangesanddifficulties. Besides,creatingafutureperspectiveisanotherwayofcopingwiththeeconomicalvulX nerability. Women indicated they sacrifice a lot for their children by buying food on credit whentheyarehungry.moreover,althoughit snotthecaseinallhouseholds,somewomenforce their children to finish their school in the hope for a better future perspective than they had. However,sometimesthecaresystemlimitsthewomenintheirhopetofindabetterfuturefor theirchildren.fatimahasasonwithdownsyndromeandislookingforadonorwhocanfinanx cially adopt her child. Yet, the care system of Jordan mainly adopts orphans and, as a consex thesewingworkshedoesforothers.sinceherfatherusedtobeatailorshehashissewingmachine.sheearnsmaxix mum5jd( 4,75)permonthwiththiswork,butthisveryfluctuates. 13With rich,womenmeantthismosquereceivesmanydonationsfromlocalandforeigndonors.thesheikhispoke withistheimamfromthismosqueandisactiveinfindingdonations.hevisitsfamilies houses.basedon,among otherthings,theirincome,amountofchildrenandfurniturehedecidestheamountofdonationsthishouseholdmay receivewhentheyvisitthemosquefordonations 25

26 quence,untilnowhersonisexcludedbythissystem.orphansareprioritized,becausethekoran mentionsthatthebelieversshouldtakecareforthesechildren. 14 Themeaningof orphan shouldbeculturallyunderstood,sinceitreferstoachildwithx outparentsoronlywithoutafather,butthemothermaybestillalive.thisinterpretationleads tothatwomen,whosehusbandisphysicallyandsometimesalsomentallyincapabletoworkor helpinthehouse,carefullyquestionthisdefinitioncharitiesworkwith.dianarelatedthistoher children: Thefatherisstillalivebutheisunabletodoanything.Heisthere,butisunabletodoanyX thing.hecan tdohisdutiesinwork.howisthatdifferent[formychildren]frombeingan orphan? Fatima mentioned something similar. Although she experiences the practice of the system as unequal,shealsoshowed anunderstanding [M]oneytoorphansisveryimportant.Butdon t forgetaboutthepoorfamilies. Inotherwords,whiletryingtocreateasustainableperspective, atthesametime,womenlikefatima,feelforgottenbythecaresystem.theyexpressthisbythe specificinterpretationbasedonislamicidiomsinordertoarguewhytheybelievetheexclusion theyexperienceisunjust. Itthusbecomesclearthattheprecariouswomenareexperiencingstrugglesindealing withtheirvulnerabilityonfinancialgrounds.yet,thisdoesnotmeanwomenarethepowerless poor,becausetheyseemtoframetheirstrugglesinwiderperspective.religiosityseemstoprox videthemabetterunderstandingofthedifficultyoffindingdonorsandreceivingdonations.in women sstories,religionseemstobeanimportantaspectoftheireverydaylivesandthestrugx glelifebringswith.asanthropologistmarlafrederick(2003insulivan2011)hasshowninher workthatthefaithingodnavigateshowindividualsrespondtolife scircumstances.hadrabex lievesitwasgodwhodecidedaboutherfallingpregnant.fatimainterpretsherson sexclusion fromthecaresystemasshebeingafraidhersonwillbeforgotten,whilerecognizingtheneedof aidfororphans.thiscanhelpherintheunderstandingofherharshsituationinwhichshedoes not receive the help she would like to get. Besides, it seems religion supports them keeping hope,bytalkingintermsof luck.manalthinksthattheamountofdonationsisamatterofluck. AlsoAmalspokeinthesetermsregarding(not)receivingdonationsandputsherfaithinGod. Wheneveradonorcomestothischarity,theycallme.ButwhenIreachthecharityitisalready gone.ihavebadluck,allhamdulillah 15, %andshekisseshertwofingersandputsthemintheair. Inshort,byfindingpathwaysinnetworksandrelationswithindividualsandorganizaX tions,suchasalmanarasociety,womencreativelytrytofindsolutionstotheireverydaystrugx gles.everydayreligionplaysaroleinplacingone sownstrugglesinalargerperspectiveandin theideaofthenecessityofsupporttootherneedy.inthisway,itseemseverydayreligionand socialcapitalareimportantsourcestocopewiththesestrugglesindailylife. Thecaresystemincivilsociety InthisthesisIshowhowpatronageplaysaroleonthecivilsocietylevelandtheprivatelife.I use the definition of civil society organizations (CSO) of Harmsen (2008), who conducted rex searchonmuslimcsosinjordan,inordertoshowthewesternunderstandingthatisoftenused forthisconcept.hedefinescsoas 14 Onthisworldandthehereafter.Andtheyaskyouconcerningtheorphans.Say:Tosetrightforthemisgood,andif youbecomecopartnerswiththem,theyareyourbrethren,andallahknowsthemischiefxmaker;andifallahhad pleased,hewouldcertainlyhavecausedyoutofallintoadifficulty;surelyallahismighty,wise (Quran2:220,Maulvi MuhammadAli,1935). 15 Translation: ThanksandpraisetoAllah. 26

27 therealminwhichcitizensassociatedonavoluntarybasistoservecommongoals(interx ests,values,norms,morals,andideals)andwhosedecisionsandpracticesinthisregard arerelativelyautonomousfromstatepoliciesaswellasfromeconomicobjectives.indoing so,acivilsocietygivesanorganized,consciousandreflexiveexpressiontosocialrelationx ships,solidaritiesandculturalvaluesinthesocioxculturallifeworldofitscitizens(harmx sen,2008:393). Interestinginthisdefinitionisthe relativelyautonomousfromstatepoliciesaswellaseconomic objectives.asdr.shteiwifromcenterforstrategicstudiesinaninterviewmentionedaswell, civilsocietyorganizationsinjordanworkverycloselyandareinterconnectedwiththegovernx ment.however,theproblemwithsomeorganizationsisthattheyarenotalwaystransparent withtheirfinancialstatementsand,according to Shteiwi, some of these organizations receive funds from the government, while calling themselves nonxgovernmental organizations. So dex spitetheideaofthatcsosaresupposedtoactautonomously,theyarehighlycontrolledbyand cooperatewithstateofficials.besides,accordingtobothharmsenandshteiwi,mostoftheassox ciationsinjordancontinuetoservetraditionalpatternsofpatronageandhierarchy,basedon kinshiptiesoftribeandthelargerfamily 16.Inotherwords,thecaresystem,inwhichthesecharX ityorganizationsoperate,isahighlyhierarchicalandpoliticalcomplexityofnetworks.inother words,csosinjordanshouldnotbeunderstoodinwesternterms,becauseitdoesnotmeetthe westerndefinition.patronageandcivilsocietyarenottwocontradictoryterms,asisoftenasx sumed.asroniger(2004)arguesaswell,weneedtomovebeyondtheseformalprinciplesand ideasofdemocracy,autonomouscivilsocietyandmoderncitizenship,thatseemstobebasedon westernconceptsofcivilsociety.inthecaseofmodernjordan,institutionalcontextsfavorpatx ronagethatisembeddedinthesphereofcivilsociety. Although I try to give more insight in the culture of charity in Jordan throughout this wholethesis,itisimportanttogivesomegeneralpointsoncharity.injordan,charitycouldbe seenasanislamicpractice.asmentionedinthebeginningofthischapter,accordingtotheislam everypersonisobligatedtogivezakat.byhelpingtheneedy,muslimsbelieveallahwillgiveyou thesameamountinreturnorwillevendoubleit 17.DuringRamadan,amonthtofeelwiththe poorpeople,peopletendtogivemoredonationswiththeideathatgodwillgiveyouevenmore inreturn.asbothumnadal avolunteerofalmanarasocietythatisresponsibleforcollecting donations as well as sheikh Osama Adairi 18 who collects donations for a mosque and his charityorganizationcalled Rikaaz explainedtomeislamiccharityhasaninclusivecharacter. ThismeansthatMuslimsareobligatedtohelpanotherperson,regardlessofhis/herreligion. Huda, 19,anothervolunteeroftheSociety,expressedanimportantvaluethatIheardreX peatedlyfromboththereceiversandtheproviders:theideaofequality,fairnessandsharing. UmAlaa,oneofthevolunteersoftheSociety,explainedtomethisprinciple: Whenyourcolleaguedoesn thaveasandwich,whileyouhave,youhavetoshareitwithher. ProphetMohammedtaughtustotakecareofotherpeople,totakecareofourneighbors.You alwayshavetocheckonthem,untilthe7thneighbor,iftheyarehungry,needfoodoranyx thingelse.ifyouhaveasandwich,extraclothes,moreallowance,youhavetoshareitwith them. 16Tribesareunderstoodaslargerfamiliesthatoftenoriginatefromacertainareainthecountry.Althoughtribal connectionsarenotasimportantasinthepast,scholars(seeforexampleantoun,2000;clark,2004harmsen,2008) stillagreethattheyneverthelessarestillpresentinjordan ssocial,cultural,economicalandpoliticallife.accordingto Harmsen,withinCSOthiscansometimesleadtofavoritismincharityorganizations. 17TheQur andiscouragesinterestinwealthaccumulationandsupportfollowersoftheislamtoprovidecharity: AlX lahdoesnotblessusury,andhecausescharitabledeedstoprosper,andallahdoesnotloveanyungratefulsinner (2:276). Surelytheywhobelieveanddogooddeedsandkeepupprayerandpaythepoorrate theyshallhavetheir rewardfromtheirlord,andtheyshallhavenofear,norshalltheygrieve (2:227). 18SeeAppendix1. 19SeeAppendix1. 27

28 Thelogicofthischaritysystematthecivilsocietylevelisthattheaffluenthelptheneedy andgodwillrewardthosewhodogoodtoothers,whichincludesideasofgenerosity,inx clusiveness,sharingandfairness. Horizontal)networks)and)reputation) TheAlManaraSocietyisestablishedin1988asalocalinitiativetoprovidehelptothecommuniX tyinthisneighborhood.itsvisionisasustainablecommunityinalmanara.oneoftheirmain activitiesisprovidinghelptopoorfamilies,regardlessreligion,bymoneyandfooddistribution. Wheneverdonationsarrive,volunteerscallthebeneficiariesregisteredintheSociety,according totherankingofthecategories,whichiwillfurtherelaboratebelow.inadditiontheyprovide scholarshipstostudentsinneed,andraiseawareness,such asondrugs,throughclasses.the societyishighlydependentondonationsfromindividuals,firms,andorganizations.theyclosely collaboratewiththemosdwhoreferneedy peopletothemwhodemand extrasupportaddix tionallytothatfromthestate.theyareundertheumbrellaofguvs(generalunionofvoluntary Societies)thatsupportstheminsmallamountsandcheckstheirwork. TheSocietyhasaseeminglydemocraticcharacter.OnthefirstdayImetthevolunteers fromalmanarasocietywheniattendedtheelectionfornewboardmembers.iwastheretox getherwiththeirdonor,familykitchen,whoisamemberof the general board. The board is dividedbetweenthegeneralcommittee,thathasaroundsixtymembers,andthealmanarasox cietyboardthatconsistsofelevenmembers.allthememberswithintheboardandcommittee candemocraticallyinfluencethesociety.thegeneralcommitteeelectsmembersforthesociety Board.TheSocietyBoard,inturn,votesforthemanagement(thepresident,vicepresident,secX retaryandaccountant).theelectioncanonlytakeplacewhenmorethanhalfofthemembers arepresent.however,thisdemocraticcharacterisonlyfromwithin.thismeansthatthebenefix ciariesarenotpartoftheboardandthereforecannotchangeanythingofficiallyinthesociety. Thus,inAmman ssphereofcivilsociety,thecaresystemineastammanhasa topdown charx acter,andisvastlyhierarchicalandexclusionary. Theselasttwocharacteristicsalsobecomeclearregardingmembershipinthehorizontal networkinalmanara.inordertobecomememberofthegeneralcommittee,onehastoshow (s)heisinvolvedinthesociety,needstobeovereighteenyearsold,andhavegoodconduct.the latterbeingratherarbitrary,becauseitrelatestohavingagoodreputation.asthepresidentof thesocietyboardexplainedtome: Sometimesweknowheisnotgood,thanwerefusehim.Apersonisnotgoodwhenhehasa badreputation.itwilldamageourreputation.reputationisveryimportant.ifhisreputation isgood,heiswelcome.hemustbewillingtowork.thisisreflectedinthesociety. Inotherwords,itseemsreputationorprestigeishighlyimportantfortheSocietyandtheytryto maintainacertaindegreeofreputationaccordingtothedefinitionofthecommunityandthe Society.ApersonisincludedbasedonhisorherstatusinthelargercommunityofthecaresysX tem.irecognizethisasalimitofthisresearchthatidonotexactlyknowhowtheestablishment ofreputationworks.butinmyunderstandingdensenetworksofrumorsandgossipsseemtobe crucialinaffectingit.theserumorsandgossipsfunctionasinformationinfrastructure,because reputationisknownthroughpeopleinthecommunity.asiaskedhusamhowheactuallyknows ifacertainpersonhasagoodreputation,heexplainedtome youjustknow.theserumorsand gossipsareimportantformsofpoliticalcommunicationamongbeneficiaries,asiwillshowbex low.importantly,itseemstheyarealsovitalfacilitationsormechanismsofinxorexclusionof Ammanisinhorizontalnetworks. 28

29 ) For)paradise)) ThepeoplewhoprovidethedonationsXfinancial,food,orclothpackagesXtotheneedypeople, suchasinalmanarasociety,areinanambiguousposition:theyreceivedonationsfromdonors andtheyprovidethistothebeneficiaries.theythereforeseethemselvesasintermediaries,or brokers.individualdonorsaremainlyfoundthroughtheextendednetworkofthebrokers.some volunteersofalmanarasocietyexplainedtomethattheirnetworksexistoffriends,familyand formercolleagues.asoneofthevolunteersexplainedtome,theyare mediatingbetweenthe peopleandthedonors.butatthesametimetheyfeeltheydependonthedonorsaswell,since manydonorswanttohelporphansonly.astheruleofthiscaresystem,it sthechoiceofthe donortowhohisorhermoneywillbedonated.however,despitethemfeelingdependentonthe donors,theydohavethepowertoxtrytoxpersuadehimorhertodonatetootherpoorfamilies aswell,asoneofthewomenofalmanarasocietyexplainedtome: Sometimesadonorcomesandsaysthedonationsareonlyfororphans.SothenIcanonly calltheorphans,eventhoughmaybeotherfamiliesneedmorehelp.thisistheconditionof thedonor.[.]sometimeswetellthemthatthereareotherfamilies[ ].SosometimesdoX norsagreeandareokthatmoneyisdistributedtootherfamiliesaswell.butsometimesdox norsrefusetogivetootherfamilies.thenithink oh,iftheycouldjustgivetootherfamilies aswell,butineverjudgethem,becausethisiswheretheywanttodistributetheirmoneyto. Forthisthesis,Icallthesebrokerstheproviders,becauseImainlyfocusontheprovisionofdoX nationbytheseintermediariestothe receivers,thebeneficiaries.evidently, theprovidersare betteroffthantheirbeneficiaries.alloftheprovidersihadmethadmodernsmartphonesand wereeducated.whilesomeofthevolunteersdidnotworkanymore 20,othermembersdidthisas asideactivity.inthecaseofthepresidentforexample,heownsabusinessandhastwocars.he onlyusestheonethatismoreexpensivewhenhevisitsfriendsorhasbusinessmeetings.he toldmethathereallylikesvolunteering. Itcomesfromtheheart Itgiveshimagoodfeelingto makeotherpeoplehappy. That sthesecretofhappiness:seeothersbeinghappy. Althoughhe wishednottofurtherelaborateonit,hetoldmethatheknewcasesinwhichvolunteerstriedto profitfromtheworkfinancially,byputtingdonationsintheirownpockets. Howdoyoubenefit fromthevolunteeringthen? Iaskedhim. Husam: IbenefitfromGod.ItmakesmefeelsatisfiedtoknowwhatIdid.Imakedecisions.I amnotscared,becauseidoitinthegoodways:tohelp.iamnotscared.iamonlyscared fromgod. % Leoni: HowdoyoubenefitfromGod? % Husam: Haha,youknow Forparadise AlthoughIhavealsoheardstoriesaboutprestige,votes,andmoneyasreasonstovolunteer,the providersispokewith,spokeaboutthegood,joyfulandsatisfactoryfeelingtheygetfromvolunx teering.moreimportantly,itseemedthattheprovidersitalkedwithhopetogetrewardsfrom Godinreturnforthedonationstheyprovidetotheirbeneficiaries. Not only the beneficiaries, but also the providers expressed their opinions, ideas, and explanationsinreligiousterms.religionandtoearncreditsforthehereafterseemtobethemox tivatedfactorofvolunteeringinalmanaraandtofindandprovidedonationstothebeneficiarx ies.butshouldweseegifts,informsofdonations,thenascalculations e.g.themoreandbetter Ivolunteer,themorecreditsIearnfromGodforParadise?Onecouldarguethatbelievingthat 20Thismeanssomepeoplechosetovolunteerafterretirementorwhentheirjobcontracthasfinished.Butthisdoes notcountforeveryone.umfadi,forexample,hasneverworked.assoonasherchildrenwenttoschoolshehadalot offreetime.thereforeshedecidedtovolunteer. 29

30 bygenerousactsapersonearnscreditsisaformofcalculativebehavior,suchasmauss(1954) amongothershavearguedaboutthegift.ontheotherhand,especiallythefemalevolunteers alsoemphasizedtheimportanceofhelpingothers,doinggoodwork,whichcouldbeunderstood asamoreselflessunilateralgenerosity(vaughan,2002).itseemsthenthatthegift,inthiscase, isaformofgenerosity,albeitwithacalculativecharacterthatshouldbeunderstoodinreligious terms. Powersoftheweak Asarguedabove,theSocietyhasatopdowncharacter,inwhichreputationisveryimportant, thatseemstoexcludethebeneficiariesfromdecisionprocesses.womenfeltexclusionandforms offavoritismorintheirterms prioritization and discrimination,fromtheproviders.forfatix ma,thisaffectedhertrustinthesocietyandherfeelingofinclusion: Ifeeltheyonlyhelpcertainkindoffamilies,especiallyorphans.Butnotonlyorphans,there aresomefamiliesorwomenthatgethelp,whiletheirhusbandsarealive.theytellmetheir husbandsaresick.butitellthemmyhusbandisalsosickandihaveasickchild.that swhyi don ttrustthem.idon tknowwhytheysaythis.idon tknowwhytheytreatmeinthisway. [ ]Before[threetofouryearsago]theyusedtocallmemuchmoreoften.ThenIfeltasifI wasreallyregisteredhere. SimilarlytoFatima,beneficiariesfeltthattheSocietyprioritizescertainpeoplefromthecharity whensheisarelative,aneighborortheyknoweachother.clark(2004)andharmsen(2007) indicatethatfavoritismisstillpresentinlocalngosinjordan,butthroughtheyears,itisnotas dominantasitusedtobeinthepast.almanara,however,doesn tadmitthatthereisfavoritism basedoncloseties,butdidshowmetheyhaveaprioritizationaccordingtocertainthreecategox ries, namely 1) for orphans and very low income families, 2) lowxincome families with an inx comebetween175and200jdpermonthanddependingontheamountoffamilymembers,3) familymemberswith200jdincomeormore,alsoincludingstudents,sickpersonsorwithhandx icapandthosewithproblemsincoveringhousingexpenses 21.WomenIinterviewedwerefrom thesecondorthirdcategory.inpractice,mainlythepeoplefromthefirstcategorygetaphone callwhentherearedonations,accordingtotheexplanationofthesociety. Sincethepatronagerelationshipseemstobebasedon thegift,intheformofdonations, itisbuiltonthetwoxwaydependencyoftrust:clientsneedacertaintrustfromtheirpatronsto receivedonations,andpatronsneedthetrustfromtheirclientsfortheirreputation.thistrust, asshownintheexampleabove,isoftenveryfragileandcanbeeasilydisruptedthroughrumors adgossips.theycanaffecttheprovider sreputation,suchaswasthecaseforumalaa: Um%Alaa: Therearesomepeopleagainstmeinvolunteering.WhenIgetdonationsIgivea particularamounttoawomanandanotheramounttoanotherwoman.somepeopleareaskx ing why, they are always questioning my work. When a woman gets 20 JD and another woman50jd,thefirstwomanwillask Whyyougiveher50JD 22?. Leoni: Whatdoyouthinkofpeoplethatarecriticizingyou? % Um%Alaa: Iamokwiththat.Iamsatisfied.Ican tsatisfyallthepeople.noonecansatisfyall thepeople.somepeopleaccusedmebuildingmyhouse[andmyson swedding]fromdonax tionsofthesociety.butitwasokforme.ihaveconfidence.whenigetdonations,igive[the peoplewhocriticizeme]moneyandtheybecomeshy.ifeelconfident,eventhoughpeople criticizeme,becauseididn tdoanythingwrong. % TheideaofdoinggooddeedsaccordingtotheIslamiswhatUmAlaacontinuedherinherwork inprovidingthedonations.bothactorsseemtobehaveaccordingtothereligious rules ofsociex ty.whilegrumbling,thebeneficiaryquestionedumalaa sactsbasedontheideaofequalsharx 21CalculatedinEuros:175JDisabout 167and200JDaround CalculatedinEuros:20JDisaround 19and50JDisapproximately

31 ing,interpretedfromreligiousidiomsaccordingtosomeauthors(verhezen,2002;newman& Dale, 2004) norms of trust are indispensible in relationships and networks and the basis for reputation. It seems reputation can become damaged through distrust shaped by gossips and rumorsaboutfavoritisminthesociety,expressedingrumblings.inthewellxknownworkdomil nation%and%the%arts%of%resistance%jamesscott(1990)callsrumors,gossipsandgrumblingsasthe politicsofdisguiseandanonymity,or infrapolitics.theyshouldbeseenas everydayformsof resistance bythe weak (ibid.190).theseformsofpoliticstakeplaceinhiddentranscripts,or offstage.aswehaveseenabove,eventuallythesescriptseffectdominationonpoliticalcomx municationinthepublictranscript,asscottcallstheopeninteractionbetweensubordinatesand thosewhodominate(scott,1990).thesenetworksareespeciallyimportantforpoorercommux nities(putman,2000,insulivan,2011)andumalaawashighlyawareofthedependencyofthe beneficiariesondonations,andthusonher.becauseshewasawareaboutthesegossipsabout her,shetriedtoinfluencegrumblingbeneficiaries toshuttheirmouth byprovidingmoneythe nexttimeaswell,isuppose,inordertopreventtheruiningofherreputation.inthisway,power becomesarelationalencounter,asfoucaultperceivesdominance(1982),betweentheprovider andthereceiver,inwhichthepowersoftheweakarethegossips,rumors,andgrumblingsthat can affect the reputation of their patron. Al Manara s care system, including its relations, are figurativelydemonstratedbelowinfigure%1. Figure%1%%CaresysteminAlManara AlManara spatronage:religiosityandthegiftintheperiphery Istartedthischapterbyshowingtheexclusionoftheprecariousanduncertainurbanizedpoor in the isolated periphery. Their economical dependency, limits in their socioxcultural context, andissuesintheprivatespheremakethemmorevulnerablethanthoseinthewesternsideof thisrapidgrowingcapitalcity.religionseemedtobeanimportantresourceinhelpingthemin coping.itgiveswomenabetterunderstandingoracceptanceofthesituationandhopeinterms ofluck. ThecaresystemineastAmmanisbasedonIslamicinterpretations,butishighlyinterX twinedwithdifferentspheresinthesociety,namelyinthestate,civilsociety,andprivate.this systemishierarchicalandambiguousincharacterofdemocracy,inwhichtheprovidersshow theirpowertoexclude.psychologically,volunteeringprovidespositivefeelingstotheproviders. Especially,itgivesthemaninsuredideathatGodwillrewardthemforthesegooddeeds:God willreturnthemthesameordoublestheamount,andthispersonmaygotoheaven. InthisthesisIaimtohighlighttheverticalrelationsandtheimpactofSyrianrefugeeson theserelations.asshownabove,vertical(patronage)relationsareinstrumental,mutuallybenex 31

32 ficial and unequal (Eisenstadt & Lemarchand 1981). But to understand the hidden structures (Scott,1990)withintheseties,somenotesonthehorizontalrelationshipsareneededaswell. Clark (2004), who conducted research in Jordan s civil society and Islamic social institutions emphasizesthattheseorganizationsarehorizontalnetworksinnature,becauseofthehorizonx taltiesamongthemiddleclassworkersintheseinstitutions.shearguesthesengosfunctionas anempowermentofitsmembersbyprovidingsocial,economic,andpoliticalopportunities.zux badai(inharmsen,2007)onthecontraryarguesthattheseinstitutionshavearathervertical nature that are rather authoritarian, paternalistic and that function on ascribed membership. WhileHarmsen(2007)takesamiddlepositionbyagreeingwithboth,heemphasizestheauthorX itarianandpaternalisticmentalityinwhichngoxworkersalwaysknowwhatisthebestfortheir beneficiaries.besides,hearguesthatthenatureofthesepatronagerelationshipsisratherbased onaonexwayxdependency.iarguethereisdefinitelyatwoxwaydependency,althoughnotdix rectlyobservableatthefirstsight.thepowerofthegiftisthatthegenerosityenrichestheprox vidersinthehereafter,whilethereceiversdependonthedonationstosurviveinthepresent. Besides,thepowerofthegiftistomaintainthesystemandtherebyprovidingthevolunteersan opportunitytoworkinthengo,thereforecontributingtothetiesofthemembersoftheseinstix tutions,suchasofthetwoboardsinalmanarasociety.inshort,thepowerofthegiftistomainx tainboththehorizontalaswellastheverticalrelations. Althoughtherelationsarevoluntarily,theobligationsandexpectationsarenevertheless there.withintheseparadoxicalsituations,verticalrelationsformtheheartofconstantstruggles. Theyaremarkedbynegotiationsaboutexchange(Eisenstadt&Lemachand,1981),andthereX fore about power. The beneficiaries seem to be, maybe unconsciously, aware of the power in boththehorizontalaswellasintheverticalnetworks.theirstrongestpoweristoquestionthe honestyoftheprovidersbyrumors,gossipsandgrumblings.thepowerofartfulwaysofanox nymityanddisguiseareimportantsymbolicdimensionswithinthesecloserelationships(scott, 1990;Roniger,2004)andcontainthecapabilityofaffectingthereputationoftheprovider.PaX tronsoftenexceptlimitationsoftheserelations,butalwaystrytosecurethemselvesinthebest possibleterms(eisenstadt&lemarchand,1981),aswehaveseenwithumalaatoo.thismeans thatthepowerofthegiftremainsstrong,andaffectedreputationcanberestoredthroughthe gift, which helps establishing trust and solidarity (ibid.). Having said that, the gift is an omnix present and indispensable transaction in the hierarchical twoxway dependency relationship betweentheclientsandtheirpatrons.itseemsthesearethe real politicsandactualworkings ofcivilsociety(roniger,2004)inwhichreligionplaysavitalroleforbothactorsintheperiphx eryofamman. 32

33 4. Exclusion,empowermentandenforce? ment:pressuresoneastamman scaresystem % % While%Fida 23 %and%i%were%waiting%in%the%society,%a%woman%enters%the%office.%she%takes%a%seat%next% to%the%desk%where%um%fadi 24 %sits.%she%turns%her%scarf%over%her%head%so%i%can%see%her%face.%the% woman%has%a%soft%skin%and%a%friendly%smile.%she%starts%to%talk%about%syrians:% Syrians%are%taking% too%many%donations.%i%feel%a%stranger%in%my%own%country.%however,%um%fadi%doesn t%seem%to%be% really%impressed%by%her%story%and%continues%the%work%she%is%doing.%after%a%short%conversation% the%woman%leaves%the%room.% Leoni:% Doesthishappenoften? % Um%Fadi:% Ohyes,ithappensoften.Everyoneiscomplaining. Leoni: WhatdidtheinfluxmeantotheamountofnewfamiliesregisteringintheSociX ety? % Um%Fadi: Wegot many new cases. Syrians affect families in a bad way. One time a womanregisteredbecausetheownerofacompanykickedoutherhusbandandrex placedhimbyasyrian.nowthewomanhadtowork.beforeshedidn tneedhelpfrom AlManara. ThischapterisonhowtheinfluxofSyriansaffectsthesocialstructuresofcharity,acaresystem inwhichtheislamismotivatedintermsofreligiousvalues.inthischapterishowthesereligious interpretationsmainlyfromthepatron sperspective.thenextchapteridedicatetothebenefix ciaries.inthispartiarguethatasaresultofincreasingdonationsprovidedtosyrians,patronx agerelationshipshavebecomeenforced,inthesenseofamoreunequalinterdependencerelax tionshipsbetweenprovidersandreceivers.theneedybecamemoreneedy,whiletheproviders enteredamorepowerfulposition,inwhichtheyhavetokeepthemselvesawareoftheirpublic actsinordertopreventrumorsaffectingtheirreputation. ImpactonthesocioSeconomicallives % Pressure)on)precarious)lives) InthisparagraphItrytoshowtheperceivedimpactsonthesocioXeconomicalstructureofsocieX tybysyrianrefugeesinjordaninordertounderstandthelargerpictureofpressuresinwhich women sincreasedvulnerabilityshouldbeunderstood.sincewomenfeelthepressureontheir dailylivesaffecttheireconomicstatus,ishowtherapidinfluxofsyrianrefugeescrossingtheir nationalborderscausedanincreaseinpovertyanddependenceamongtheseurbanizedglobal poor Fidawasoneofmytranslators,whohelpedmeinthelasttwoweeks.SheisastudentinMedicalAnalysisatJordan UniversityandlivesinWestAmman. 24SeeAppendix1. 25HereIdonotbasethesefindingsonfactualnumbers,but,asstatedintheintroductionaswell,onperceptionsfrom thebeneficiaries. 33

34 Not only in Jordan, also reports on Lebanon and Iraq note the strong pressures host communities experience since the influx of Syrian refugees 26. Lebanon, hosting the largest amountofrefugeesfromsyriawithnoformalrefugeecamps,facesimpactsoneducation,health, andelectricity, morecrowdedareas,andcompetitionoverjobs(davis & Taylor, 2013; World Vision, 2013). Northern Iraqi communities mainly, but not exclusively, deal with competition overjobsandtensionswithrefugeesandreturningiraqis(iom,2013).inthecaseofnorthern governoratesofjordan,pressuresonwaterandsanitation,serviceprovision,housing,employx ment,andenergywerementionedbydifferentreports,becausetheconcentrationofrefugeesin thisareaishigherthanintherestofthekingdom(mercycorps,2012;un&hcsp,2014).in short,therelatedcountriesare,albeitindifferentwaysanddegrees,affectedbysyrianrefugee crisis.inlinewithduffield(2013),especiallyitspoorerhostcommunitieshavetodealwiththex sedisruptivechangesincrisistimes. DuringtheinterviewsinAlManara,eastAmman,perceivedpressuresonthedailylives of Jordanians households include, among other things, job insecurity, because Syrians are knownforprovidinggoodservicesandcheaplabors.inadditiontojobopportunities,womeni spokewithalsoperceiveapressureonpricessuchasoffoodandrent.especiallypoorerwomen, whoseincomesareveryinsecure,experiencefoodinsecurityduetotheincreasedfoodprices.in short,asaresultofpressuresonjobopportunities,housingrentsandfoodprices,beneficiaries ofalmanarathinktheirlifehasbecomemoreinsecureandharderthanbefore. Asalsomentionedbyreports(see:MercyCorps,2012;Davis&Taylor,2013)aswellas by both the receivers and providers, marriage creates another pressure. This issue is often a sourceofrumors,asiwillshowbelowaswell.whilepricesincrease,unemploymentrisesatthe sametime.menhavemoredifficultytomarryawoman,sincetheydonothaveenoughmoneyto buyorrentahouseyetortopaythemahr 27 %tothewoman sfamily.furthermore,syrianwomen areconsideredasmorebeautifulthanjordanians,whilethepriceofthemahr,andespeciallyof thewomenfromzataaricamp,islower.accordingtorumors,syrianwomenandtheirfamilies asklessinthehopewomencangetoutoftherefugeecampandstartabetterlife.consequently, many stories about marriage with Syrian women find their ways through public and private spheres.oneoftheemployeesofguvsamman,theumbrellaorganizationforcharityorganizax tions,suchasalmanarasociety,toldmeonewhilelaughing: Idon tknowifit strue,butiheardthatahusbandandawifesaidthattheyhavetolookfora maid. But a maid costs too much in Jordan now. So they decided to go to Zaatari [Camp]. Theygothere[andask]foramaid.Thewomansaidtotheman: Wewillmakeanidea:you willgothereandmarryher.[when]wegooutthecamp,youwilldivorceherandshewillbe amaid. Idon tknowifit strueornotidon tknow.[ ]Themomentshegotintothecar, shetakesoffherscarf.hewassosurprisedthatshewasverybeautifulandhedecidedto marryherandlefthisoldwife. Although these shared rumors could be seen as a social function among Jordanian women, I thinktheyshouldespeciallybeunderstoodasinformationsources,inordertowarnotherwomx enofthebeautyofsyrianwomenthateasilyattractsjordanianmen.aboveall,itseemsrumors canfacilitatemakingsenseofthedisruptivechangesinwomen s world.belowiwillelaborate moreonhowrumorsandgossipsplayanimportantroleinpowerrelations. Pressuresonemployment,housing,pricesandmarriagehaveanaffectonthealreadypreX cariouslivesofwomenandtheirhouseholds.consequently,theyfeeltheyhavebecomepoorx er 28.Duringagroupinterview,womenseemedtoagreewithNajwa: 26IdidnotcomparetheimpactsonTurkishhostcommunities,sinceonlyverylittleassessmentshavebeenconductX edontheimpactofthecrisisonturkey,whichmeansonlyverylittleinformationyet.thewebsitehost%communities% (2014)%mentionsthatnomajorconcernsoverhostcommunities needsinturkeyhavebeenreportedyet.internax tionalcrisisgrouphasshownthatturkeydealswithsecurityriskstoitssouthernborderarea,whichinfluences perceptionsamongturkishtowardssyriansandkurdishsyrianscrossingturkeysborders(icg,2013). 27Mahristhe dowry thatmenaresupposedtopaytothebride sfamily. 28Pressuresonemployment,pricesandmarriagearenottheonlyimpactsinAmman shostcommunities,butare subjectsmostoftenmentionedbywomenduringtheinterviews.otherpressuresreportsnoteare,amongothers, 34

35 IthasalwaysbeenhardforJordanians,butnowit sworse.nowwearemoreanxiousand worried.wedon tknowwhenitwillbeover.[ ]TherearealreadysomanypeopleinAmX man. They can t get more people. King Hussein said the human being is Jordan s greatest treasure,becausejordandoesn thaveoil,wateroranything.sowehavethispressure. NajwasummarizedfeelingsandthoughtsIalsoheardfromotherwomen,suchasworriesatthe presentandfeelingsofinsecurityforthefuture.dramaticchangestakeplaceintheirenvironx mentsthataffecttheirsocioxeconomicstatus,butinwhichtheyfeelpowerless 29 tochangeanyx thing.asshereferstothewordsofkinghussein,itseemstheyaretheprecarioustreasureof Jordan,thehumantreasurethatisunderpressure. ) Remember)us ) Scholarshavearguedthatinpostmoderncontextspatronagenetworksareoftensensitive to localsentimentandcanprovideaccesstomigrantpopulations(roniger,2004), ashasbecome thecaseinjordanaswell.besidepressuresonemployment,prices,andmarriage,withthesyrix aninfluxthecaresystemhascomeunderpressureaswell.notonlypublicservicesofhospitals areimpacted(un&hcsp,2014),syrianrefugeeshavebecomepartofthecharitystructuresas well now. This means beneficiaries feel more donations are provided to Syrians instead of to them. A combination of the increase in prices and even less secure incomes from donations meansthattheurbanizedpoorinammanarefurtheraffected.womenexperiencethepressure especially during Ramadan, the holy month when more donations are provided. While it s knownsaudiarabiahasdonatedfoodpackagestozaatari(wfp,2013a),ihavealsoheardstox riesaboutacampaigninjordanthatcallspeopletodonatetozaatarilastramadan.sinceseverx alyears,thepoorercommunityinalmanaraexperiencesamoredifficultramadanthanbefore, asfatimaexplainedtome: Iusedtogetmorefoodpackagesthanbefore.Nowthe[they]allgotoZaatari.LikelastRamX adan,mostofthefoodpackageswenttozaatari.itwasfromadonorwhousedtocometoal ManaraSociety. Womenusedifferentstrategiestocopewiththesedisruptivechangesinthecaresystem.They trytoadapttothelowerincomeandhigherpricesbycuttingtheirbudgetandbyspendingless onmeatandclothes.besides,fatimamentionedshecannotdoanythingelsethanacceptingthe situation by listening to [Syrian s] wining. Gradually women become more needy for donax tions.theytrytosearchforotheralternativesincharityinordertospreadtheinsecurityofinx comeacrossawidernetwork.however,womendonotonlynoticelessdonations,butalsorex fusalbyotherorganizationswhentheysearchforotheralternativesincharity.hadra,forexamx ple,explainedtomethatshetriedtoapplytoelsewhere,butthattheyrefusedherbecausethey giveprioritytosyrians.accordingtoher,thisorganizationusedtobesolelyforjordanians.in thisway,eventhoughwomentrytousedifferentcopingstrategies,suchasadapting,accepting, andsearchingforalternatives,womencontinuehittinglimitsofthecaresystem.women,such asnajwa,feelexcludedbythecaresystemandfindthesituation unfair and unequal : Wedon tlikeitatall,becauseit snotequal.it ssounfair.wearecitizenshere.weshouldget thepriority. education,healthcare,andwaterandsanitation.forfurtherreadingsandrecentresearchontheimpactofthesyrian refugeesinjordanashostcommunity,see:un&hcsp,2013;2014,davis&taylor, Idonotclaimthatwomenareactuallypowerless.AsIshowedabove,everydayrumorsandgossipsareeveryday artsofresistance(scott,1990)inordertomakesenseoftheirchangingworldsandtosendwarningsthroughthe publicsphere.thefeelingofpowerlessnessmustbeunderstoodasaperceptionofwomen. 35

36 Najwarelatesherfeelingofunfairnesstofeelingsofcitizenship.AsaJordaniancitizenshefeels shehastherighttobeprioritized,oratleast,toreceivemoredonationsthanshereceivesnow. Dianamentionedinsimilarwords: I mnotobjectingtothem,butipreferamoreequaltreatment.rememberus,we,poorjorx danian families. Remember the poor people in Jordan. I want they remember us. Give us somemoneyaswell. AlthoughDianasaidshedidnotfeelforgottenyet,shedoesemphasizeherhopedonorscontinue torememberher.inmyunderstanding,thisfeelingshouldbeplacedinthespatialexclusionand anonymity of the urbanized poor in east Amman. They seem to become even more invisible sincesyrianrefugeesaregivenafaceandnotonlyreceiveattentionfromthestate,butalsofrom the international community. As a consequence, women feel even more disenfranchised and alienatedfromtheirsociety: Ifeellikeastrangerinmyowncountry.TheydiscusstheSyrianissue.Wesitandwatch[ ]I feeliamtherefugee;thattheyarethejordaniansandiamthesyrian.idon thaverights here.whensyrianrefugeescametojordan,theyimmediatelyhaverightsandhelp.wealx readysufferedbeforethecrisis,butnowwesuffermoreandmore(fatima). AlthoughwomenofAlManaraalsocriticize SyriansX beingdaring,clever,andshrewd they especiallyblamedonorsforthedecreaseindonations.poorerbeneficiariesfeeltreatedassex condxclassbeneficiariesbydonors.althoughtheyunderstandthatsyriansneedhelptoo,samar, forexample,especiallyblameddonorsthatonlyprovidetosyrians.somewomenalsoputthe responsibilityontheinternationalcommunity.rumorsaboutsyrianskeepaskingforhelpfrom local charities, while receiving aid from other countries and international organizations, are spreadthroughoutthepublicsphere: Iheard, said Dianainaninterview, buti mnotsure aboutit,thatusaidandunpayfortheirrent.thisiswhatiheard. Womenstronglycondemn thesyrians,donorsandtheinternationalcommunityonthedecreaseindonationsthatwomen experiencesincethesyriancrisis.asworldvision(2013)showedaswell,somelebanesealso showeddiscontentregardinginternationalandlocaleffortsarebeingchanneledexclusivelyto Syrians.Inthiscase,andpossiblyinLebanontoo,theyseemtobehighlyawareoftheirposition astheglobalpoor,apositionthathasbeenenforcedbyradicaluncertainty(seeduffield,2013), furtheralienatedintheperiphery. Theparadoxicallogicofthecaresystemintimesofcrisis Acquisition)of)power) Alsothebrokersadmitthattheyarefacedwithfewerdonations.However,asIshowbelow,inX stitutionalcontextsseemtofavorpatronageandmadeitpossibleforthesystemtoincludemix grant communities, such as Syrian refugees. Consequently providers gradually acquire more powerintermsofreligiosityandprestige.thisultimatelyenforcestheirhigherpositionincomx parisonwiththeirclientsthathavebecomemoreneedy. While dealing with fewer donations, the Al Manara Society tries to benefit from and adapttothechangesinthestructureasmuchaspossible.sincethecrisis,notonlythebudgetof donationshasbeendecreased,alsomoresyriansaskforhelptothesociety.thismeansapresx sureontheircapacitytoo.fewtimesaweekisawsyrianscomingbywiththeirpapersofthe UNHCR, as a proof they are refugees asking the Society s help. According to the volunteers, a new law has been announced by the MOSD that forbids charity organizations, except the apx pointedorganizations,toprovideaidtosyrianrefugees.theideaofthislawistolessentheburx denforjordanians.despitethislaw,thevolunteerstrytohelpsyrianswheneverthisispossible byprovidingfoodorclothes,butaccordingtohudanotwithmoney.however,whenadonor 36

37 comesthatonlywantstodonatetosyrians,theruleofthedonorisappliedandthemoneywill bedonatedtosyrianswhoare(unofficially)registeredinthesociety.accordingtohudatheytry topersuadethedonorto givepart ofthe donationstojordaniansaswellortodonateittoa placethatisappointedtosyrians. However, during the interview with the president, Husam made clear to me that they help Syrians whenever they can and whenever they want, even though the MOSD prohibited this.besides,asheexplainedtome,theyhelpsyriansindirectlythroughtheorganizationssave TheChildrenandtheJordanRiverFoundationthatmakeuseoftheSociety sbuildingsincerex cently to address the Syrian crisis in this neighborhood. Because they pay the electricity and waterbillsandasmallamountforusingtheirbuilding,thesocietybenefitsfromtheorganizax tions that focus on Syrians. In other words, explanations from the volunteers about how this helpisprovided,seemstobecontradictory.butitcanbearguedthatalthoughtheirbudgetand capacityisunderpressure,theytrytohelpsyrianseitherdirectlyand/orindirectly,whiletrying tobenefitfromitthroughtheirhorizontalnetworksatthesametime.inthiswaythesebrokers actillegalorsemixlegalinordertocontinuetheirpatronage. UmNadalusedtoworkinamosqueandteachKoran.NowadayssheonlycollectsdonaX tionsforherclientsorbringdonorsincontactwithneedyfamilies.inthelastthreeyearsshe feelsfindingdonorsbecameharder. Before,whenapoorfamilyneededhelp,Icouldgetmoneyeasier.NowtherearepoorfamiX liesthatstaytwoorthreedayswithoutfood,becauseofthesyrianrefugees.[ ]TheSituaX tioninjordanissoabnormal.[ ]AlltheprophetscarryonemessagefromGod:tobefair. Richpeopleshouldhelppoorpeople.Strongpeopleshouldhelpweakpeople.ThisisGod s message. BecauseUmNadal is a wellxknownprovider,alsosyriansaskherforhelpnow.althoughshe sayssheprioritizesjordanianfamilies,shetriestohelpsyriansasmuchaspossible.forexamx ple,sheboughtblanketsfromsyriansforajordanianfamily.inthiswayshepracticestheideaof sharingandtobefairinreligiousterms.whileumnadaltriestoprioritizejordaniansorhelp themequallytosyrians,iheardstoriesaboutsheikhosamahavingentirelyshiftedfromhelping JordanianstoSyriansonly.WhenIspokewithhim,heexplainedtomethathestillhelpsJordaX nianfamilies mainlyorphans butthattheministryofawqaf,whereheworksaswell,asked himtohelpsyrians.hedecidedtoopenadaughterorganizationwithinhischarityorganization Rikaz,whichislocatedaminuteXwalkingdistancefromtheAlManaraSociety.ForOsamathe crisismeantanopportunityforbeingassignedaprestigioustaskbythestatetohelpmoreneedy in the country. Besides, in this way providers became more powerful, because they acquired moreclientsunderneaththem. Asbecomesclearfromtheabovedescriptionofthethreedifferentbrokers,alltheproX viderstrytohelpsyrianseitherdirectlyorindirectly,basedonthereligiousideaofdoinggood toneedypeople,tobefairandequal.theyempowerthemselvesthroughtheirhorizontalnetx works(clark,2004)andbyhavingmoreclientsunderneaththem,whichgivesthemamoresex cure position for helping people and doing good. According to Roniger (2004) clientelism or patronageisadaptivetochangingsystems,whilepatronsoftenturnittotheiragendatomake claimsonparticulargrounds.inthiscase,incontrasttothemoreneedybeneficiaries,theprox viders seem to gain more power by providing Syrian refugees access to patronage relations withineastamman scare system. As a consequence, the patronage relationship has been enx forced.asiwillshowbelow,religiousnotionsofcompassionandsolidarityareomnipresentin theseenforcedpatronagerelationships. 37

38 Generosity)and)compassion) Prophet%Mohammad%used%to%have%a%Jewish%neighbor%who%always%put%garbage%in%front%of%MoL hammed s%house.%one%day%prophet%mohammed%woke%up%and%didn t%find%the%garbage.%this%made% him%wondering%why%his%neighbor%stopped%for%already%three%days.%he%went%his%jewish%neighbor%to% check%how%he%is%doing.%prophet%mohammed%found%him%sick%in%bed%and%helped%him%getting%better.% BothUmNadalaswellasUmAlaatoldmethisstoryaboutProphetMohammed.UmNadalendX ed this story that the Jewish neighbor converted to Islam and went to heaven. Although Um NadalemphasizesthecharacteristicofgenerosityintheIslam,bothproviderswantedtoshow that as a Muslim it is important to help the neighbor regardless his or her (religious) backx ground.inreligiousterms,tolerancetodifferencesisanecessaryprerequisiteforcoexistence.a believershouldcareforhisneighborregardlesshis/herbackground(leaman,2006).according tosparre&petersen(2007)thisstoryiswellknownincivilsocietyofjordanandasiwillshow below,itseemsthisstoryisappliedtosyrianrefugeesaswell. GesturesofgenerosityandfeelingofpityappeartobecomeintertwinedinthecaresysX tem.compassionisoneofthefourimportantvaluesofthequr an(engineer,2010) 30.AMuslim whoworshipsallahhastobecompassionateandmerciful,likeallah,inhisbehaviorwithinposx siblehumanlimitsotherwisehisworshipwouldnotbecomplete(engineer,2010).durkheim perceivessolidarity,whichisxlikecompassionxbasedonfeelingsofsympathy,asasocialfactof humanlives(durkheim&giddens,1972).solidarity,compassion,andsympathywerebothexx pressedbythebeneficiaries(chapter5)aswellasbytheirpatrons. OnemorningintheSociety,threeSyrianwomencamebywiththeirrefugeepaperstoask forhelp.aftertheyleft,hudaandumfadiexpressedtheirfeelingsofcompassion,becausethey camefromamorewealthyarea(homs)askingforhelpnow.husamexpressedsimilarideas: Wehelpthesepeople,allpeople.Wehelpallkindsofpeople.WeliketohelpSyrians.Wegive ourhand.theyaresuffering.youknow,wegivethefoodofourchildrentosyrians.weneed tohelpthesepeople.it saffectingoursituationaswell.butpeopleliketohelp.thesepeople arelikeourbrothers. HusamdescribedhelpingSyriansasanobligationbyreferringtosymbolicexpressionof foodof ourchildren,whoarethefuturegenerationofjordan.thehumanitarianreasontoprovidehelp istightlyintertwinedwithreligiousreasons.infact,theyaretwosidesofthesamecoin.providx ersfeeltheyneedtobegenerousbecausesyriansareindesperateneedforhelp,sincetheyfled war.theyfeelpityforthem,becausetheylefttheirhomes,sometimesevenmissingtheirhusx bandorotherfamilymembers.abelieverisexpectedtoexpresssolidaritywithsufferingpeople (Engineer,2010).Therefore,religiosityandhumanitarianismseemstoguidepatronstofeelthey areobligedtoprovidehelptorefugees,theirmuslimbrothers,expressedinsolidarityandcomx passion. While Husam described the inclusive character of the care system of charity, he also showedheisawareoftheambiguoussituationinhelpingotherpeople,whileaffectinghisown community.osamaandthevicepresidentseemedtobelessawareofthis.withtheirnewlyesx tablishedorganization(undertheiralreadyexistingorganization Rikaz )theyprovidesyrians food packages, housing, money and clothing. In this interview the vice president complained aboutsyrianswhotakejordanian sjobopportunitiesbecausetheycan afford alowersalary: IcoachfootballattheOrthodoxcenter.TheybroughtSyriancoaches,becausetheycostless salarythanthejordanianones.syrianstakelesssalarybecausetheygetfood,homes,and foodpackages.thisisnotprovidedtome. 30Otherthreeimportantvaluesarejustice,benevolenceandwisdom(Engineer,2010). 38

39 Osamaseemedtoagreewiththevicepresident sopinion:syriansposeapressureonjordan s economicalstructureofsociety,becausetheyreceivelotsofotherhelp.forhim,themotivation forprovidinghelpwastheislam,andcouldnotbedistinguishedfromthehumanitarianreason ofhelpingtheother.apparently,whileprovidinghelpasareligiousduty,theyexperiencethe consequences of it without being aware of the effect of their own ritual practices. Husam exx plainedtomethisapparentparadoxicallogicofthecaresystem: Bythissystemyousharethesuffering,[ ].Youlivetogether,yousuffer,youhelp.Anyone whoneedshelp,youhelp.[ ]Godmakessureyougetmore.InthiswaypeoplewillbesatisX fied. Inshort,fromtheprovider sperspective,thelogicofthegiftinthecaresystemistobegenerous andtohelptheneedyregardlessofhisorherbackground.patronsincludedsyriansinthecare system,buttheyreceiveadifferentprocedureofcharitythanjordanians.inthenextchapteri discussthisideaofincluded%outsidersandcomparethistothebeneficiaries idea. TheargumentIwanttomakeinthischapteristhatthepatronsacquiredanambiguous powerposition.thelogicofthegiftishighlyintertwinedwithcompassionandresponsibility. CompassionisnotonlydirectedtowardsSyrians,butalsotowardstheirownclients.According to Eisenstadt & Roniger (1980) solidarity is a strong element in patronage relationships. The purposeofthegiftistoestablishtiesthatbindpeopletogetherinanalliance,butitalwaysinx cludestheobligationofmaintainingsocialinteraction.itistheobligationofthepatronstoprox tecttheirloyalclients.thepatronsseemtobeawareofhowtheirownclientsaresufferingfrom andaffectedbydisruptivechangesinsociety.aboveall,theyareawareoftheunequalamounts of distribution of aid and donations to Syrian refugees in comparison to Jordanians since the crisis.inthiswaytheylocatethemselvesinanambiguouspositionofdoinggoodtoothersacx cordingtoreligiousideas,whilecontributingtothevulnerablelivesoftheprecariousjordanian familiesinalmanaraatthesametime.theprovidersareawareofthepresentconsequences. However, they believe in the end God will reward them for their generous rituals of charity therebycontributingtothecommunityincrisisratherthanharmingit.inthiswaypatronsbex lievetheymaintaintheirobligationintherelationshipbygesturesofsolidarityorcompassion. Powerofknowledgeandthepowerofrumors Thesocietychoseswhogetspaid,thisishowIamaffected. HadraexpressedshefeelsshecanX notdosomuchaboutreceivinglessdonations,becauseshefeelsthesocietywillnotlistento her.thechangesindonationscreatedmoretensionsbetweenthepatronandthereceiversacx cordingtoumfadi.asthevolunteersofthesocietysaid,beneficiariescomplainaboutthesyrix answhoreceivemoremoney.accordingtothevolunteers,inordertotrytosatisfytheirclients theytrytoexplainthemthatasaruleitisthedonorwhodecideswherehis/hermoneygoesto. Atthesametimetheyfeelsorryforthemaswell.Compassionseemsthentobeintertwinedwith power.hereishowhowpatronsexposepowerontheirclientsandhowthesebeneficiarieshave thepowertoaffectthereputationandthereforethepowerrelationwiththeirprovidersintimes ofdisruptivechanges. Inmyinterpretationsitseemsthepatronstrytoexposetheir knowxhow ontheirclients. Husamtoldmetheytrytoexplainthechangingsituationtotheirbeneficiarieswho complain aboutthefeweramountsofdonations.althoughosamatriesthisaswell,hisperspectiveslightly differs from the other intermediaries. According to him the Arabic history is repeating itself. Peopledidn taccepttheislamintheearlyyearsofthisreligion.somepeoplewereforcedoutof MeccaandfledtoMedina,whoseinhabitantswelcomedthemandsharedeverythingtheyhad. Fromthispointofview,nowadays,MuslimrefugeesfromPalestineandSyriahavefledtoJordan andjordaniansarehelpingandsharingwiththem.iaskedosamaifhetellsthistohis complainx ing beneficiariesaswell: 39

40 WhenapoorPalestiniancomplains,Iremindthemwhytheylefttheircountryandcameto Jordan,orwhenheisfromIraqioriginorEgyptianorigin.ToJordanianItellthemthatthey shouldhelpthem.godwillprovideyouhelpasyoudidtoyourmuslimbrotherortoyour brother,therefugee. In this way, although the degree of religiosity differs between the patrons, they expose their viewsontheirbeneficiariesbyconvincingthemfromtheirknowledge,whilewomenexpressed thefeelingofnotbeingheard.inlinewithfoucault(1982),knowledgeseemstobeanessential form of claiming and exposing power of patrons on their clients. Sheikh Osama claimed knowledgebyhisreligiousstatusandwisdomwithinthecommunity. Whilewomen sincreaseofdependencyalsomeansanincreaseinpoweroftheprovidx ers,thisdoesnotmeanthispowerisunlimited.asfoucault(1982)showedinhisworkspower isalwaysrelationalandneverabsolute.alsointimesofcrisis,rumorsandgossipsappeartobe oneofthewomen sstrongestpowersagainsttheprovidersinamanara.iexplainedintheprex viouschapterofumalaawhoexperiencedthatherreputationbecameunderpressurebygosx sipsabouther.sheikhosamatoldmeasimilarstoryabouthisfriendwhohelpedsyrianrefux gees.inhabitantsofalmanaraaccusedhimofofferingsyrianwomentojordanianmenformarx riages.hisreputationwasdrasticallyaffectedandhemovedoutoftheneighborhood.inaddix tion,thestatetookhisjordanianpassport assuminglyhewasfrompalestinianorigin.osamais highlyawareofthepowerofrumorsandgossipsofhisclientsandpeopleinthisneighborhood, sinceothers,aswrittenabove,alreadystartedtalkingabouthis conversion tohelpingsyrians. Forthisreasonhetriestoactastransparentaspossible.HeprovidesthedonationstoSyrians publiclyinthemosque.besides,hewantedthevicepresidentandumallaatojointhisinterview inordertopreventsuspicionamongotherpeople.inthisway,withhispublicactsosamatries tomaintainhisreputationandpreventrumorsdestructinghispatronagerelationshipswithhis beneficiariesandhorizontalrelationswithinhisnetwork. IdonotwishtogeneralizealltheintermediariesthatIspokewith,becausealsoUmFadi dismissivelytoldmethatthesheikhonlygivestosyrians.however,whatidowanttoshowhere isthatthepowerofintermediaries astheproviders shouldnotbeperceivedasabsolute.as Lomnitz(2001)showsinherworkonclientelismandrumorsinMexicoaswell,therearealX waysspaceswhereinformationflowseventhoughclientsdonotalwayshavetheopportunity for discussion in public space. Women s gossips that are exchanged in hidden transcripts should not be seen as mapping gender in frontx and backstage, a concept of Ervin Goffman (1975) 31,becausetheyareequallypowerfulasthe(religious)knowledgecommunicatedbytheir patrons.rumorsaboutjordanianmenmarryingsyrianwomenbecamespecificgossipsabout Osamasfriendthatruinedhisreputationinthecommunity.ItseemspatronssuchasOsamaand Um Alaa routinely recognize these collectivities. For Lomnitz (2001:159), these rumors (and gossips)arerituals.theyarealsopoliticalmanifestations ofpublicsentiment,createdinbackx stage,socializedthroughrumor[andgossips]andconverted intopublicacts.aseverydayforms ofresistance(see:scott,1990)thepowerofrumorsandgossipsofbeneficiarieshelpsthemto dealwiththepoweroftheirpatronswhocontributetothepressureonthecaresystemofeast Amman. Insum,withtheinfluxofSyrianrefugeesthemakeXupofthesocietyinEastAmmanhasdramatX ically been affected. Specifically, Syrians pose a pressure on the care system of charities, on whichpoorereastammanishavealwaysbeendepending.withthisinfluxofrefugees,itseems thepatronagesystemhasbeenenforced.thepressurehaspenetratedintothecaresystemin whichtheinstitutionalcontextcreatedopportunitiesforaffluentbrokersxthebeneficiary spax trons to acquire moreclientsthat ultimately leads to morepower.inthepublictranscripts (Scott, 1990), these institutionalized forms of domination coexist with feelings of compassion 31ErvinGoffmanusesthesetermstoexplainbehaviorisenactedbycertainactorsinacertainarelationship.Heuses thetermsfrontl%andbackstage%astwodistinctivesettingswherecertainactorsperformparticularbehavior.thefront% stageindicatesapublicsettingwithrulesofconduct.thebackstageishiddenforthe public andthereforetheactoris lesscontrolledbysocialexpectationsthesesocialrules. 40

41 and solidarity, both towards the Syrians as well as towards their own Jordanian clients. This bringsthesepatronsinanambiguousposition. AtthesametimetheclientsbecamemoredependentoncharitiesthanbeforeasaconX sequence of an increase in vulnerability. This enforces the unequal relationship, since the dex pendencehasonlybeenaffectedfromoneside.indeed,accordingtothelogicofthesystem,god willrewardtheproviderswiththeirgooddeeds.however,itseemstheseprovidersalwaysneed to carefully consider their choices of providing help, since the power of gossips and rumors, whichareanonymouslyconstructedinhiddentranscripts(scott,1990),candangerouslyimpact theirreputationinthecommunityofalmanara. Butrumorsandgossipsdon t seemtobethemostsignificant strategy of how women copewiththepressureonthecaresystem. Rumorsandgossipsonlyseemtoberesourcesto dealwiththeprovider spowersexposedonthem,becausetheirsignificancearticulatedinpubx licsphereistoruinpatron sreputation.inthischapter,ialreadyhintedontheimportanceof religion,especiallyforthepatrons.inthenextchapteriexplainhowweshouldunderstandthe roleofreligioninsustainingthecaresystemfromtheclient sperspective,despitethepressures exposedbysyrianrefugees.icomparetheinterpretationofreligiousidiomswiththeproviders ideaofincluded%outsiders.furthermore,ishowhowwomentrytokeepordevelopresilientlivex lihoodsagainstdisruptivechangessincethearrivalofsyrianrefugeesinthishostcommunity. 41

42 5.Generosityintimesofcrisis Thischapterprovidesananswertothequestionofwhydoesn tthecaresystem,inwhichpatx ronageismanifested,collapsedespitethepressureonitsincetheinfluxofsyrianrefugees?it seemsprovidersandreceiversspeakaccordingtothesamereligiouslogicofgenerosity.generx osityisaprincipleofreligiousvaluesandcouldbeseenasthecommongroundoradrivingforce forpatrons begenerousandkeepproviding aswellasfortheirclients.inthepreviouschapx terihaveshownthelogicofcharityamongpatrons.inthischapterielaborateonthereceivers, whoseemtoberesilient,despitepressureontheirincomes.theprincipleofgenerosityseems tobethatbeinggenerousmeansapersonunderstandsthatdonationswillnotonlygotohis/her pockets,butalsotootherneedypeople,andwelcomesthemasguestsinhis/hercountry.inothx erwords,theprincipleistobecompassionateandsolidary.thus,whilethepatronagesystemis enforced(chapter4),generosity,whichneedstobeunderstoodinitsculturalandhistoricalconx text,seemstocontributetotheresilienceofthecommunityineastamman. Charity ) God)divides)equally ) Torecallthedebateonresilience,thetermreferstotheabilitytocreateortomaintainanadapX tivecapabilityintheshortandlongterm.thetermisoftenrelatedtolocalownership,livelix hood,communitycapacityandwellbeing.whiletheoriginalecologicalapproachreferstosysx tems,socialtheoryintegratedtheideaofresilienceamongindividualsandcommunitiesaswell, which,consequently,becameaninterestingconceptforanalyzingindividualandcollectiverex sponsestowardsdisruptivechanges(chapter2). ThenhowcouldwomenfromAlManaraandthesystemtheyareinbeseenasresilient? Beforeansweringthisquestion,wefirstneedtounderstandreligiousinterpretationsofgenerosI ity. During the interviews with the beneficiaries ideas of equality and fairness were subjects frequentlymentioned.asiwillshow,theseideasshouldbeunderstoodasjuggleswithonthe onehandwishingmoreequality,beingremembered,whileontheotherhandacceptingthisis the share from God. The latter is based on the belief that those who are generous earn extra creditsforthehereafter As I have shown in the previous chapter, the pressure on donations should be underx stoodfromaspatialdimension,becausewomenbecomemorealienated.womenshowedtheir frustrations regarding the fewer donations. Three of these women referred to God to explain theirperspective.dianaforexample,believeditisuptogodwhodecidesaboutthedivisionof money: It snotunfair.theyarerefugees.that swhytheygivethemthemoney.iamnotobjectingto themtheygethelp.butiamaskingforhelp.[ ]Giveussomedonations,nothingmore.IonX lytakeinramadan.godwillgiveus.[ ]WhendonationsareforSyrians,thenthedonations areintheirname.iamokwithit.godhassentthisforthem.whensomeonesaysthisisfor someone,it sforthem.godhassplitmymoneyhere.idon thaveanythingtodoaboutit. BecauseSyriansfledfromwarandarrivedinacountrythatisnottheirs,Dianabelievespeople shouldprovidehelptotheserefugees,sincetheyareneedy.however,dianaalsoshowsthatshe struggles with the idea that Syrians receive lots of help, while experiencing a harsh situation herselfaswell.likewise,amalstruggleswiththesefeelingsandbelievesthesituationofdisrupx 42

43 tivechangeseffectsherlivelihood.shethinksfindingorganizationsthatcanhelpherisamatter ofluck,butthatintheendgodwilltakecareofher.amalsoundeddesperate.shedidn tknow whatelsetodothanjusttocountonhim.alsoinalmanarasheexperiencesmoresyriansare askingforhelpinthesociety. Amal:Idon tknowwhytheygetmoredonationsthanjordanian.iwonderwhytheyreceive moremoney.% % Leoni:%Youseeitasunfair? % Amal:It snotlikethis.jordanianshave[theirown]homes.syriansdon thave.iunderstand it.syrianshavehouses,clothsorfood.godhassplitmoneytoeveryone.andeveryonegets whatheneeds. Despiteherfrustrations,sheremindsherselfthisisGod sdecisionandbelieveshewilltakecare ofherintheendaslongassheisgenerous.sheremindsherselfsyriansdohavehousesandothx erstuff,butthesearenottheirownhomes,nottheirownclothes,whileshehas.sheknowsshe shouldbesatisfiedwithwhatgodhasgiventoher.intheend,assheassuresherself,godwill takecareofthesituationanditwillbefine,ifnotinthepresent,theninthehereafter 32. ItseemsreligiousandpersonalperceptionsofequalityandfairnesscreateafragileequiX librium.womenseemtojugglewithwhattheyfeelandexperience,andwithwhattheybelieve and have learnt. This turns into contradictory answers of on the one hand the preference for moreequality(chapter4),butontheotherhandtheacceptancethatthisishowgodsharesthe limited resources, because Allah is perceived as generous and merciful 33. This is how women seemtojugglewiththeireverydayreligionintimesofcrisis. % Inclusiveness)in)the)City)of)Brotherly)Love) InthecapitalcityofJordan,thatinthebiblicaltimesusedtobecalledPhiladephia,orCityof BrotherlyLove(Reed,2013),boththeprovidersaswellasbythereceiversoftenemphasized inclusivenessofsyriansintheircommunity.sincejordaniansandsyriansusedtobefromthe samecountry,greatsyria,theyhaverelativelysimilarculturalhabits,normsandvalues,mainly basedonislamicinterpretations.najwacalledsyrians family andhadra sameasus.syrians are not only perceived as the same because in the past Jordanians and Syrians used to be neighborsinthesamecountry,butalsobecausetheyareperceivedastheir brothers and sisx ters.accordingtotheirislamicinterpretationsmuslimcreateabond,analliance,whichisrex ferredbyqur ánasbrotherhood.intheprincipleofislam,thisbondtranscendstheideaoftribes andnationality 34 andcanthereforebeperceivedasaninclusivemechanismamongmuslimjorx daniansinalmanara. According to the social identity theory, ideas of sameness are important to construct groupidentities(demmers,2012).however,withinthissameness,womentendtocreatedifferx ences.identityisnotonlyabout whoorwhatweare, butalsoabout whoorwhatwearenot (Demmers,2012).Constructionistsperceiveidentityasrelative,situationalandfluid.Intimesof crisis,boundariesaredrawninwhichnationalidentitiescanbecomeoverxcommunicatedand 32Theinterpretationofgenerosity,fairnessorjusticeisderivedfromthereligiousideathatoneshouldtrustGodwho caresfortherichandthepoor. Obelievers,beupholdersofjustice,witnessforAllah,evenifitbeagainstyourselves yourparents,orkinsmen.whetherrichorpoor,allahtakesbettercareofboth.donotfollowyourdesiretorefrain fromjustice (4:135in%Leaman,2006).Asinthequotecitedbelow,Allahespeciallycaresfor,orrewards,thosewhodo goodtoothers. 33IntheQur an,allahisoftendescribedasmercifulandgenerous(karim): Allahisbeneficent,themerciful (1:1), AllahisampleXgiving,knowing (3:268), SoAllahgavethemtherewardofthisworldandbetterrewardofthehereafX ter;andallahlovethosewhodogood(toothers) (4:147). 34TheQur anrefersseveraltimestotheideaofmuslimbrotherhood.accordingtothisholybook,themeaningisthat AllahtriestoshapeMuslimasonepeople,asbeinganationthatstriveafteroneultimategoal(Qur an,1935). 43

44 differencesemphasized(eriksen,2010),asseemstobeinthiscaseaswell.inagroupinterview, theyexpressedthatdespitethesimilarities,thereis something insyrian smentalitythatthey do not understand. Also during individual interviews, women called Syrian refugees selfish, clever,andalwaysaskingformore,whiletheyseethemselves Jordanians assatisfiedwith whattheygetor shy orembarrassedtoaskformore.besides,asshowninchapter4,some womenthoughtreceivingdonationsistheirright,anddidn tunderstandtheselocaldonorsthat tendtodonatetosyrians.umnadalclearlyexplainedtomethisperceptionamongthereceivers fromherislamicperspective: People who share the same religion have the same rights. Relatives and neighbors should haverights,andpeoplewithotherreligionsaswell.that swhyjordanianfamilieshavemore rightstoreceivemorecharitythansyrianrefugees.asrelatives,[peoplehavethe]rightto receivehelp.asmuslim brothers theotherpersonisobligatedtoprovidehelp.jordanian familiesaremorerelativesthansyrianrefugees,sowehavemorerightstoreceivecharity. Inotherwords,accordingtoUmNadal sinterpretationofthequr an,muslimbrothersareoblix gated to help each other, but it s more important to help closer relatives first, those who are morethesame.accordingtothislogic,jordanianshavethereforemorerightstoreceivecharity. Interestingly,theideaof whohastheright becomesareligiousmatter,aculturallogic,inwhich justice animportantvalueofislam 35 isarguedfromareligiousperspective. NajwaexplainedtomethatbrotherhoodhelpsJordaniansindifficulttimes: [W]ehavebrotherhoodofIslam,love,relation,everything.Thishelpspeopletogoonand livetheirlives. NajwaclarifiesUmNadal sexplanationofhowthenetworkof closerbrothers helpsherindiffix culttimes,especiallyasatooltocopewithstrugglesinlife.umnadalshowshowdonors,acx cordingtoher,interpretthesereligiousidiomsofcloserbrotherswrongly 36.UmNadalclearly describestheunderlyingstruggles:ontheonehandthereseemstobefeelingsofobligationto helptheneedy,especiallythemuslimbrothers becausegodhastoldthemtodoso.ontheothx erhand,beneficiarieshavethefeelingoftheir right toreceivecharities accordingtotheprinx ciplesofislam withoutbeingselfish somethingallahcondemns 37. Hence,inclusivemechanismsbecomeamatterofjustandunjust.Questionsariseabout the interpretation of Muslim brothers as written in the Qur an and therefore who have more rightforcharity,jordanianorsyrianbrothersandsisters.thisisreflectedinjordanianwomen s perceptionsonthesmallernumbersofcharitiestheyreceiveasaresultofchangingstructures intheformercityofbrotherlylove. Pity) Surprisingly,thefeelingofpityamongJordanianwomenIspokewithseemedtobeplayamajor roleinthisresilientwayofthinking,whichcanpartlyexplainwhytherearenostrongtensions fromjordanianwomentowardssyrians.allthewomenispokewithshowedempathywiththe Syrians that search for refuge in their community. Diana saw providing helping Syrians as an obligation,becausetheyarewarrefugees.otherstoldmesimilarideas: 35AccordingtoEngineer(2011)andLeaman(2006)inThe%Qur an:%an%encyclopedia,justiceisanimportantvaluein theislam,andapillarofindividual,family,andsociallives. 36BecauseIhadthefeelingwomenwerenotalwayscapableexplainingmecertainviewpointsorreflectontheir feelings.iuseumnadal sexplanationtoclarifymypoint,eventhoughsheisanintermediary.placingherexplanax tionsnexttothewomen s,ibelieveshemanagedtoprovideanhonestpicturefromthereceiver sstrugglinglives. 37AccordingtothescriptsintheQur an,allahcondemnsthosewithinterestinaccumulating(riba)%wealthinwasteful ways.oneshouldstriveforwealth,butthelessfortunateshouldbenefitfromthisaswell(leaman,2006),otherwise itisgreed(engineer,2011). 44

45 Becausetheyarehelplesspeople.IfeelsorryfortheSyrianrefugees(Hadra). Ifeelpityfor[Syrians].It soutoftheirhandsthattheycamehere.ofcourse,everyonegets upset.butthisiswhatgodwants.whatcanido.[ ].Theyareforcedtocomehere,notout ofchoice.[...]ifeelverypityforthem.maygodbewiththem(amal). Womenoftencalledthecrisisassomething outofsyrian shands.thisemotionalunderstandx ing is combined with compassion. Women see Syrians as needy and homeless that ran away fromwarintheirhomecountry.thisunderstandingcontributestoasituationwherewomendo notblamethemforthepressuretheyperceiveontheirdailylives,and,instead,tocompassion andsympathy.inmyperspective,thissympathyshouldbeunderstoodfromareligiousperspecx tive.seeingthissituationassomethingfromgod,orhopinggodwilltakecareofit,helpswomen inacceptingthesituationasitis,believingtheycannotdoanythingaboutit.thereferenceto God also reminds them to be generous, to have patience, because only then God will reward them. As I have shown in the previous chapter patrons express solidarity with their weaker clients,animportantexpressioninterpretedfromtheislam,inordertomakeone sliferich.also theclientsexpressedsimilarformsofsolidarity: [O]urpeopleliketohelpothers.Eventhoughwearepoor,butweliketohelp.Ifthereisa Syrianwoman,Imayhelpheralso.(Diana) Dianaindicatesthatdespiteherharshcircumstances,shewouldbestillwillingtohelpwomen. According to one of the employers of a local development in Marka, east Amman, Syrian and Jordanianwomeneasilygetinvolvedwitheachother,becauseaswomentheyhavemanysimiX laritiesandsimilarburdens.therefore,jordanianwomenwouldhaveabetterunderstandingof thesituationofsyrianwomen.alsosocialscientistsarguegenerosityisgendered;anexpression inherenttowomen sbehaviortoothers(seeforexample:vaughan,2002;komter,2005;morny, 2013).However,Idonotthinkgenderistheonlydenominatorofthesefeelingsofpity,since thesewereoftenexpressedingeneraltermstowardssyrians,andnotonlytowardsothersyrian women.inmyunderstandingachangeinthehierarchicalcategorizationwithinthecaresystem hastakenplace.accordingtothewomenaswellastheirproviders,despiteone sowncondition, oneshouldhelptheotherpersoninneed.atthesametimehelpinganotherpersonin(maybe more)needwouldcreateabetterfeeling.diana,whotoldmesheexperienceslotsofstressand depressionfromlife,explainedtomewhyshewouldhelpsyrians: Ifeellikemysituationisdifficult.SometimeswhenIlistentoother sstory,ithink: Ohno,I ambetterthanthem.theyneedmorehelpthanido. Accordingtotheruleofgenerosity,thestrongerhelptheweaker.Hence,withtheinfluxofSyriX anrefugeesthehierarchicalcategorizationofstrongandweakhaschanged.thiscategorization ishighlyrelational,whichmeansthat theweak,inthiscasethejordanianwomenofalmanara, becamelessweakincomparisonwithsyrianrefugees.thisfindingseemstocorrespondwith thesocialpsychologicalapproachonthesocialidentitytheory.accordingtothisapproach,we evaluateourstatusbycomparingourselvestorelevantandinferiorothersinordertomakeour statusandgroupidentitymeaningfulinrelationtotheoutxgroup 38.AlthoughthechangeincateX goryisimportantfortheargumentimakeinthischapter,thisapproachgoesbeyondthescope ofthisthesis Thesecomparisonsaresometimesmadebasedonrelatively small differences.freudhasusedtheconceptof narcissismofminordifferences toemphasizetheestablishmentofapositivegroupidentityinrelationtotheoutx group.see:demmers, Ididnotincludethisapproachinthelargerframeworkofthisthesis,becausethisapproachassumesindividuals constitutesociallife,ratherthanacknowledgingbothstructureandagency(seedemmers,2012).indeed,sitisbased ontheassumptionofthefundamentalhumanneeds.scholarsusingsitneverthelessprovidesomeinterestinginx 45

46 Thesefeelingsofpity,andthechangeofselfXascribed position withinthecaresystem, canprovideadeeperunderstandingofpeacefulbehaviorandattitudesamongthesewomenin AlManara.IntheinterviewwithFatimaIaskedherwhatshethinksofherhusbandthattellsher nottolookbacktothehelpprovidedtosyrians,becausegodhasgiventhistothem: WhatcanIdo?Ican tgoandprotestagainstthesyriansrefugees,[ ]becauseifeelpityfor them.wheniseeitinthenews,ifeelsorryforthem. Inotherwords,despiteFatima sdissatisfactionofthesituationthatcausesheralowerincome, shewillnotactagainstsyrianrefugees,becauseoffeelingsofpity.inthisway,compassionposix tivelycontributestopeacefulsituationsintimesofcrisis. WhilethesocialidentitytheoryarguesthatpositiveselfXesteemandsatisfactionofthe need of differentiation prevent hostility, I believe this is too simplistic. In my perspective we needtounderstandthesepeacefulattitudesfromtheintersectionofgenderandreligiosity,situx ated in its historical and cultural context something SIT excludes in its social psychological approach.asimentionedinchapter4,jordanianwomenhaveabettercapabilitythanmento dealwithdifficultchanges.theireverydayreligionandwomen scapabilitytocopehelpwomen torelativizeandempathizewiththesituation.below,ielaborateontheculturalandhistorical contextinordertoprovideabetterunderstandingoftheresilienceofthefemaleclientsinthe caresystem.hereialsoshowsitprovidesimportantinsightin,butcannotcompletelyexplain Jordanians hospitality. Hospitality Jordan)is)a)hospitable)country ) I%remember%the%first%days%in%Amman.%I%stayed%in%a%hostel%in%downtown.%It%was%very%rainy%and% when%i%passed%the%small%shops,%i%always%heard%the%same:% AhlanwaXsahlan 40 %and% Hello%WelL come %Wherever%I%went,%I%could%not%escape%the%welcome%greetings.%In%the%first%days%I%found%this% rather%annoying.%i%related%these%greetings%to%my% otherness,%as%a%western,%blond%women.%only% later%i%understood%that%these% annoying %greetings%had%something%to%do%with%the%jordanian%cull ture:%a%culture%of%hospitality.% Ofcourse,Icannottaketheseexperiencesasexactlycomparablewiththehospitalitytowards Syrians.However,itdoesshowacharacteristicinAmmanthatplaysanimportantroleinhow SyriansarereceivedinthecommunityineastAmman.ButnotonlyAmman,Christophersenet al(2013)alsocharacterizelebanonasahospitablecountry,acharacteristic that has become under pressure since host communities are receiving Syrian refugees, sometimes providing themshelterintheirhomes.inthissectionishowideasofhospitalityfromaculturalperspecx tive,includingitsreligiousinterpretations. Accordingtotheinterviewedbeneficiaries,Jordanians hospitalityis somethingcultural. Itisenculturatedandproceededthroughgenerations,inwhichparentsteachtheirchildrento respect and welcome everyone who enters the house, as Amal explained to me. Hospitality shouldnotonlybeunderstoodfromitsculturalcontext.instead,perceptionsandfeelingsshould beplacedinjordan shistoricalcontext.thismeansthatidonottakereligionasadetermining sights.formoreinsightinthesocialidentitytheory(sit)fromthesocialpsychologicalapproach,irefertodemmers (2012)whohasclearlyelaboratedonthelargeanddiffusedebate.Brewer(2001),forexample,showshowinXgroup identificationisestablishedinrelationtowards(hostile)feelingstowardsothers.seul(1999)focusesonreligionand identitygroupsinordertoexplainconflict. 40Translation: Welcome 46

47 variableorfactorassuch.instead,thewayislamisinterpreted,thewayidiomsareusedand howpeoplemakesenseofthemselvesandtheworldaroundthemthroughreligion,assulivan (2011)argues,shouldbeplacedinJordan shistoryof foreigners crossingthenationalborders. Beforemovingtothesubjectofreligion,IfirstwouldliketoelaborateshortlyonJordan s historyofmigrants.avarietyofopinionsregardinghospitalitywereexpressedduringtheinterx views. Some of the women, for example, expressed proudness at Jordan s hospitality towards differentnationalitiescrossingthecountry sborders: [W]ewelcomethem.Iamproudofmygovernment,proudofmycountry(Diana). AsJordanisahospitablecountry,andIamJordanian,wearewelcomingtheminourcounX try(amal). ThefactthatJordankeepsreceivingrefugeescreatesafeelingofnationalprideamongwomen suchasdianaandamal.theseideasoftenseemtobebasedonideasofnormality. Becausewe are Arabs, was a repeated sentence for the explanation of Jordan s continuation of receiving refugees.whileiheardnooneexpressingtheywanttogetridofsyrians,iheardideasthatsyrix ansarestillwelcome,butthatammanisgettingtoofull.najwa,forexamplepreferredsyriansin camps,insteadoflivingintheeastamman shostcommunities. Thesegesturesofhospitality,feelingsoffrustrationsandprideaboutone sownidentity, and ideas about receiving Syrian refugees should be understood from a historical context, in whichjordanhasbecomearefugeehaven(chatelard,2010).jordanhostsothermigrants,such as Egyptians, Sudanese, female domestic workers from Southeast Asia. However, when interx vieweesreferredtojordan simmigrationhistory,theymainlyonlymentionedtheirexperience withpalestiniansandiraqis. ThecountryexperiencedseveralwavesofPalestinianrefugeessincetheformationofthe StateofIsraelin1948(Chatelard,2010).WhilebothgroupsstillmakedistinctionsbetweenJorX daniansandpalestinians,theyareoftenreferredas Jordanians 41.ManyPalestinians,butcerX tainlynotall 42,haveaJordaniancitizenship.Besides,peopleIspokewithsaythatPalestinians andjordanianshavesimilarhabitsandlanguage,whichmakesthemmore similar.accordingto Shteiwi,manyJordaniansalsorecognizethatPalestinianshelpedbuildingupthecountry. TwoothermajorwavesofmigrantsofIraqistookplacesince1991GulfWarandafter 2003withtheremovalofSadamHusseinandtheinvasionofAngloXAmericanmilitary(ChateX lard,2010).duringtheseyearsjordanexperiencedanenormousincreaseinpricesoffood,fuel and gas. The perception of prices nowadays often reminds them about the time when Iraqis came,whichcontributestothefeelingofwhatthecostsintermsofpressureandimpactontheir households are for providing these migrants a safe stay. Besides, as both the beneficiaries as wellasprovidersmentioned,withthesewavesofmigrantsjordansawthemcoming,butnever leaving.thiscreatestheexpectationmanysyrianswillstaytoo,whiledeeplyinsidehopingthey willreturnassoonasthewarisover. Duringtheinterviewswithdifferentorganizations 43 aswellaswithwomen,peoplerex ferredtojordan shistoryofmigrants,fleeingfromconflict,crossingtheirborders,inorderto makeclearthesyriancrisisisnotacompletelynewexperience.sometoldmethiswithpride, whileotherssawitmoreasaburden.athirdgroupexperienceditasproudness,whilerecognizx ingtheburdenatthesametime.accordingtodr.shteiwitheseexpressionsarenotcontradictox 41Asmyinformantsandatranslatorexplainedtome,amongsomepeopletherearestilltensionsbetweenJordanians andpalestinians,sincetheannexationofthewestbankin1950(see:brand,1995).thesetensionshavetodowith identitypolitics(brand,1995;ryan,2012). 42TheJordanianstatedistinguishesPalestiniansfromtheWestBankandfromGaza.Bothgroupsexperiencetheir citizenship veryfragile.forpalestiniansthatarenotfromgazathestatecandeterminetoredrawhis/herjordanian passport,andthereforehis/hercitizenship.thosefromgaza,suchasfatima,donothaveajordaniancitizenshipand arethereforeexcludedfromcertainpublicservices,suchashealthcare.theyarehighlydependentonunrwa. 43HereIdonotonlymeanAlManaraSocietybutalsoothernonXgovernmentalorganizationsIspokewith,suchas GUVSandRikaz. 47

48 ry.accordingtohim,thesyrianinfluxisamatterofasuddenexistentialwaveofrefugees.peox plearehospitable,asshteiwiargues,buttheexperienceandeffectismoreintensethanbefore withpalestiniansandiraqis. Inthisway,previousexperiencesinfluencewomen sideasonreceivinganotherwaveof refugees.insum,theinfluxofsyriansandthedifferentreactionsonthisphenomenonshouldbe placedinahistoricalcontext. Similar)personal)experiences) % [Syrians]don thaveotheroptions.wetrytohelpthem.ihavesimilarexperiences,becausei ampalestinian. ThesearethewordsofManal,whowasborninHusseinCamp,whichisoneofthePalestinian refugeecampsontheoutskirtsofeastamman.sincejordanwelcomedherfamilyinthecountry, shefeelssheismorallyobligatedtodothesametowardssyrianrefugeesthatalsofledfromwar, wholefttheirhouses,theirbelongingsandsomeofthemtheirbelovedones. AccordingtoDavis(2013)Jordan ssympathyandhospitalitytowardssyrianscanbeexx plainedbythefactthatmanyjordaniansarepalestinianwithsimilarexperiencesfromprevious wars.similarly,otherreportsonlebanonandnorthiraq(worldvision,2013;iom,2013)also arguesimilarexperiences.iniraq scase,experiencesfromthepastwhensyrianswelcomedirax qirefugeesareexplanationsforsolidarityandhospitableattitudesfromhostcommunities. Myfindingssupportthesestatements,butalsoseemtoshowthattheseunderstandings aremorecomplexthanstatedinthesereports.tounderstandthis,thesocialidentitytheory,as explainedabove,providesmoreinsightintheneedtocomparewithrelevantothers. DianareX latesherpalestinianbackgroundtojordan spooreconomicsituation,inwhichthepoorhelpthe poor. IamaPalestinian.Jordanianpeoplewelcomedthem.Theydon tdistinguishbetweennationx alities.ourpeopleliketohelp.astheyarepoor,theyhelppoorerpeople. According to Diana, Jordan keeps welcoming other migrants despite the country s limited rex sources.sincesherecognizesherselfaspalestinian,shefeelshercountryneedsthekeepwelx comingsyrians,despitethepoverty,astheydidwithpalestiniansaswell.alsoamalrecognizes herselfinthesyrianexperiences.althoughidonotknowherethnicalbackground 44 shefeltshe hadsimilarexperiencesassyrians. Ihaveexperiencedthissamesituation.BecauseIampoorandgethelpfromotherpeople. Becauseoftheirsituation,Ifeelpityforthem.BecauseofthewarinSyriatheyhadtocome here.sotheydon thaveanychoice. Amalexpressessheexperiencedasimilarsituation,becauseshefeelsdependentonthehelpof others,similarlytosyrianrefugees.justlikeformanalanddiana,comparableexperienceshelp inempathizingwithsyrian sharshsituations.weshouldn tunderstandjordanian sreactionsas sympatheticandhospitable,justbecausetheyarepalestinians.thisisatoosimplisticexplanax tion.asihaveshown,theethnoxhistoricaltogetherwiththeeconomicalbackgroundplayarole 44Asalsostatedintheintroduction,Ipurposivelydidnotaskabouttheparticipant sbackground,unlesstheyhinted tothisormentioneditthemselves,becausepeopleoftenrecognizethemselvesandothersasjordanians,whilenot beingborninjordanorwhiletheparentsareoriginallynotfromjordan.inotherwords,iwishednottoemphasize theirethniccategorywhenforthemitdidnotmatterinthefirstplace.however,idomentionitasaseparatesubject here,becauseitisimportanttounderstandwomen sideafromtheirethnoxhistoricalandeconomicalcontextandnot togeneralizethewomen sperceptionsascountingforotherwomenineastammanaswell. 48

49 inthereactionsofwomenregardingthehospitalitytowardssyrians.accordingtothesit,peox pleneedrelevantothersinordertocreatetheiridentityorstatus.inthiscase,theweakerbex camestronger.accordingtoislamicrulesinthecaresystem,andshownbefore,thestrongerare supposedtohelptheweakerandtoexpresssolidarity,tosympathizewiththeirsuffering.inthis way,positiveselfxesteemoftheinxgroup,generosityandislamicinterpretationsofhierarchyof compassionresultsinsympathytowardssyrians. Principles)of)hospitality) Theprincipleofhospitalityis,contrarytocharity,ashortXtermgestureofgenerositythatlasts threedays.inmyinterpretation,jordanian sislamicideasofbeinghospitable,istobegenerous totheirfellowpeople,regardlessoftheirreligion.accordingtoajordanianfriend,amuslimis obligatedtogivetheguestcoffee.whenthispersondrinksthecoffee,theguest agrees withthe hospitality.thehostisnotallowedtoaskanyuncomfortablequestions(suchaswhotheperson is)forthenextthreedays.thehostshouldprovidetheguestashelterandfood,andmakehim orhercomfortable.afterthesethreedaysthehostisallowedtoaskquestionssuchaswhathelp heorsheneeds.accordingtonajwa,honestyinhospitalityisveryimportant: Beinggenerousandwelcomingothers,beinggoodtoothers,lovingeachother,beinghonest. Themainideaisnottobeintheextreme,butmoderate.Beinghonestineverydaylivingin dealingwithothers.andbeingmercywithothers. ForNajwa,honestymeansnottoexaggerateandtrulycaring.Thehostshouldgivetheguestas muchasapersoncanafford,butshouldnotaffectthepersonfinanciallytoomuch.thisidea partlyexplainsherfrustrationsregardingsyrians:sheperceivesjordanasahospitablecountry, buttheinfluxaffectsthemeconomicallytoohard.inthiswayatensionarisesbetweenideasof hospitalityandcharity.whilehospitality,accordingtotheprinciplelastthreedays,syriansare stillseenasguests.however,meanwhiletheybecametheneedyandthustheprincipleofcharity andcaringstarts.asshownabove,charityisbasedontheideaofsharing,butitseemswomen experiencethisastooheavyaburden. WomenIspokewithbelieveGodwillrewardthosewhohavebeenhospitable,generous, towardstheirguests.however,inpracticethereisoftenanexpectationofreciprocity:thisperx sonissupposeddothesameormoreinreturnthenexttime.incaseitisless,therelationship willbeaffected.iaskedamalwhatsheexpectsfromtherelationshipwhensyriansreturn: Ihopeitwillbebetter.AsJordanianshavebeengoodtothem,theyshouldbegood.Inshallah,% Inshallah 45.% TheshorttermofhospitalitybecomesespeciallyclearintheexpectationSyrianswillgoback. Althoughmostofthemanticipatesomeoftherefugeeswillstay,theyhopemostofthemwon t. Thesehopeswerealwaysreligiouslyexpressed,believingthatintheendGoddecideswhatwill happen. Inshallah,%theywillgobacktotheircountry,asbothDianaandFatimaexpressedtheir hopes.butinreality,womendonotknowwhatwillhappenandhowlongthecrisiswillcontinx ue.intheirdailylives,everydayreligion knowingthatonlygoddecides,hewhoisgenerous, andmercifulandhewhowilldivideequally createsnotonlyquestionsaboutjustice,butespex ciallyhelpswomenincreatinghopeforfutureprospectsthatseemuncertain. OneofthemajorworksonhospitalitywithinphilosophyisJacquesDerrida(2005).AltX hough the term has a connotation of inclusiveness towards the other, it contains a peculiar 45Translation: Godwilling,or ifallahwills 49

50 meaning 46.Withinsocialandculturaltheory,hospitalityisaddressedasanambivalentrelationX shipbetweentheguestandthehost.itrelates,amongotherthings,tomoralconceptions such ascaring,honesty,andreciprocity culturalpracticesandsymbols suchascoffeeinthecaseof Jordan. Based on Derrida s work, anthropologist Friese (2008) relates the term to migration. Accordingtohim,hospitalityisanambiguousterm,becausewhileitreferstoasharedplace, exchange and alliance, it also means mistrust, demarcation, hostility and rejection (Friese, 2008).ThisseemsthecaseinJordantoo.Besides,whenitisavoluntaryact,thereisanexpectaX tionofobligatedreciprocity. WhileinthiscasewomendidnotshowhostilitytowardsSyrians, thiscasedoesshowhospitalityandtheeverydayreligiousinterpretationofthisformofgenerosx ityoftenappearsinconflictingways.hospitalityisnotendlessandthuscontainslimits 47.Also Lebanonisfacinglimitsofhospitalitywiththecontinuingflowofrefugees.Christophersenetal (2013)arguethecontradictoryattitudesofabsorbingmorerefugees(aformofhospitableattiX tudesaccordingtothem),whileexperiencedpressurescontributetocallsfornomoresyrians.i arguetheseapparentlimitsaremorecomplexthantheyinitiallyseem.inthiscaseofamman, theselimitsofhospitalityshowtheethicalandreligiousdilemmawomenarein.thesebenefix ciariesjugglebetweenjustice,equality,andfairnessontheonehandandgenerosity,compasx sion,andsolidarityontheother. AsItriedtoshowabove,hospitalityshouldbeunderstoodbothfromitshistoricaland culturalcontext.byplacingitinaspecificcontext,webecomeabletounderstandbetterhow womenusereligiousidiomsandinterpretationsaccordingthecontexttheylivein,whichhelps themindealingwithpressuresontheirdailylives.inthiswayreligiositycontributestoremainx ingresilient,whilebeingvulnerable,againstdisruptivechanges. Includedoutsidersandexcludedinsiders Itseemsaparadoxicalsituationhasappearedofbeinghospitableandrecognizingthenecessity ofcharitiesontheonehand,whilesufferingfromthiscontinuinghospitalityandcharitiesonthe other.dr.shteiwidoesnotseethisasatension.asialsomentionedabove,hethinksjordanians reactionsderivemorefromtheexistentialimpactofsyrianrefugees,sincetheinfluxcontributes tojobcompetition,increaseinprices,andpressuresonservicesandeducation.thisdoesnot meanachangeintheideologicalvaluesystem ashecallshospitality.sincesyriansare brothx ers and sisters,jordanisobligatedtosupportthem.however,theinfluxhasaffectedjordanix ans dailylifeandthefabricofthestructureofsociety.itisthechallengeforjordanians,accordx ingtohim,tofindabalancebetweenthesetwo.inotherwords,thisdualityexpressesitselfina fragileequilibriumbetweenobligationtosupportandwelcomesyrianrefugeesandpressures ondailylives.asshownabove,itseemsthattheruleofgenerosity,expressedinwomen severyx dayreligion,helpsthemincopingwiththisduality. AtthelastdaythatIheldinterviewsintheAlManaraSociety,ItalkedwithNajwaabout thepressuresyriansposeonthesocietyandespeciallyonthedonationsshereceives.attheend oftheinterviewiaskedifshewouldliketoaddanythingelseormentionsomethingididnot ask.shebelievedshesaideverythingshewantedtotellme,butthatshewouldliketoemphasize onething: % 46AsthephilosopherJacquesDerrida,basedonKant sworkonpeaceandhospitality,explains:theterm hospitality derivesfromthewordhospes,meaning host, guest or stranger.ithasadirectrelationwithhostis,meaning stranger or enemy (Derrida,2005). 47HereIsituatemyargumentinthedebateof(limitsof)hospitality.Derrida sworkonhospitalityhasmadethefirst importantanalyticalstepinthisdebate.others,suchasfriese(2008)analyzehospitalityfromananthropological perspective.fromamorepoliticalperspective,scientists(suchasassierxandrieu,2000)analyzethisgestureinrelax tiontolegalandpoliticallimitations.others(seeforexamplemiller&hashimi,2001)lookatissuessuchasnational borders,territoryandideasofnationsandcitizenship. 50

51 Syriansarestilllikefamilies.Butitshouldn tbelikethatitaffectsdonations;thatit isonbehalfofus.itshouldn tbelikeigivehalfofmyhouseandicanbarelylivein myownhouse. When%this%interview%finished,%Najwa%leaves%the%classroom.%When%she%opens%the%door,%Amal,%the% new%syrian%volunteer,%who%stays%in%jordan%since%two%years%as%a%refugee,%is%standing%in%the%corril dor.%the%two%women%say%each%other%enthusiastically%hello.% Kifek 48?%Najwa%turns%her%face%toL wards% me.% Look,% she% says,% She% is% Syrian% and% I% love% her % Amal% and% Najwa% hug% each% other% while%laughing.%% This moment, these smiles, and that laughing made me realize why I came to this place: the peacefulandwarmattitudesfromjordanianstowardssyrians.asiobservedinthealmanara Societyinmylastminutes:despitetherumors,thesuffering,andtensions,JordanianandSyrian womeninalmanarastilllaugh,hug,andmakefuntogether. ThismomentdescribedaboveemphasizesinclusivenessfromJordanianwomentowards Syrianrefugees,especiallyamongwomen.Butthisinclusionseemstocontainsomelimits,beX causegenerositymay,accordingtosomebeneficiaries ideas,notaffectthemtoomuch.asihave shownabove,charitystartswherethehospitalityinitsprincipleends.butdespiteinclusiveidex asofislam,themodernnationalbordersdividepeopleofformergreatsyriainmodernnational identitiesinwhichsyriansremainguestsinjordan.thismeansthatdespitetheruleofcharityis applied,includingitsstrugglesandtensions,someprinciplesofhospitalityremain,suchexpectax tionsofreturn,nofinancialharmtothehost,andtheideaofreciprocity.thus,despitehospitax bleandsolidarygestures,certainlimitsofhospitalityaremarked.fromtheclients perspective, anideaofexcluded%insidersappears:theideathatthosefromthebrotherhoodofislamcanbe excluded toacertainextent accordingtosomespecificreligiousinterpretations.atthesame time,theideaofbrotherhoodandtheruleofgenerosityindicatethatthereisalwaysacertain degreeofinclusion. Butasbecomesclearfromthepreviouschapter,patronsseemtoworkaccordingtoa slightly different interpretative scheme of generosity. Patrons have included Muslim brothers (andsisters)fromadifferentcountryinthecaresystemaccordingtotheinterpretedreligious rulesofgenerosity meaninghelpingtheweaker.however,syriansremain unofficial members ofthissupraxlocalsystem.sincetheyremainoutsiders,theydonotalwaysreceivehelpaccordx ingtothesameregularitiesasjordanianmembersofthissystem.thus,althoughtheproviders haveincludedsyriansinthecaresystem,theytreatthemasoutsidersaswell.fromtheprovidx er sperspectivesyriansseemstohavebecomeincluded%outsiders. Inshort,bothclientsandpatronsspeakaccordingtothesamelogicofgenerosity,butthe interpretationofitslightlydiffers.hence,whilethesocioxpsychologicalapproachofthesitarx guesexclusionofotherstakesplacebasedoncomparisonwithrelativeothers,thischaptershas shown ideas of exclusion are highly ambiguous. The palpable consequence of these specific interpretativeschemesinthislogicforsyriansgoesbeyondthescopeofthisthesis.thistheox reticalapproachdoesneverthelessgiveinsightthediscontentamongbeneficiariestowardsdox norsandpatronsandtheopposingschemeswithinthesamelogic.whilehospitalityisashortx termmatterandcharityalongterm,thesedifferencesshowlimitsofgenerositytowardsincludl ed%outsidersorexcluded%insiders.thisseemstobethelogicofgenerosityintimesofcrisisthat contributestoaresilientcommunityineastamman. 48Translation: Howareyoudoing? 51

52 6. Conclusions It stoourowngoodtolovehimandworshiphim,becausewhenwedo,wewillbefairto eachother.andtherewillbepeaceallovertheworld(umnadal). Inthisworldwecontinuouslyliveinradicaluncertainty.HumanbeingsareexposedtounforeX seenthreats,inwhichweconstantlyfindourselvesunprepared(duffield2013).thisseemsto beespeciallythecasefortheeastammanianpoor.inthisthesisiexaminedthepressurethat theinfluxofsyrianrefugeesposesonthedailylivesofwomeninamanara,eastamman.inline withbutler (2004),everyactorinasocialsystemexperiencesuncertainty,whichmakeseach individual to a certain degree precarious. Yet, precariousness entails inequality. This thesis showsthatcommunitiesin the periphery are often the most vulnerable ones. PatronagerelaX tionshipsemphasizethisinequalityanditisenforcedwiththearrivalofsyrianrefugees.before movingtothissubject,ifirstwouldliketomakesomeconcludingremarksonjordan spatronx agesystem. Jordan spatronagesystem:thegiftandreligiousinterpretations This thesis focused on charities that make up an important part of the financial and nonx financialcareforthevulnerablepoor.powerrelationsareomnipresentinthecaresysteminthis civilsocietylevel.organizationsandinstitutions,includingitsvolunteersorbrokers,oftenconx tainambiguousandambivalentcharacteristicsofdemocracy,powerandreputation,caringfor thealienatedpoorintheperiphery.assoonasbeneficiariesareregisteredintheorganizationor enteredintherelationshipwiththoseworking independently,thesebrokersbecomethebenex ficiaries patronsandthefemalebeneficiariesbecometheirclients.theyconsequentlyenterinto an unequal power relationship that ascribes them certain rules of conducts according to the constructedmoralrulesofsociety. Although patronage is always a reciprocal relationship (Eisenstadt & Lemarchand, 1981),reciprocityisnotobservableatfirstsight.InthisthesisIshoweditismanifestedinthe religioussphereofthecaresystem.inlinewithscott(1990),inthepublictranscriptsthesepax tronsdominateovertheirclientsindifferentways,suchasthroughdonationsintheformofthe gift, and to a lesser extent their knowledge and position. While voluntarily, donations, in the formofthegift,bindthesetwoactorsandleavethemwithmoralobligations,suchassolidarity, loyaltyandrespect.whileloyaltyisreciprocateddirectly,itseemstheindirectspiritualpayback fromallahismorevaluabletothepatrons.accordingtotheculturallyinterpretedreligiousrules oftheirsocialinteraction,patronsareobligatedtohelptheweaker,whicheventuallyenriches themspirituallyandprovidesthemtheopportunityforearningcreditsforthehereafter. Itcouldbearguedpatronageisaformofagamewithsetsofrules,inwhichbothactors trytowinasmuchaspossiblebywishfulfillment(scott,1990).bothareexpectedtoplayacx cordingtothemoralrulesofthisgame.backstage(goffman,1974),intheformsofhiddentranx scripts, clients rumors, gossips, and grumblings appear when they start to distrust their pax trons. These infrapolitics, a form of political communication, are important artful ways of the subordinatedclientstodevelopasharedcritiqueofpower,albeitrespectfully,becausetheyare disguisedananonymous.asshownwiththecaseofumalaa,theseformsofresistancereinforce normativestandardsandremindpatronsoftherulesofthegameaccordingtothekindofconx ductsthatareimpliedbythesenormativerules(scott,1990.).theseformsofinfrapoliticsare powerfulwaystoruinoraffectthepatron sreputationwhen(s)hedoesnotplaythisgameof wishfulfillmentaccordingtothenegotiatedrules. 52

53 However,notonlyclientsshowresistanceagainstthepowersoftheirpatrons,alsovise versa.patronsarehighlyawareoftherumorsandgossipsaboutthemthattakeplaceinhidden transcripts.theycanusethepowerofthegiftwhentheirclientisgrumblinginordertoprevent furtherdestructiverumorsandgossipsinthebackstage.inthisway,clientsandpatronsengage inadialecticofthepoliticalsphere,aformofpoliticalactioninwhichbothactorstrytoenrich themselvesandeachother,eitherineconomicorreligiousterms. Crisis)and)generosity)) WiththeinfluxofSyrianrefugees,womenofAlManaraexperienceahigherpressureontheir livelihoods.priceshaverisenwhiletheyarealreadystrugglingwithlimitedincomes.inaddition, theyexperienceapressureondonationsbecausetheflowofrefugeespenetratedintothecare systemaswell.thisprovidespatronswithopportunitiestoestablishanambiguouspowerposix tion of remaining loyal towards their clients, based on religious interpretations. At the same timetheycontributetotheirjordanianclient svulnerabilitybyacquiringsyrianclientsunder themaswell.asaconsequence,thepatronagesystemofunequalrelationshipsisreinforced. Even though the patronage system is sensitive to local sentiments (Roniger, 2004) or disruptivechanges,itdoesnotseemtocollapse.inmyfindingsitseemsthatthelogicofgenerx osity helps maintaining this system. The patronage system has become enforced, and a new lower or weaker categoryhasenteredthissystem.bothpatronsandclientsspeakaccording thesamereligiouslogicofgenerosity,inwhichapersonisexpectedtoshowsolidarity,compasx sion, and generosity to the weaker or those who struggle (Engineer, 2010). However, women showed they are juggling with ethical and religious dilemmas: taking care of themselves and theirinxgrouportheguest,thenew weaker categoryinthesociety?thisquestionisanissueof definingtheboundaryoftheinxgroup.theideaofmuslimbrotherhoodcomplicatesthisquesx tionofwhatactuallytheinxgroupincorporates.whatarethereligiousandsocialvaluesofthis groupandisthereactuallyanoutxgroup?thesequestionsindicatetheideaofwhaticall%excludl ed%insiders. The abovexmentioned forms of infrapolitics are a way of clients to deal with the reinx forced inequality as a consequence of the influx of Syrian refugees. These forms of resistance remindpatronstoremainloyaltotheirclients,despitetheinclusionofnewmembersofaweakx ercategory,namelysyrianrefugees.fromthepatrons perspective,syriansareincludedinthe caresystemaccordingtotheirideaofincluded%outsiders.thus,patronsandclientsspeakaccordx ingtothesamelogicofgenerosity,butthespecificinterpretationdiffers.inthiswaytheyare abletoplaythesocioxpoliticalgameofpatronageaccordingtothereligiousandnormativerules thatareattachedtotheirrolesofeitherthesubordinatedclientordominantpatronintimesof crisis. Asthisthesisshows,thissocioXpoliticalgameisbasedontheinterpretationsofreligious idioms that should be understood within its historical and current cultural and socioxpolitical contextofdisruptivechanges.thesespecificinterpretationsindicatecertainlimitstohospitality andgenerosity.negotiationsonthedefinitionofgenerosityanddifferentinterpretationsofrelix giousidiomsrefertothisparticularlogicofgenerosityintimesofcrisis. Theoretical)remarks)on)generosity)and)calculation) InthetheoreticalchapterIelaboratedonthedebateofthegift,whichisaccordingtosomeauX thors(maus,1954;verhezen,2002;komter,2005;murphy,2006)aboutthepolarizationofgenx erosityversuscalculation.inthisthesis,ihaveshownthatthisdebateshouldnotonlybeapx pliedtothegift,butalsototheentiresituation,inwhichwomenjugglebetweentheirindividual wishesandcompassionandsolidaritytowardstheother.thisseemstobethecaseforpatrons aswell.itcanbearguedthenthatenrichingoneslifeandhopingtoearncreditsforthehereafter isaselfishthoughtandaformofegocentrismandcalculation.however,accordingtotheirinx 53

54 terpretationofthequr anandasengineer(2010)explainsaboutqur antexts,itisgreedwhena personinflictssufferingonothersbynotprovidingcharity,whichmakeshumanbeingsmercix lesstowardsothers.fromthisperspective,thegiftandgesturesofsolidarityareformsofaltrux ism. As such, the explanation of these gestures of the gift as a form of calculation by a costx benefitanalysisistoosimplisticandnotunderstoodfromitsculturalcontext. LikeOsteen(2002)Ibelieveweshouldmoveawayfromthisdebateonthegift,whichis presentedintermsofeitherxor.itnegatesthebeautifulaspectthattheattachedgesturesentail. Besides,thistypeofdebaterunstherisktomisunderstandtheveryideaofthisgesture,arisk that always lurks when a western outsider tries to understand cultural and social systems. Osteen(2002)arguessomethingsimilar,namelythatourideologyofthegifthasbeencreatedin antithesistothemarketexchange.accordingtohim,itisour%owndiscoursethathashelpedto createthisview.idonotwishtopositionmyselfinthisdiscussionofdiscourseinsocialscience. Ileaveittothereadertocreatehisorhervisiononthisissue.However,IdowishtoalertourX selvesfromourownwesternideasthateasilypredominateovertheother.thisinhibitssocial scientiststoactuallyunderstandthecomplexsocialworldwearein,aconstructedsocialreality thatwe,andmanyacademicsbeforeus,trytograspfordecades. Aframeworkofresilientaction:arecipeforpeace? IntheconcludingremarksaboveIelaboratedonreligionandpatronagenetworks,butIdidnot discuss and connect this to the third component of the analytical framework, namely coping mechanisms.asdiscussedinchapter2,copingmechanismsareunderstoodasaconditionfor creatingormaintainingresilience(chambers&conway,1991;walker&cooper,2011).here,i showthesemechanismsshouldbeunderstoodinitshistoricalandpresentcontext.inthecaseof Jordan,theycannotbedisconnectedfromreligionXaresourceofresilience andnetworks a formofsocialcapitalthatcanenhanceslivelihoodstrategies. Livelihoodstrategiesareimportantforcreatingormaintainingresilientlives.Theyare shapedbysocial,cultural,economical,andpoliticalcontexts.moreover,thewaypeoplespeak andusecertainreligiousidiomsshouldbeplacedinahistoricalcontextinordertobeableto understandeverydayformsofbehaviorandperceptionsintimesofdisruptivechanges.jordan, forexample,hasahistoryofmigrantscrossingthenationalborders.thewaywomencopewith everydaychangesareinfluencedbytheseexperiencesfromthepastandrelatedtospecificculx turalnormsandvaluesofgenerosity.furthermore,itshouldbeunderstoodfromtheireconomix calstatusastheurbanpoorintheperiphery,andtheirsocioxpoliticalpositionintheirpatronage relationship. Such a multixcontextual approach provides deeper insight in resilient lives of afx fectedhostcommunitiesbyrefugeeflows. Butcopingstrategiesarenotonlyshapedbytheircontext.Womenalsoshapethe contexttheyareinandthestructurestheyarecreatedby.thisbecomesclearwhenwelookat patronagenetworks:accordingtotherulesofthegame,clientsusethepoweragainsttheirpax tronsinordertosecuretheirincomeandtopreventthatalldonationswillendupinthehands ofsyrianrefugees.besides,almanarawomenremindtheirpatronstobeloyalandshowsolix daritytowardsthembytheireverydayformsofresistance.inthiswaytheyactivelymaintain certainsocialandpoliticalstructuresintheirsocietyinwhichtheytrytoremainincluded.this seemstobetheperformanceofresilience.byquestioningreligiousinterpretationswithinthe presentsituation,womenalsoshapetheculturalstructuresofthecaresysteminwhichthelogic ofgenerosityismanifested.womenseemtojugglebetweenjustice,fairness,equalityontheone handandsolidarityandcompassionontheother.thisjugglingshowsnotonlytheethicaldix lemmawomenarein,butalsotheflexibilityoftheculturalsystemofgenerosity,whichseemsto beadaptiveintimesofchanges.inthiswayreligionbecomesaresourceofresilience.womenof AlManaradonotonlyhavethepowertoadapt(Lyon&Parkins,2013),butalsotoquestioninX terpretations.thiscontributestotheculturalsystemofgenerosity.thesewaysofcopingwith changesistheresilient%action,asdisplayedinfigure%2,ofwomenineastammanaccordingtothe logicofgenerosityintimesofcrisis. 54

55 Thenisthissuggestedframeworkofresiliencearecipeforpeace?InotherneighboringcounX triessuchaslebanon,turkeyandnorthiraqthepoorercommunitiesalsoseemtosufferfrom pressuresduetotheinfluxofsyrians(migrationpolicycenter,2013;dinçer,etal.,2013).espex ciallyinlebanonsocialtensionsbecamestrongerasthenumberofrefugeesincreased(migrax tionpolicycenter,2013).applyingthismodeltoanyneighboringcountryofsyrialeavesoutthe importanceoftheculturalandhistoricalcontexts.incontrasttostudiesthathavearguedthat Islam,orreligioningeneral,cancontributetoconflicts(seeforexampleSeul,1999;Hasenclever &Rittberger,2000;Fox,2007),thisthesisshowsthatIslamicvaluescanbeimportantingrediX entstomaintainpeacefulrelationsandsituationsamongdifferentcommunities.thisisaninterx estinggivenforresearchintheseotherhostcountries.aninxdepthcomparisonwiththeseother countriesgoesbeyondthescopeofthisthesis.iwouldliketoleavethisasarecommendationfor comparativeresearch,whichiwillfurtherelaborateonbelow. Recommendations Withthisthesis,Iaimedatcontributingtothedebateonresilience,animportantconceptthat deservesfurtherresearch. InthispartIprovidesome distinctiverecommendationsfordevelx opmentworkersandresearchersrelatedtothisfieldandforconflictanalysts.thesearethetwo fieldsofknowledgethisthesisissituatedinandcontributesto. Development)work) Figure%2%% Resilientaction basedonking s (2004)microXpoliticalanalysisoncollecX tiveaction Thisthesiscontributestoinsightsinthesubjectofrefugeesinhostcommunities,inwhichdeX velopmentworkersandresearcherrelatedtothisfield,amongotherthings,areinterested.as arguedabove,thisthesisshouldbeseenasamicroxpoliticalstudyonresilience.fromthispoint ofviewthefindingspresentedhereshouldnotbeusedasablueprintforanyrelatedcountry hostingsyrianrefugees,sincethiswouldimplyaculturallyinsensitiveapplicationofthethree components of resilience to any Islamic country. This research has only been conducted on a smallscaleandmerelyinoneneighborhoodineastamman.theinxdepthcomparisonofthese findingswiththenortherngovernorateofjordan,wherethepressuresareevenhigherthanin Amman, and with other related countries that host Syrian refugees, is therefore of great imx portance.importantresearchquestionsare:howdothesethreecomponentsworkinotherarex asofthemiddleeastandinjordanspecifically,andwhichofthethreecomponentsseemtobe most important in creating resilience in this specific place? These questions are important to createstrategiestosustainresilienceortohelpcreatingresilientcommunities. 55