CCHR Briefing Note February Freedom of Expression

Transcription

1 CCHR Briefing Note February 2013 Freedom of Expression Executive Summary This Briefing Note provides an overview of the situation of freedom of expression in the Kingdom of Cambodia ( Cambodia ) and suggests concrete recommendations for the adequate protection and promotion of the right. Section one provides a concise overview of the right to freedom of expression, as protected under domestic Cambodian and international law, and briefly outlines the measures taken by the Cambodian authorities to restrict the right. The following sections then elaborate on these measures. Section two, silencing through censorship, describes censorship in Cambodia that permeates all forms of media and society traditional media such as newspapers, radio, television, as well as the current and predicted situation of internet freedoms. Section three describes silencing through threats and the use of violence by the authorities to stifle the free expression of journalists, non-governmental organization ( NGO ) workers and especially demonstrators. Section four, silencing by law, highlights worrying legislation containing provisions that severely jeopardize citizens rights to free expression. Section five describes silencing through the use of a corrupt judiciary as a political tool, especially in cases involving human rights defenders ( HRDs ). The crackdown on freedom of expression in Cambodia seriously threatens the progression, and even the survival, of the country s fledgling democracy, as well as its lasting economic development. Considering the recent upsurge in severe restrictions on the right to freedom of expression in Cambodia, and with the July 2013 National Assembly Elections in sight, this Briefing Note recommends the following: 1. Media should be free to report independently, and political debate encouraged, not punished; 2. The Draft Cyber Law that proposes to restrict internet freedoms, especially freedom of expression, should be dropped; 3. Aspects of existing legislation that threaten free expression must be amended or removed; and 4. Judicial reform, including ensuring thorough education of legal professionals on up-to-date domestic and international laws, and punishment for corruption. This Briefing Note is written by the Cambodian Center for Human Rights ( CCHR ), a non-aligned, independent, non-governmental organization that works to promote and protect democracy and respect for human rights primarily civil and political rights throughout Cambodia.

2 The Right to Freedom of Expression Freedom of expression is a fundamental human right that forms the cornerstone of all other human rights. The Human Rights Committee ( HRC ), monitor of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (the ICCPR ), states that freedom of expression is a necessary condition for the realization of the principles of transparency and accountability that are, in turn, essential for the promotion and protection of human rights. 1 The right to freedom of expression is guaranteed under Cambodian and international law. Article 41 of the Constitution of the Kingdom of Cambodia (the Constitution ) states that all citizens shall be entitled to freedom of expression. Article 31 recognizes and respects the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (the UDHR ) and the covenants and conventions related to human rights. Cambodia ratified the ICCPR in 1992, making the provisions within legally binding upon Cambodia. The fact that the ICCPR is incorporated into Cambodian domestic law was confirmed by a decision of the Constitutional Council dated 10 July 2007, which stated that international conventions that Cambodia has recognized form part of Cambodian law. 2 Articles 19 of both the UDHR and the ICCPR guarantee the right to freedom of expression. Article 35 of the Constitution provides that all Khmer citizens shall have the right to participate actively in the political life of the nation, which includes the right to freedom of expression. Despite extensive provisions protecting the right, the situation of freedom of expression in Cambodia is dire. The Royal Government of Cambodia ( RGC ) continues to stifle free expression and to suppress dissent. Extreme measures (described below) instill fear in the population and create a climate of selfcensorship. Human rights activists, NGOs, journalists, bloggers and opposition parliamentarians are routinely targeted by the authorities. Silencing through Censorship Traditional Media Traditional media, namely print media, radio and television, are the most established forms of media, yet in Cambodia they are also the forms of media that are subject to the most stringent levels of control and censorship. Since the Paris Peace Agreements in 1991, Cambodia has developed a diverse media landscape. However, the RGC heavily influences most media channels. Freedom House assessed press freedom in Cambodia as not free in its 2012 survey, 3 while Reporters Without Borders ranks Cambodia 143 out of 179 countries on its most recent Press Freedom Index. 4 All television stations, most radio stations, and the foremost Cambodian newspapers are either owned or controlled by the ruling Cambodia People s Party (the CPP ) or individuals aligned with the ruling 1 Human Rights Committee, General Comment No. 34, 102 nd session, Geneva, July 2011 (CCPR/C/GC/34), General Remark 3. < 2 Constitutional Council of the Kingdom of Cambodia, Decision No. 092/003/2007, 10 July Karin D. Karlekar and Jennifer Dunham, Press Freedom in 2011: Breakthroughs and pushback in the Middle East, Freedom House (2012) < 4 Reporters Without Borders, Press Freedom Index 2013: Dashed Hopes After Spring, <

3 party, 5 thereby ensuring the RGC s control over the dissemination of information. 6 Newspapers play a key role in the Cambodian media landscape. Thirty newspapers are published on a regular basis in Cambodia, and it has been mostly newspaper journalists who have been the subject of government actions to impose censorship. 7 However, low literacy rates, 8 and the fact that 85% of Cambodians live in rural areas and have no opportunity to buy newspapers, which are predominantly circulated in the urban centers, 9 limit the reach and penetration of this form of print media. Radio is therefore very important in Cambodia as it has a broader reach. There are 74 radio stations officially registered in Cambodia; 10 most are CPP-influenced. 11 There are four independent radio stations in the country, 12 and one of them, Beehive has faced repeated restrictions, and has been shut down on various occasions. Mam Sonando, the owner, has been arrested three times, most recently on charges of secession and incitement to take up arms, related to a land dispute in Kratie. He was convicted and sentenced to 20 years in prison on 1 October There have been numerous attempts to restrict traditional media, both through the use of criminal laws and through threats and intimidation aimed at journalists, editors and media outlets. Between 2007 and 2011, 123 cases of media harassment, including arrests of journalists, prevention of reporters from entering public events, confiscating or damaging journalists property, criminal charges and even violence, were reported. 14 The media has been stifled by such continued RGC harassment, including the closing down or threatened closure of more independent news outlets. 15 As a consequence of such harassment, evidence suggests a culture of self-censorship among media professionals, who avoid 5 The Committee on Free and Fair Election in Cambodia ( COMFREL ), Cambodian Democracy, Elections and Reform: 2009 Report (February 2010) < En-Final.pdf>. 6 CCHR, New Media and the Promotion of Human Rights in Cambodia (Report) (July 2012) 6 < 7 CCHR and others, Cambodia gagged: Democracy at Risk? (Report) (September 2010) < 8 According to research 73.6% of Cambodians are estimated as literate, however literacy is narrowly defined as being able to both read and write a simple message. See the Cambodian League for the Promotion and Defense of Human Rights (LICADHO), Reading between the lines: How Politics, Money and Fear control Cambodia s Media, May 2008, available at: 9 Ibid. 10 Royal University of Phnom Penh Department of Media and Communication, Cambodia Communications Review 2010 (December 2010) < 11 CCHR and others, Cambodia gagged: Democracy at Risk? (Report) (September 2010) 20 < 12 CCHR, New Media and the Promotion of Human Rights in Cambodia (Report) (July 2012) 6 < 13 For more information on the case of Mam Sonando, see the CCHR Briefing Note (August 2012): 14 See CCHR Media Harassment Map : 15 One example is that of opposition-aligned Moneaksekar Khmer (Khmer Conscience), one of Cambodia s oldest and most influential opposition papers. Its editor, Dam Sith, was forced to close the newspaper in July 2009 in order to avoid criminal prosecution for criticism of government officials. The newspaper was closed on 10 July The charges against Dam Sith reportedly related to the content of several articles published between February and May. His offer to close the paper followed a battery of threats of criminal prosecutions for criticism of government officials over the years. See Human Rights Watch, Cambodia: End Assault on Opposition Critics, 14 July Article 523, Cambodian Criminal Code.

4 publishing information that the RGC may consider offensive or politically-sensitive. 16 Observers have noted that there is an active policy on the part of publishers and editors to cover less sensitive and often less interesting stories in order to stay out of harm s way. 17 The Internet Cambodia has one of the lowest internet connectivity rates in South-East Asia. 18 Nevertheless internet use has been increasing in recent years and there has been a surge in the use of social media sites and platforms such as Twitter, Facebook and Youtube. Independent news stations are disseminating information online and bloggers are spreading opinions and ideas, many of which are critical of the RGC. The relative absence of restrictions of online content in Cambodia has been such that well-known Cambodian blogger and CCHR Program Director, Chak Sopheap, has described the internet as Cambodia s new digital democracy. 19 Likely due to low penetration, the internet remains the least restricted form of media in Cambodia, however there have been efforts by the RGC to curb access to sites where sensitive information is published. 20 In early February 2011, Cambodia experienced a wave of outages, affecting KI-Media, Khmerization, and the blog of Cambodian political cartoonist Sacrava, as well as five other websites. 21 An unnamed employee of one ISP affected told the newspaper that the ministry had ordered the company to block KI-Media because it impacts the government. 22 The internet has become a central platform the world over for public debate, activism, and development. It provides a medium for bloggers, news agencies, NGOs, opposition groups and political parties to communicate their messages to the public. Bearing this in mind, the United Nations Human Rights Council adopted a new resolution on The Promotion, Protection, and Enjoyment of Human Rights on the Internet (the Resolution ) on 6 July The Resolution affirms that respect for human rights, particularly freedom of expression and freedom of information, must extend to cyber space. Despite moves internationally to protect and promote internet freedoms, especially freedom of expression online, the RGC recently announced that it is drafting its first ever cyber law to regulate and to limit the use of the internet. One of the reasons for the adoption of such a cyber law is to prevent ill-willed people from spreading false information. 23 The law is in the early stages of drafting and has not yet 16 Supra note Soldiers for free speech The Phnom Penh Post, 6 January < 18 International Telecommunication Union, Information Society Statistical Profiles: Asia and the Pacific (2009) < For more information see CCHR, New Media and the Promotion of Human Rights in Cambodia (Report) (July 2012) 11 < 19 Sopheap Chak, Digital democracy emerging in Cambodia (Sopheapfocus, 11 November 2011) <sopheapfocus.com/index.php/2009/11/digital-democracy-emerging-in-cambodia/>. 20 For more information please see CCHR Factsheet on Internet Censorship (June 2011): 21 Supra note 6, page Opposition site blocked, The Phnom Penh Post, 15 February < 23 The ill-willed spark cyber law: officials The Phnom Penh Post (24 May 2012)

5 been made available to the public, but fears abound that such a law could be extremely damaging to freedom of expression online in Cambodia. Thailand s Computer Crime Act, which was passed in 2007, provides a pertinent example as to how the implementation of a similar cyber law in Cambodia, instead of protecting the interests of the Cambodian people, could have a detrimental effect on political freedom, freedom of expression, and the right to know. 24 Silencing through threat and use of violence In Cambodia, those who express dissenting opinions are often faced with intimidation, threats and violence. Peaceful demonstrations regularly turn violent with disproportionate force used by the authorities. On 11 July 2012, Rong Panha, an employee of the Cambodian Confederation of Unions, was beaten and arrested by the authorities, while he was peacefully protesting with the employees of the Tai Nan factory. 25 In February 2012, during a protest at a factory in Svay Rieng province, the local governor, Chhouk Bandith, opened fire on demonstrators, shooting three female factory workers, and on 16 May 2012, a fourteen-year-old girl, Heng Chantha was shot dead in Kratie province when police opened fire on villagers during a crackdown on a land rights demonstration. Chut Wutty, the founder and director of the Natural Resource Protection Group, was killed on 26 April 2012 in Veal Bei point, Koh Kong province, while documenting illegal logging with two journalists. 26 Eleven journalists have been killed in Cambodia since The most recent is the case of Heng Serei Odom, a journalist from Virakchun Khmer Daily newspaper in Ratanakkiri province, who was found dead inside the trunk of his car on 11 September Heng Serei Odom reported on illegal logging and had in the last four months of his life uncovered several cases implicating powerful, well-connected members of the Cambodian elite. 27 Although two suspects have been arrested and charged with the murder, 28 impunity has generally reigned in cases of violence against journalists. An example of such impunity is the case of Khim Sambo, reporter for a Khmer-language opposition newspaper, who was shot dead, along with his 21-year-old son, on 11 July Provincial authorities regularly disrupt NGO trainings and meetings and threaten staff with the use of violence, in order to quell their communications with local communities. 30 < 24 CCHR, Cyber Rights, (Factsheet) (July 2012) < 25 CCHR, Violent Response to Workers Protest (Factsheet) (July 2012) < 26 CCHR, Tireless activist Chut Wutty shot dead in Koh Kong province (Media Alert) (26 April 2012) < 27 CCHR, Proper investigation is needed into the case of murdered journalist, (Media Comment) (12 September 2012) < 28 Ratanakkiri duo charged in death of reporter, The Phnom Penh Post, 17 September 2012 < 29 Reporters Without Borders (15 October 2008) < 2008,28956.html>. 30 CCHR, Meetings and Trainings (Factsheet) (September 2011) <

6 Cases of violence and intimidation against those who exercise their freedom of expression, and consequent impunity for those who violate these rights, serve to reinforce the culture of fear and selfcensorship that currently exists among many Cambodians. Silencing by law The Cambodian authorities regularly employ vague and restrictive laws to hinder the free expression of Cambodian HRDs, media workers, opposition politicians, and citizens in general. Despite the RGC s ratification of the ICCPR and relevant guarantees in the Constitution, many provisions in Cambodian law do not comply with international human rights and freedom of expression standards. The Penal Code 2009, which came into force in December 2010, replacing the law of the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia, contains several vague provisions, which severely restrict freedom of expression in Cambodia. 31 These provisions fail to differentiate between private individuals and those holding public office, and even allow government institutions to claim for defamation. This is contrary to international standards, such as the Siracusa Principles on the Limitation and Derogation of Provisions in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which states that a limitation to a human right based upon the reputation of others shall not be used to protect the state and its officials from public opinion or criticism. 32 In addition, the HRC has recently advised that in circumstances of public debate concerning public figures in the political domain and public institutions, the value placed by the Covenant upon uninhibited expression is particularly high...states parties should not prohibit criticism of institutions. 33 Overall the Law on Peaceful Assembly, a reformed version of which was adopted in 2009, is not restrictive if applied correctly. However, there are some concerns about the application of the law and the specificity of some of its provisions, which curtail the right to freedom of expression through assembly. 34 The Press Law 1995 was passed as a result of international donor pressure in order to replace the more draconian Press Law of While the Press Law 1995 does contain positive provisions for the promotion of freedom of expression in line with constitutional rights, 35 both NGOs and the press have further criticized the Press Law 1995 on the basis that it adds additional constraints 31 Under Article 305 of the Penal Code, undermining the honor or reputation of a person or institution constitutes defamation. The motive of the accused or traditional defenses found in other jurisdictions such as fair comment, have no bearing on the offence. Furthermore, Article 307 renders any insulting expression, any scornful term or other verbal abuse of a person or institution a criminal offence. What defines insulting is incredibly vague; thus, it has the potential to apply to any political criticism or satire. Article 311 makes slanderous denunciation a crime and defines it as making allegations of fact, which are known to be false and which may result in criminal or disciplinary action against an individual. Individuals can even be charged for discrediting a judicial decision under Article UN Commission on Human Rights, The Siracusa Principles on the Limitation and Derogation Provisions in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (28 September 1984) UN Doc E/CN.4/1984/4 < 33 Human Rights Committee, General Comment No. 34, 102 nd session, Geneva, July 2011 (CCPR/C/GC/34), paragraph 38. < 34 CCHR, Law on Peaceful Assembly (Factsheet) (August 2011) < 35 Including guaranteeing the freedom of the press and the freedom of publication (Article 1); an assurance that sources will be protected (Article 2); a guarantee against pre-publication censorship (Article 3), and a guarantee that the publication of official information may not be penalized if such publication is fully true or an accurate summary of the truth (Article 4).

7 to expression of journalists. 36 For example, under Article 12, journalists found guilty of defamation and libel, along with writing articles which could affect national security or political stability, 37 is one of several vague provisions that jeopardize the freedom of expression of journalists. 38 In addition to the above, individuals could be faced with up to six months in prison, or a fine of 1 million to 10 million riel, under the Anti-Corruption Law 2010, if they make a useless inquiry to the Anti- Corruption Unit or a court. Article 41 states that it is a criminal offense if defamation or disinformation complaints.lead to useless inquiry. This is a dangerous and vague provision that instills fear in potential corruption whistleblowers. This one article negates the whole force of the law. The controversial draft Law on Associations and NGOs (the LANGO ) caused an outcry among Cambodian NGOs and other civil society organizations ( CSOs ), international NGOs and donors during 2011, when four drafts were produced, none of which took the majority of civil society recommendations into consideration. The LANGO threatened to severely restrict the freedom of expression of CSOs. The main criticisms of the fourth and most recent draft of the LANGO were the complex and onerous registration criteria and the control that the LANGO would grant the RGC over organizations through the ability to dissolve them for certain violations. 39 The LANGO has currently been shelved, however examples of how it could be used to silence NGOs have preceded the adoption of the law, as set out below. Silencing through the use of a corrupt judiciary Exacerbating violations of freedom of expression in Cambodia is the fact that laws, which themselves are plagued with onerous restrictions on the right to freedom of expression and vague provisions that are open to abuse, are applied by a judiciary that is widely considered to be under the influence of the executive branch of government. 40 Judicial harassment and intimidation is regularly used in Cambodia to stifle freedom of expression of journalists, opposition politicians, human rights activists, NGO workers, and dissenting people in general. The case of Mam Sonando, described briefly above, who is well known for his independent news coverage and his fearless criticism of RGC policy, is a clear example of this tactic. 41 Several opposition politicians have had their parliamentary immunity removed for criticism of the leading party. Mu Sochua, a parliamentarian from the Sam Rainsy Party (the SRP ), the largest opposition party, which recently merged with the Human Rights Party to form the Cambodian National Rescue Party, is outspoken on human rights issues throughout Cambodia and, as a result, had her parliamentary immunity revoked in 36 ARTICLE 19, Memorandum on The Cambodian Law on the Press (October 2004) 5, < 37 ibid. 38 CCHR, The Law on the Press 1995 (the Press Law ) (Factsheet) (September 2011) < 39 CCHR, LANGO 4th Draft Analysis (18 December 2011) < 40 Asian Human Rights Commission, Cambodia: Judicial Independence is the key to reducing defamation lawsuits against critics and upholding freedom of expression, (16 June 2009) 41 For more information on the case of Mam Sonando, see the CCHR Briefing Note (August 2012):

8 2009 after she filed a lawsuit against Prime Minister Hun Sen for making derogatory comments against her. She lost the lawsuit, and Hun Sen counter-sued and won the case. Mu Sochua was found guilty of defamation and required to pay a fine. 42 She finally had her parliamentary immunity restored, after much campaigning, on 3 August 2012, however another complaint now hangs over her in relation to her alleged involvement in the escape of land rights activists from a detention centre in Phnom Penh where they were being held without charge. Eighteen women and children from the Borei Keila community were arrested while demonstrating against their forced eviction and detained at Prey Speu in Phnom Penh. They escaped over the fence of the detention center during a visit from Mu Sochua on 18 January 2012, while she was negotiating their release. 43 The land rights situation on Cambodia is increasingly desperate and, as a result, many freedom of expression cases involve the violation of the rights of activists to peacefully demonstrate and express their views. One prominent example of judicial harassment of land rights activists relates to a longstanding land dispute in Phnom Penh, between residents of Boeng Kak and private development company, Shukaku Inc. Shukaku Inc. is a private development company owned by CPP Senator Lao Meng Khin. On 24 May 2012, 13 female representatives of the evicted communities at Boeng Kak were charged, tried, sentenced and imprisoned over the course of a single day. They were eventually released on appeal on 27 July 2012, with their sentences reduced to the amount of time served, but the charges against them were upheld. 44 Judicial harassment has been used regularly to intimidate and silence human rights workers. Even though the draft LANGO has been shelved, the spirit of the law and its stifling provisions continue to haunt NGOs and their employees, as the RGC nevertheless attempts to silence NGOs and to wield control over NGO staff. One prominent example of this from 2012 is the case of Chan Soveth, senior investigator at the Cambodian Human Rights and Development Association ( ADHOC ), who was summonsed for questioning by the Phnom Penh Municipal Court on 24 August, relating to the humanitarian aid that he administered to a land rights activist who came to ADHOC s central office in Phnom Penh. 45 The land rights activist was wanted by the police at the time, unbeknownst to Chan Soveth. Chan Soveth s questioning was delayed and he finally appeared in front of the Phnom Penh Municipal Court judge on 24 December He was not detained and charges against him were eventually dropped on 8 February It is widely believed that the judiciary was used as a political tool in this case in order to silence Chan Soveth and obstruct his human rights work. Other examples of this attempted silencing of NGOs and their workers include the suspension of NGO Sahmakum Teang 42 CCHR, Analysis of the Fairness of the Judicial Process Resulting in the Conviction of Elected Representative Mu Sochua (13 July 2010) < 43 CCHR, Outspoken Opposition Lawmaker Facing Charges of Defamation and Incitement (Media Alert) (17 February 2012) < 44 CCHR, Legal Analysis of the Charging and Sentencing of 13 Boeung Kak Community Representatives on 24 May 2012 (11 June 2012) < 45 CCHR, NGO worker summonsed by Phnom Penh Municipal Court (HRD Alert) (15 August 2012): 46 Court Drops Charge Against Prominent Human Rights Worker The Cambodia Daily (11 February 2013). <

9 Tnaut in August 2011, allegedly in relation to its criticism of land grabbing and forced evictions 47 and more recently, the case of Ou Virak, President of CCHR who was summonsed to appear at the Ratanakkiri Provincial Court for questioning on potential charges of incitement to commit a crime. In the case of Ou Virak, in the absence of any clear information, it was assumed that the complaint made against him by a local CPP commune chief, related to a demonstration in 2009 by villagers embroiled in a land dispute with private company D.M. Group, which turned violent. Also summonsed at the time were Pen Bonnar and Chhay Thy, provincial staff of ADHOC and RFA journalist Ratha Visal. The summons suggested an attempt at stifling the free expression of the rights workers, whose organizations train communities on their land rights, and of the journalist, who reports on the land conflict in the area. 48 This case has since been dropped. 49 There have been numerous instances of judicial harassment of Cambodian citizens as a result of their exercise of their right to free speech, and this judicial harassment in turn discourages others from speaking out, thereby diminishing the space for free expression. The crackdown on the distribution of leaflets that contain criticism of the RGC is one salient example: throughout 2011, a number of Cambodians, including the Cambodian Chief of Labor Protection, were arrested for distributing leaflets criticizing RGC policies on food prices and border disputes with Vietnam, among other issues. 50 Conclusion and Recommendations In order for democracy to be a reality in Cambodia, the tight grip on free expression needs to be relinquished. The RGC uses a number of means, as described above, to harass those who speak out and to discourage others from doing so. In restricting freedom of expression and suppressing those who express dissent, the RGC has undermined provisions in the Constitution and under international human rights law that uphold and protect these rights. Media Censorship: The media is the lifeline of free expression in a democracy but has been stifled by harsh punishments of journalists, violence, the closing down of newspapers, restrictions on TV and radio licenses, and the cultivation of a climate of self-censorship. As such, CCHR recommends the following: Newspapers, television and radio should be free to report unbiased news and to generate healthy debate Criticism of the RGC, its policies and institutions, should not be an offense under the law, and should be encouraged in order for a fair and effective democracy to flourish 47 CCHR, The Suspension of STT (Factsheet) (September 2011): 48 CCHR, Three rights worker and one journalist summonsed to appear at Ratanakkiri court on charges of incitement (Press Release) (2 October 2012): 49 Prosecutors tell court to drop charge in land dispute case The Phnom Penh Post (23 January 2013). < 50 See CCHR Fundamental Freedoms: Distribution of Leaflets (Factsheet) (August 2011):

10 The internet should be upheld as a free form of media and therefore the proposed adoption of a restrictive cyber law should not be pursued Violence and impunity: Violence is increasingly used by state forces to quash demonstrations and to threaten those who speak out. The result is that there is no incentive for violence to cease, and that fear, self-censorship and mistrust of the authorities is instilled in the Cambodian people. As such, CCHR recommends the following: Law enforcement officials must be properly trained in human rights and international principals of proportionality in the use of force before they are permitted to carry out their duties Impunity must be tackled cases of violence against HRDs, activists, protesters, etc., must be sufficiently and independently investigated, and perpetrators punished Legislative and judicial harassment: In recent years, the legislature has taken up the baton in restricting free expression. Many worrying provisions in the current laws leave those who speak out vulnerable to court charges. Equipped with these legislative tools, the corrupt judiciary is increasingly used as a political tool to silence dissent. As such, CCHR recommends the following: Articles of the Penal Code 2009, Law on Peaceful Assembly, Press Law 1995, and Anti- Corruption Law, as outlined above, should be amended to ensure compatibility with the RGC s obligations to protect and promote freedom of expression Articles of the Penal Code 2009 that criminalize criticism of government institutions and judicial decisions are especially worrying and should be removed All judicial harassment of HRDs, activists, NGO workers, politicians, lawyers and generally those who express critical views of state actions and policy must be stopped For more information, please contact CCHR President Ou Virak via telephone at +855 (0) or at ouvirak@cchrcambodia.org or Senior Consultant Robert Finch via telephone at +855 (0) or at robert.finch@cchrcambodia.org.