FINAL REPORT Refugee Research Synthesis

Transcription

1 FINAL REPORT Refugee Research Synthesis Prepared by: Lead Researcher Jennifer Hyndman, Ph.D. Professor, Departments of Social Science and Geography, York University Director, Centre for Refugees Studies, York University Research Assistant Silvia D Addario, Ph.D. Department of Geography, York University Research Assistant Matt R. Stevens, B.A. Master s Student, Department of Geography, York University Prepared for: Citizenship and Immigration Canada (CIC) Delivery date: May 2014 CERIS is Ontario s leading knowledge exchange network and hub for researchers, policymakers, and practitioners working in the field of migration and settlement.

2 This report is part of a research synthesis project conducted by CERIS with funding from Citizenship and Immigration Canada. The project covered five main areas of Canadian immigration on the domestic front: settlement and integration, foreign credential recognition, citizenship, multiculturalism, and refugees. In addition to synthesizing and annotating recent research, each area report samples significant research in progress and lists key research institutions and researchers. Project Director: Dr. Adnan Türegün Project Coordinator: Dr. Gunjan Sondhi For questions and comments on the project or reports, please contact CERIS at: 8th Floor, Kaneff Tower 4700 Keele Street Toronto, ON M3J 1P ceris@yorku.ca Suggested citation: Hyndman, Jennifer (with research assistance from Silvia D Addario and Matt R. Stevens) Refugee Research Synthesis A CERIS Report Submitted to Citizenship and Immigration Canada, Ottawa. CERIS 2014

3 Executive Summary This paper presents an overview of recent evidence-based research ( ) on refugee policy and integration in Canada. The paper is structured to address the broad thematic areas regarding refugees detailed in the Knowledge Framework. The knowledge and research priorities include the following components: 1) understanding outcomes of resettled refugees; 2) understanding the motivation of refugee claimants and outcomes of refugees landed in Canada; 3) secondary migration of refugees; 4) Canada s refugee protection systems in the international context; and 5) irregular migration and refugee protection. The salient research findings are listed below. Canada has gone from being a major destination for asylum seekers to a minor one. In 2008 and 2009, Canada was the second and third highest destination country for asylum seekers among the group of 44 industrialized countries. In 2013, Canada was 16 th in this same ranking (UNHCR 2014). The numbers of both refugee claimants and resettled refugees declined precipitously between 2012 and While worldwide numbers of asylum applications are up 28%, refugee claims in Canada have declined by more than 49% (UNHCR 2014). The number of Government-Assisted Refugees (GARs) is down overall. Since the implementation of IRPA in 2002, little has changed in the economic outcomes of resettled refugees. The economic outcomes of resettled refugees are less a reflection of their human capital or integration potential and more a result of the age cohort and of support provided upon arrival. Existing federal data and subsequent analyses on the economic outcomes of GARs are flawed. A methodological error may have deleterious consequences for GARs who appear to perform less well than other groups. While GARs may seek employment immediately, they are also encouraged to access English/French language learning and settlement services, where relevant, to ready them for the labour market. Specific Canadian cities, such as Vancouver, are proving to be difficult places of settlement for resettled refugees. A high cost of living and an expensive housing market add additional settlement barriers for GARs who face the repayment of transportation loans upon arrival in Canada. Challenges to integration and settlement for resettled refugees are more acute for youth. Recent findings show that many youth act as heads of household for their families, 2

4 brokering medical decisions, interpreting and responding to official correspondence, in addition to attending school and holding part-time employment (Maine 2014). o Resettled refugee youth are exposed to racism and discrimination in the Canadian labour market and in the local education system. This is complicated by expectations around their heritage culture at home. Refugee claimants and refugees landed in Canada are facing barriers to employment. This is a result of a Canadian labour market that does not recognize foreign skills and education. Refugee claimants take longer to find their first job and may be more likely to be unemployed than resettled refugees. Levels of social support and strength of social networks, both within refugee communities and between resettled refugees and the host community, are among the most critical factors in how both resettled refugees and refugee claimants integrate into Canadian society. Approximately one-fifth of GARs move away from their original place of settlement. These numbers vary depending on the location of settlement with more secondary migration taking place among refugees destined to the Atlantic Provinces and Saskatchewan. There is no published research on visa-office referred refugees. 3

5 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY...2 TABLE OF CONTENTS...4 LIST OF FIGURES...6 GLOSSARY...7 OVERVIEW INTRODUCTION GUIDING QUESTIONS DEVELOPMENT OF THE SYNTHESIS AND BIBLIOGRAPHY OUTCOME OF LITERATURE SEARCH MAJOR THEMES IDENTIFIED RESEARCH SYNTHESIS KEY THEME: OUTCOMES OF RESETTLED REFUGEES INTRODUCTION ECONOMIC OUTCOMES HOUSING OUTCOMES SOCIAL HEALTH OUTCOMES OUTCOMES FOR REFUGEE YOUTH KEY THEME: OUTCOMES OF REFUGEES LANDED IN CANADA INTRODUCTION ECONOMIC OUTCOMES HOUSING OUTCOMES SOCIAL OUTCOMES

6 HEALTH OUTCOMES SPONSORSHIP AND SETTLEMENT APPROACHES/MODELS FOR REFUGEES CASE STUDY 1: PEACE VILLAGE CASE STUDY 2: SCARBOROUGH, THE CITY OF INTEGRATIVE MULTIPLICITY CASE STUDY 3: WELCOMING COMMUNITIES KEY THEME: SECONDARY MIGRATION OF RESETTLED REFUGEES KEY THEME: CANADA S REFUGEE PROTECTION SYSTEM IN THE INTERNATIONAL CONTEXT FAMILY SPONSORSHIP WHAT SAFEGUARDS ARE IN PLACE TO PROTECT AGAINST REFOULEMENT? KEY THEME: IRREGULAR MIGRATION AND REFUGEE PROTECTION THE LONG TUNNEL THESIS RESEARCH GAPS CONCLUSION BIBLIOGRAPHY APPENDICES 48 APPENDIX A: SIGNIFICANT RESEARCH IN-PROGRESS APPENDIX B: KEY RESEARCH INSTITUTIONS AND RESEARCHERS RESEARCH INSTITUTIONS RESEARCH INSTITUTIONS ABROAD: A SELECTED LIST RESEARCHERS APPENDIX C: ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY

7 List of Figures FIGURE 1 - SOCIAL ASSISTANCE AMONG REFUGEES IN THE IMDB, CIC (2012)

8 Glossary BVOR Blended Visa-office Referred CBSA Canada Border Services Agency CIC Citizenship and Immigration Canada DCO Designated Country of Origin DMR Destination Matching Request GAR Government Assisted Refugees HC Humanitarian and Compassionate IFH Interim Federal Health IRB Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada IRPA Immigration and Refugee Protection Act JAR Joint Assisted Refugee (ie, assistance is shared between the Canadian government and private sponsors) LCR Landed in Canada Refugee (ie, those who claim asylum from inside Canada) MBS Multiple Borders Strategy MC Matching Centre (CIC office) PSR Private Sponsorship of Refugees / Privately Sponsored Refugee PRS - Protracted Refugee Situations RAP Refugee Assistance Program RHRP Refugee and Humanitarian Resettlement Program RLC Refugees Landed in Canada SAH Sponsorship Agreement Holder service provider or other organization with a standing agreement for private sponsorship of refugees with CIC. SPO Service Provider Organization VOR Visa-Office Referred 7

9 Overview 1. Introduction Until recently, Canada has been a destination of choice for refugees (Pressé 2011). In 2008 and 2009, Canada was the second and third highest destination country for asylum seekers among the group of 44 industrialized countries (UNHCR 2014). Canada is home to two broad groups of refugees: refugees landed in Canada and resettled refugees. The distinct natures of these groups directly impact refugees experience of displacement, migration and settlement. In this context we refer to a Refugee Landed in Canada (RLC) as a person who has made an inland claim for protection under international refugee law at a Canadian port of entry or designated office. Throughout the formal determination process, a refugee claimant is legally entitled to reside in Canada. Before new legislation introduced in December 2012 accelerated the refugee adjudication process, determination times could be months, even years. Under the new law, a refugee claim is heard in a matter of weeks. A resettled refugee, in contrast, is an individual who has passed through the refugee determination process of the Canadian government and been approved before arriving in Canada. Resettled refugees are selected while still outside of the country, usually while residing in countries of first asylum, and are offered permanent residence upon arrival in Canada. A resettled refugee may refer to a) Government Assisted Refugees (GARs); b) Privately Sponsored Refugees (PSRs); or c) VORs/BVORs, Visa-Office Referred or Blended Visa-Office Referred (RSTP 2013). This report draws on data that reflect the experiences of PSRs, GARs, and RLC refugees; we did not find published research on VORs or BVORs, as this stream of resettled refugees is relatively new. Where possible, we compare the settlement outcomes of different groups. Understanding refugees outcomes is important for at least three reasons: 1) to ensure optimal social cohesion in the context of nation-building; 2) to optimize the social and economic prosperity of both new arrivals to Canada and of Canadian society; and 3) to gauge the fiscal realities of cost and benefit given diminishing resources. Social, economic, cultural and political integration is normally the goal of all immigrants, but it is especially important among resettled refugees who arrive with distinct experiences of displacement and dispossession. Settlement services are key resources that can help refugees achieve integration; some data show the positive impact of such services for prosperity, health, and well-being (Hyndman 2011). 8

10 At the beginning of 2011, 10.5 million people were displaced outside their home countries worldwide. Of these, 7.2 million were in conditions of extended exile in excess of five years, referred to as Protracted Refugee Situations or PRS (UNHCR 2012). UNHCR s statistics exclude the long-term displacement of Palestinian refugees, who are supported by a different UN organization, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA). The Government of Canada, and CIC in particular, has been an advocate for solutions to address the problem of PRS: [t]he consequences of having so many human beings in a static state include wasted lives, squandered resources and increased threats to security (CIC 2013:24). Further research on this intractable issue is vital. Canada has long been a country of refugee resettlement, with its first large-scale group processing occurring in the late 1970s as part of the Comprehensive Plan of Action in Indochina (Crisp 2012). Canada s generosity at that time brought some 74,000 refugees in a five-year period from Vietnam, Kampuchea, Laos and other locations in the region to Canadian communities, mostly through private sponsorship (CIHS 2014). The 1976 Immigration Act took effect in 1978 between the two waves of Indochinese refugee arrivals, and founded the concept of designated class (section 6.2). This new legal structure added capacity for resettling refugees beyond the 1951 Convention refugee definition by affirming that any Convention refugee or any person who is a member of a class designated by the Governor in Council as... in accordance with Canada s humanitarian tradition with respect to the displaced and the persecuted could be eligible for resettlement (Government of Canada 2014). In 1978, the Governor in Council adopted the Indochinese Designated Class Regulation. Key to the success of this massive resettlement program was the fortunate alignment of Soviet-era geopolitics, Canadian public opinion (as shaped by the politicized media coverage of the conflict in Southeast Asia), and government policy (CIHS 2014). In 2014, Canada is situated in a very different political landscape. The Cold War is long over, and in the absence of ideological imperatives once-positive attitudes towards refugees are declining. Governments in the global North learn migration management strategies from one another and regularly cross-transfer policies designed to restrict access to sovereign territory (Mountz 2010). In the Canadian context, access to Canadian territory is highly managed. Canada s legal obligations under the 1951 Convention Relating to Refugees and the 1967 Protocol state that asylum seekers who arrive on sovereign Canadian territory have the right to seek asylum. Nonetheless, the two most prominent modes of managing migration that have emerged in this context are 1) preclusion, or the prevention of access by potential asylum 9

11 seekers in relation to sovereign territory of a state; and 2) externalization, or the processing of asylum claims offshore, often conducted in tandem with detention (we address these approaches in more detail under themes 4 and 5). Preclusion has been ushered in by Canada s Multiple Borders Strategy (CBSA 2009). The Multiple Borders Strategy conceives of the border not merely as a territorial boundary or geopolitical line between the US and Canada; rather, [t]he strategy strives to push the border out so that people posing a risk to Canada s security and prosperity are identified as far away from the actual border as possible, ideally before a person departs their country of origin. Admissibility screening occurs prior to the arrival of an individual in Canada or after they have entered the country in order to ensure that those who are inadmissible do not enter or cannot remain in Canada (CBSA 2009). The border is reconceived as any point at which the identity of the traveller can be verified (Arbel and Brenner 2013). Preclusion may involve neo-refoulement, a set of geographical tactics that prevent access to asylum so to indirectly force return in itself an act forbidden by international laws and norms by making a refugee claimant s arrival at their destination impossible (Hyndman and Mountz 2008). While global asylum claims rose 28% (133,000) in 2013 over 2012 levels, refugee claims in Canada declined almost 50%, from 20,500 in 2012 to 10,400 in 2013 (UNHCR 2014). Of 612,700 asylum applications worldwide, Europe received 484,600 (79% of all claims). Interestingly, while the EU registered an increase of 32% of refugee claims in 2013 compared to 2012, Southern Europe saw a 49% increase during this period. Geography appears to play a large part in these patterns, given the top five source countries from which asylum seekers came: the Syrian Arab Republic, the Russian Federation, Afghanistan, Iraq and Serbia (including Kosovo). Some 56,400 Syrians claimed asylum worldwide in 2013 (UNHCR 2014). In 2013, Canada dropped to 16 th place, from second and third places in 2008 and 2009, respectively, as a destination for asylum seekers. Canada s share of applications fell from 10% of the total in 2008 to 2% in Since 2009, Canada s asylum applications fell by two-thirds, from 33,250 in 2009 to 10,380 in The US, in contrast, ranked second in 2013, after being 10

12 the top destination for refugee claimants in 2009, 2011, and Between 2009 and 2013, the US received 311,700 claims, the largest number during that period, followed by Germany, Sweden, and the UK (UNHCR 2014). These data substantiate the point that Canada s preclusion measures may obstruct access to Canadian territory for the purpose of seeking asylum. With a 28% rise in asylum applications worldwide and a concomitant decline of almost 50% in Canada, access to the refugee determination process in Canada appears difficult for those who seek protection. Canada s world-renowned resettlement program continues to provide permanent solutions as resettled refugees. And yet, in 2012 the number of resettled refugees overall was down 26%, the second lowest in 30 years. The government settled 10,624 refugees, only 74% of its commitment. Given that Canada accepted 14,000 refugees annually in the early 1990s, resettlement is certainly down along with asylum claims. Government-Assisted Refugees (GARs) remain a major stream of resettlement to Canada, with Privately-Sponsored Refugees (PSRs) making up a significant portion as well. Outcomes of the new visa-office referrals categories, where UNHCR makes referrals of refugees who meet the Convention eligibility criteria but sponsors are still either private or providing joint assistance with the federal government, have yet to be studied in detail. 2. Guiding Questions Questions addressed in this synthesis are derived from the CIC Refugee Knowledge Framework (draft) provided by Citizenship and Immigration Canada (CIC). 3. Development of the Synthesis and Bibliography The annotated bibliography is included here at Appendix A, so as not to interrupt the flow of the report. 4. Outcome of Literature Search The report addresses five themes from the Refugee Knowledge Framework and is included below under the header Research Synthesis. 5. Major Themes Identified The research report addresses the flowing six themes: 11

13 1. Outcomes of settled refugees 2. The motivation and outcomes of refugees landed in Canada 3. Settlement and sponsorship models/approaches for refugees 4. Secondary migration 5. Canada s refugee protection system in the international context 6. Irregular migration and refugee protection Research Synthesis 1. Key Theme: Outcomes of Resettled Refugees Introduction The resettlement of refugees to Canada represents a discretionary and generous humanitarian act on the part of Canada. Thousands of people each year are granted a permanent residence, legal status, and a new start in Canada. In this section, the term Resettled Refugees refers to the experiences of both Government Assisted Refugees (GARs) and Privately Sponsored Refugees (PSRs). Where possible, we differentiate between the experiences of GARs and PSRs. However, in some cases the experiences of resettled refugees as a group are unique because barriers to integration for resettled refugees are often linked to their displacement and experiences of extended exile abroad. Two-thirds of all refugees live in protracted situations (UNHCR 2012) and their experience is often accompanied by trauma and harm that have repercussions on settlement in Canada. As a result, resettled refugees often arrive with physical and mental health issues alongside low literacy levels in their original languages, larger households, and single headed households (Hiebert and Sherrell 2009). The source countries of resettled refugees to Canada have fluctuated over time and reflect geopolitical situations around the world and broader international events that displace people (CIC 2012b, 2012c). The vast majority of resettled refugees come from a small number of countries. In fact, in 2010, 82% of GARs and 90% of PSRs originated from ten source countries. According to CIC (2012b), recent GARs are likely to come from Africa (Sudan, Ethiopia, Somalia and Congo) and Middle Eastern Countries (Iraq, Iran and Afghanistan). The same data reveal that recent PSRs originate from similar countries in Africa (Sudan, Ethiopia and Somalia) and Middle Eastern countries (Iraq, Afghanistan and Iran) (CIC 2012c). The vast majority of resettled refugees settle in Ontario. Between 1980 and 2010, 58% of PSRs and 40% of GARs settled in the province. However, IMDB data suggest that since the 1990s, the number of GARs 12

14 destined to Ontario has dropped with increasing numbers settling in Quebec and Atlantic Canada (CIC 2012b, 2012c). Economic Outcomes The unique conditions of selection and arrival in Canada can affect the economic circumstances of resettled refugees, including labour market experiences and income levels. Recent research reveals that since the implementation of IRPA in 2002, little has changed in the economic outcomes of resettled refugees. Therefore, the economic outcomes of resettled refugees are less likely a reflection of their human capital or individual integration potential and more likely a result of the support provided upon arrival (Iriyama 2011). Still, measuring the impact of support services for resettled refugees remains elusive, a part to which we return in the conclusion. Income support is not in fact social assistance (which is a provincial source of supplemental income), but refers to income assistance provided by the federal government to all government-assisted refugees for up to one year. It is statistically incorrect and substantively problematic to compare GARs on income assistance in year one with PSRs on social assistance in year one. Figure 1 depicts Table 10 found in CIC s 2012 report entitled IMDB 2008 Immigration Category Profiles: Government-Assisted Refugees. The table, labelled Incidence of social assistance for selected immigrant categories, shows 70.5% of GARs as relying on social assistance in year one. Income assistance is an entitlement that GARs receive, not a welfare payment. This methodological error may serve to stigmatize GARs for accessing official language training and other settlement services that they utilize at higher rates than PSRs (Hyndman 2011). This higher utilization of, for example, English or French language learning by GARs may also explain higher growth in their incomes after year one. GARs automatically receive RAP income support from the Federal government during their first year in Canada at a rate equivalent to social assistance rates in each province. Unlike provincial social assistance, which is means and asset tested, federal income support is meant to bridge GARs entry into Canadian society, help them to pay back transportation loans (which neither PSRs nor RLCs have), learn English or French, and segue into the labour market. To compare the income assistance data with the social assistance data (as in figure 1 below) is a methodological error, but one that can be fixed in future evaluations. These data and the comparisons made below, however, should not be cited or repeated any further in order to avoid circulating the error further. The comparison is noted on page 13 (bullet point 2) of the 13

15 Evaluation: The high initial SA rates recorded are due to the presence of the Resettlement Assistance Program (RAP) which is captured in the IMDB as a social assistance payment usually during the initial 12 months after landing for GARs. However, it remains incorrect to attribute high social assistance rates to the presence of a program (RAP). Rather, RAP is a very imperfect proxy for social assistance; it is not the same thing. Figure 1 Incidence of social assistance for selected immigrant categories, 2008 Source: CIC (2012b). At present this methodological error in the IMDB analysis is repeated often and widely in other government reports such as Evaluation of Government Assisted Refugees (GAR) and Resettlement Assistance Program (RAP) (2011), which states that Analysis of IMDB data shows that GARs were reliant on social assistance, especially in the first years following arrival. The feedback-loop effect of repeating this error is damaging to public opinion towards GARs, government policy in relation to GARs, and distracts from the needs of GARs and associated gaps in service provision. What might motivate GARs to stay on income assistance? Below Sherrell (2010) reports that GARs spent less on housing upon arrival because they felt obligated to pay back their loans as quickly as possible out of fear that they would not qualify for Canadian citizenship. Income assistance from RAP allows GARs to earn up to 50% of one s total stipend through outside employment after which earnings are deducted dollar for dollar from one s monthly cheque. Given the need to pay back transportation loans and the allowable scope for additional earning through paid work (on top of income assistance), the picture is 14

16 more complicated than the quantitative data show. The current method of data collection does not appear to capture whether GARs are employed as well as receiving income assistance, and if GARs are employed, if this counts them as employed in the data. GARs destined to Vancouver reported struggling with the exceedingly high cost of living, with no additional provision reflecting the increased expenditure required. The limited assistance in the first year, coupled with an inability to work due to unaffordable daycare, possibility of lasting trauma from experiences before resettlement, and lack of English language proficiency, results in many GARs relying on social assistance (Francis 2010). Francis (2009, 2010) research found that many GARs from Africa faced additional economic setbacks. African 1 GARs who are in the Vancouver labour market are often concentrated in precarious employment characterized by low pay, no benefits and poor and unsafe working conditions. Francis reports that eighty percent of GAR participants from Africa were underemployed, unemployed or earned less than $10 per hour. Economic potential is strongly influenced by language capacity and language literacy rates and refugees tend to fall below the immigrant average for both categories (Hiebert 2009). While refugees score the lowest in the Canadian Language Benchmarks, this is to be expected: unlike other immigrant categories, the criteria for selecting refugees are not centred on human capital and official language skills (Derwing et al. 2010). Sherrell s research in Vancouver and Winnipeg (2010) notes that that even though GARs had access to settlement services and language training programs, their lack of English language proficiency was cited as the greatest barrier to finding employment. Bokore s (2013) research on resettled Somali refugees found that lack of language proficiency and professional training along with labour market restrictions keep most Somali-Canadians at the poverty level. According to IMDB data (CIC 2012c), PSRs are more likely to be employed in their first year of arrival than GARs. In fact, PSRs outperform native-born Canadians in their incidence of 1 Francis (2009, 2010) African GAR participants arrived from 28 countries in East, West, South and Central Africa. The top source countries for her study included: Congo DRC, Sudan, Kenya, Burundi and Togo. 15

17 employment at 76% (compared to 67% for the Canadian average). This seemingly positive statistic is misleading, however, as GARs are more likely to report higher employment income than PSRs from their first year in Canada. Despite their higher overall levels of employment, net earnings for PSRs are far below Statistics Canada low-income cut-off point (Hyndman 2011). Incidence of employment cannot be cited as the only significant statistic, as sufficient income levels are essential to ensuring sustainable self-sufficiency. Despite many economic setbacks, IMDB data illustrate that GARs experience a steady improvement in employment earnings over time. Upon arrival, GARs employment earnings are below the Canadian average; however, by their fifth year after landing, employment earnings are on par with the Canadian average (CIC 2012b). Hiebert s (2009) research paints an optimistic picture of how refugees (across all classes) fare in comparison with other immigrant groups. Drawing on a special tabulation of 2005 data from the longitudinal immigration database, Hiebert found that in Vancouver, refugees fare better in income earnings than business principal applicants. 2 His findings further demonstrate that male refugees and skilled workers with similar circumstances (no official language ability and low education levels) report roughly the same income levels. Interestingly, a refugee who possesses a university degree and who either is or is not fluent in English reports a higher income level than a business migrant under the same circumstances. While refugees still earn less across the board, the findings indicate that refugees are not reporting the lowest earnings when compared with other groups of immigrants (Hiebert 2009). 3 Housing Outcomes Resettled refugees often face considerable economic barriers owing to their lack of knowledge of Canada s official languages, customs, and appropriate strategies for accessing basic amenities and services in Canada (Hari et al. 2013; Hyndman 2011). Resettled refugees 2 Only one third of business class immigrants had reported any earnings in Hyndman (2011) elaborates on these findings by raising the question of whether immigration policies designed to recruit economic immigrants are effective. 3 Daniel Hiebert is currently updating this research on the economic performance of refugees with findings from the 2011 National Household Survey for CIC. 16

18 often arrive with limited assets and financial resources, and this situation places considerable strain on their ability to find adequate housing and employment. This strain is regularly exacerbated by the repayment of transportation loans extended to GARs. Sherrell (2010) reported that housing experiences for GARs were compromised since they felt obligated to pay back their loans as quickly as possible out of fear that they would not qualify for Canadian citizenship. Brunner et al. (2010, 2012) reported that some Acehnese GARs also wanted to pay back transportation loans as quickly as possible, before interest began to accrue on the loans, because paying interest is forbidden according to some interpretations of Islamic faith. They also feel that impending debt may negatively affect the individuals ability to sponsor family members or a spouse. Even though resettled refugees often require assistance in accessing adequate, affordable and safe housing, research shows that few seek out formal avenues of housing assistance (Preston et al. 2011). Instead many resettled refugees turn to informal systems of support for shelter and housing information, such as that provided by friends and relatives (Hari et al. 2013; Murdie 2010). This is especially often the case for racialized refugees who face additional barriers of discrimination; for example, Francis (2010) research revealed that Vancouver s housing market was inaccessible for many GARs from Africa due to racial discrimination. When coupled with unfamiliarity with the norms and laws of Canadian housing system, restrictions on the availability of subsidized housing, low vacancy rates, and large family sizes, discrimination places GARs and other refugees at high risk for episodes of homelessness. In Toronto, research shows that sponsored refugees face obstacles when accessing housing. Refugee claimants whose status has yet to be approved, however, face even greater challenges in securing appropriate housing. Sponsored refugees reported having a more positive experience in the housing market than claimants thanks to increased likelihood of connections with established networks of friends and family. Privately sponsored refugees reported securing access to housing within approximately one month after arrival; this was much faster than refugee claimants, who reported needing up to seven months to find housing (Murdie 2010). Despite these advantages, Preston et al. (2011) found that sponsored refugees had similar complaints about their housing situation as refugee claimants, which included affordability, overcrowding, poor maintenance, and discriminatory treatment from landlords. Their research revealed that sponsored refugees were more likely than refugee claimants to consider their dwelling unhealthy. Common conditions included mould, bedbugs and other vermin, and inadequate ventilation. 17

19 Overcrowding among refugees is also a well-cited concern for resettled refugee families, who often find that Canadian rental or subsidized units are not suitably sized for large families. For example, Sherrell s (2010) research found that Afghan GARs in both Vancouver and Winnipeg were likely to be living in crowded conditions since nearly a third of this group reported having six or more household members. Social Social support and social networks can have extensive benefits in relation to the integration of resettled refugees. Both formal and informal support systems can reduce refugees level of isolation, enhance their sense of belonging, decrease the stress of discrimination and ease integration into a new society (Stewart et al. 2012). Simich (2010) found that refugees sense of home is directly linked to the proximity of family and social networks. In her research, Simich found that some GARs perceived the proximity of family and friends as more important than access to employment opportunities. She noted that GARs were willing to move away from their initially assigned destinations in order to be closer to family and friends (Simich 2010). Makwarimba et al. s (2013) study of Sudanese and Somalian refugees in Toronto and Edmonton demonstrated that social support increases emotional well-being and facilitates integration. Resettlement can lead to diminished social networks as newcomers are removed from their social networks, potentially resulting in depression and other mental health conditions (see also Simich 2010). Respondents voiced a need to strengthen existing networks but also to design and implement services that are culturally and ethnically intelligible. Appropriate support and services would serve to help resettled refugees cope with challenges involving employment, finances, family and children, housing, discrimination, and language (Makwarimba et al. 2013). In recent years the role of gender in the refugee experience has been recognized. Women often experience unequal treatment in flight, exile, resettlement, and repatriation (Hari et al. 2013). Gender can influence experiences of displacement, resettlement, human rights abuses, and access to social services and financial resources in the host country (ibid). In their research on Acehnese GARs in Vancouver, Brunner et al. (2012) reported that men greatly outnumber women and that the extreme gender imbalance among this group reflects the conditions of flight and detention in Malaysia. While not new, their 2010 research on Acehnese refugees in Vancouver uncovered other ways that gender influences settlement experiences. Upon resettlement, women s experiences of integration were complicated by traditionally prescribed 18

20 Acehnese gender roles. Because Canada had not previously settled refugees from Aceh, there were no co-ethnic groups of women to whom they could turn to for reference or support. Some women encountered tensions upon entering the Canadian labour force because of their husbands expectations of domestic and child care obligations at home. Even if a woman is employed outside of the household, unpaid domestic work was still considered a woman s responsibility despite her husband s employment status, leading to debilitating imbalances in workloads (Brunner et al. 2010). Health Outcomes According to McMurray et al. (2013) GARs often arrive in Canada after long periods of time spent in refugee camps, which can lead to complex and non-local health issues that Canadian health care providers may not be familiar with. Language barriers can prevent GARs from accessing adequate healthcare; moreover, GARs have experienced service refusal because of confusion over billing procedures. GARS may experience psychological distress based on both social and economic factors here in Canada. For example, Simich (2010) argues that mental health issues can be linked to economic difficulties because limited economic resources can diminish one s ability to care for loved ones remaining in their home country this is especially acute when those left behind face the threat of violence and hardship. This research found that resettled Sudanese who experienced economic hardship were two to four times more likely to experience mental distress. The fear of being unable to support family members back home was the primary reason for these refugees mental distress. Outcomes for Refugee Youth Recent research shows that the negative experiences and challenges to integration and settlement for resettled refugees are more acute for youth (Hari et al. 2013). Bokore (2013) found that Canadian-Somali youth face racism and Islamophobia both in the labour market and in the educational system, which contribute to overall youth isolation and disengagement. Beiser et al. s (2012) research on pre-adolescent Ethiopian resettled refugees in Toronto indicates that these youth report high levels of emotional distress. Respondents also reported challenges due to racial discrimination in the community and household conflict over adherence to traditional culture within the family. These stressors can challenge identity formation and can compromise the mental and emotional health of refugee youth. 19

21 Trauma transference describes a situation where children of resettled refugees are affected by the trauma experienced by their parents (Bokore 2013). Bokore s participants report seeing murug sadness or depression in their teenage children reminiscent of that caused by experiences before migration or during the challenging integration process. The research finds that nearly three quarters of Canadian-Somali youth exhibit the effects of trauma, the symptoms of which include behavioural problems, addictions, gang membership and participation in extremist religious groups which use youth s vulnerability as a recruitment strategy. Hari et al. (2013) add that resettled refugees who lack friendship networks can have issues with their sense of belonging in Canada. These issues faced by youth can place strain on household relations. Makwarimba et al. (2013) reported that Somali and Sudanese refugees in Toronto and Edmonton experienced tension around cultural and traditional customs with their adolescent children. Michaela Hynie (2014) finds in her evaluation of YMCA Ontario data on youth that services for older youth are lacking. Younger refugees and teenagers end up in the high school system where they are supported by guidance counsellors and school activities that a) reinforce their integration linguistically or culturally; b) facilitate access to employment opportunities through student internships and summer jobs; and c) directly provide access to university education. In contrast, older youth who seek access to university programs face multiple barriers for which there is little support. These young adults are forced to navigate access to unfamiliar bureaucratic systems on their own; in the process, they are often directed into English language courses that are not part of a degree-granting university program. Lack of access to proper university education reinforces the challenges refugees face in breaking out of the low-skill job market. The insistence of employers on Canadian experience remains a huge frustration and a dangerous trap for refugee youth seeking employment. Dr. Hynie has been contracted to assess YMCA data from the client-based data system, but results were not forthcoming at the time this report was due. Nicole Maine (2014) looks at the role of pre-departure orientation abroad for Bhutanese refugee youth who have come to Canada within the last three years, and more broadly probes the question of how youth are faring in five cities across Canada. The study follows up on Sherrell et al. s (2011) work with Bhutanese refugees in British Columbia, examining the effectiveness of a pilot cultural orientation abroad curriculum developed by refugee youth in Vancouver in conjunction with the Immigrant Services Society of BC and delivered to Bhutanese youth destined for Canada. Maine interviews groups of youth in Vancouver who participated in the 20

22 pilot in Nepal, who attended with their parents, and who had no orientation at all. Her preliminary findings suggest the need for more pre-departure training, but also a need for settlement services specifically tailored to the cultural frames of refugee youth in Canada. Maine (2014) finds that many Bhutanese refugee youth in Vancouver are the main decisionmakers and household managers at home, translating documents, filling forms, sorting junk mail from the important correspondence, and making health decisions in the absence of an Englishspeaking parent. The stress some youth voiced based on school, employment and family management is remarkable, and presents a specific barrier to integration that service programming should be tailored to address. 2. Key theme: Outcomes of Refugees Landed in Canada Introduction In 2014, CIC Minister Chris Alexander (2014) stated that asylum claims to Canada dropped by 87% in 2013 compared to This dramatic shift is attributable to massive reforms in the Canadian asylum system and refugee determination process implemented in 2010 and One point is clear: the outcomes of refugee claims made in Canada will now be decided in a matter of months, not years. This massive reordering of the refugee determination process has only recently begun to come into effect, and at the point of writing there are insufficient data to produce any meaningful analysis of the new system. Therefore, the literature presented here refers to what will soon become the old caseload of refugee claimants, referring primarily to the individuals who make up the backlog of refugee claims still being processed under the old rules. Despite the decline in refugee claims, Refugees Landed in Canada (RLC) account for the largest share of refugees in Canada (CIC 2012a, 2012d, 2012e). This group is increasingly geographically concentrated in Ontario and Quebec; the proportion of RLC settling in Ontario has risen from 47% in 1990 to 71% in Overall, RLC are arriving from a concentrated number of source countries, with 64% of all RLC originating from ten source countries. In 2010, the top source country for RLC was Colombia, accounting for 25% of all RLC. Other top source countries include: Sri Lanka, Haiti, Mexico and China. There exists a strong gender imbalance in RLC with almost twice as many male principal applicants as female applicants between

23 and This means that the majority of spouses and dependants during this period were female (CIC 2012d). Economic Outcomes Recent literature demonstrates that RLC experience feelings of insecurity due to the long wait times in the refugee status determination process and the resultant feelings of being in limbo. This issue should be eliminated by the shorter timelines of the new refugee determination process. The feelings of insecurity coupled with a lengthy determination process can hinder claimants social and economic integration (Hari et al. 2013). Their uncertainty around their legal status translates into economic uncertainty and difficulty in the labour market. In both Vancouver and Winnipeg, delays in obtaining work permits (which took up to one year) prohibit many claimants from finding work or attending school (Sherrell 2010). This can often lead to dependence on social assistance due to limited work options (Francis 2010). Hiebert et al. (2009) reported that many RLC deal with a local labour market that does not recognize foreign experience or skills. Their study revealed that none of their participants who possessed a post-secondary degree from their host countries were able to use their education in order to obtain a skilled job. IMDB data illustrate that RLC have lower employment earnings than other groups of immigrants and also the Canadian-born. However, among other refugee groups, RLCs have a higher incidence of employment earnings than GARs in the first three years in Canada, and yet a lower incidence than PSRs in the first five years after arrival (CIC 2012a). When RLC are able to find employment in Canada, it is reportedly precarious work characterized by low pay, limited or no security and benefits and few opportunities for advancement (Hiebert et al. 2009; Francis 2010). In their Toronto study of Tamil and Latin American RLC, Anderson and Sullen (2013) found that economic distress had led to food insecurity for the majority of their participants. High levels of unemployment, underemployment, and insufficient income at social assistance rates to meet household food needs were cited as the major factors. In their study of the experiences of refugee parents and their children, Morantz (2011) found that despite the obstacles that parents faced in the labour force, children had a positive experience accessing proper education in Montreal. Upon arrival, children are placed in schools and attend welcome classes until their French speaking skills are adequate enough for regular classes. Parents and children expressed optimism about the education system and future opportunities in the labour market. 22

24 There are few studies to date that directly compare the settlement and integration experiences for RLCs and resettled refugees. In the recent literature that exists, there is some indication that RLCs face greater obstacles in the labour market. This research suggests that it may take RLCs longer to find their first job and may be more likely to be unemployed than their refugee counterparts who are selected abroad (Hari et al. 2013; Hyndman 2011; Preston et al. 2011). Housing Outcomes Recent research demonstrates that RLCs are often in the most precarious housing situation of any immigrant class in Canada, characterized by poor housing conditions, overcrowding, and high rent-to-income ratios (Preston et al. 2011; Hiebert et al. 2009). RLCs experience a more difficult pathway to housing than sponsored refugees, especially in the initial stages of settlement (Murdie 2010). RLCs in Toronto took longer than sponsored refugees to access housing and were more likely to acquire less desirable dwelling types. Owing to long wait times before obtaining work permits, many RLC are forced to rely on social assistance. Research in Vancouver reveals that social assistance is not enough to cover shelter costs and as a result, RLCs are often forced into substandard and precarious housing (Francis 2010; Sherrell 2010). RLCs who contacted housing services were, however, more likely to access housing more quickly than those who did not. Over time, RLC were able to improve their housing situation and approach the better outcomes reported for sponsored refugees, even though their incomes still lagged behind other immigrant classes. Affordability is a chronic barrier for RLCs in their housing experiences as a majority spend more than half of their income on shelter (ibid). Housing stress and issues of affordability are also noted among refugees living in suburban areas of Toronto (Preston et al. 2010). Research also demonstrates that experiences of the housing market for RLCs vary depending on their location in Canada. Refugees Landed in Canada (RLC) are all refugee claimants until their cases are heard by the Immigration and Refugee Board. Hence data collection on refugee claimants captures both this group and failed claimants, a methodological weakness but not a flaw. Analyzing the outcomes of refugees landed in Canada once they have permanent resident status has proven difficult for qualitative researchers. Federal Government data on RLCs appear to be the best available with respect to this particular group. Sherrell (2010) found that refugee claimants in Vancouver and Winnipeg had differential access to shelter, housing information and social assistance. RLCs in Winnipeg have access to the same orientation services and temporary accommodations available to GARs. As a result, 23

25 Sherrell found that access to social support and networks for newly arrived RLCs may be amplified by their access to these settlement services. The provision of orientation services, financial assistance and temporary accommodations for newly arrived RLCs in Winnipeg also provides a base from which they can connect with existing co-ethnic communities and look for housing. In contrast, RLCs in Vancouver experienced a lag time between arrival and access to services leaving them with no immediate housing or financial options (Sherrell 2010). Social Outcomes Settlement experiences of RLCs are heavily influenced by their ability to access formal and informal forms of social support (Hiebert et al. 2009). In Montreal, Morantz at el. (2011) reported that RLCs children and parents experience migration and relocation processes differently. Much of these differences stemmed from divergent experiences in their social networks. The children of refugee claimants learned the official languages more quickly and easily than their parents, who tend to rely on children as interpreters. This reliance often strained family relationships. Challenges in acquiring language skills limited parents social interactions to new arrivals who spoke the same language or, via telephone or Skype, with those still living in countries of origin. Children, on the other hand, were more likely to make diverse friendships in English or French. The results of this study indicate that children often had an easier integration process and could better adjust to Canadian society than their claimant parents. In their study of RLCs in Vancouver, Hiebert et al. (2009) found that the settlement of RLCs was heavily influenced by the social capital available in existing ethno-cultural communities. Despite their lack of established social networks, RLCs often relied on members of their established communities for settlement assistance. Their research, however, uncovers that those offering help to newcomers are also themselves living in precarious situations. Preston et al. (2011) also reported that RLCs in Toronto rely heavily on established social networks for settlement support; however, their findings reveal that this can often lead to the dissemination of inaccurate information and even exploitation. Informal social ties can link RLCs to additional forms of support such as informal child care. Morantz et al. (2013) found that RLCs in Montreal often face additional barriers to accessing formal child care. Fees for formal child care services are often beyond the reach of RLCs; participants stated that they were unable to afford child care fees and were not eligible for any subsidies because of their immigration status. Since RLCs often arrive without a social support system, informal forms of child care are also limited. An inability to access child care makes it 24