ASSESSMENT OF COPING STRATEGIES OF ROHINGYAS IN TWO UPAZILAS IN COX S BAZAAR DISTRICT, BANGLADESH. July-August, 2017 Dhaka, Bangladesh

Transcription

1 ASSESSMENT OF COPING STRATEGIES OF ROHINGYAS IN TWO UPAZILAS IN COX S BAZAAR DISTRICT, BANGLADESH July-August, 2017 Dhaka, Bangladesh i

2 RESEARCH TEAM Principal Investigator Dr. Mausumi Mahapatro Members of Research Team Quinh McGrath, Intern, IOM Faishal Hoq Azad, Enumerator Nur Hossain, Enumerator Lima Das, Enumerator Research Advisor Dr. Ishita Shruti ii

3 CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS... II ABBREVIATIONS... VI EXECUTIVE SUMMARY... VII CHAPTER I BACKGROUND, OBJECTIVES, AND METHODOLOGY Introduction Objectives CHAPTER II METHODOLOGY Key Methods Used Target Areas Socioeconomic class (SEC) Household conditions in the last 12 months Leda Makeshift Settlement Shamlapur Target Groups Defining Household Categories Conceptual Blurs in Classification Additional terms, concepts, and definitions Data Collection Limitations CHAPTER III A PROFILE OF THE REGION Teknaf Ukiah CHAPTER IV COPING MECHANISMS OF ROHINGYAS IN BANGLADESH Predominant Coping Strategies Selling, Sharing, and Exchanging Food Rations Collecting and Selling Fuel Wood Remittances, Loans, and Begging Migration Local Markets, Trading, and Services Day Labour Wage Work Intermixing Farming and Animal Husbandry Specific Labour Markets Linked to Rohingyas Coping Strategies Salt Farms Shrimp Farming iii

4 4.2.3 Fishing CHAPTER V FINDINGS Distinctions and Commonalities in Coping Strategies Distinctions Acrosss Demographic Cohorts Mobility Detrimental Coping Strategies Exploitative Practices Determinants of Overall Welfare CHAPTER VI CONCLUSIONS Predominant Threats and Vulnerabilities Conflicts Over Resources Extremism Risky Coping Strategies Distinctions and Commonalities in Coping Strategies Recommendations ANNEX: ANNEX: ANNEX: II iv

5 TABLES AND FIGURES Table 1 : Incidence of Rohingyas in Two Upazilas of Cox s Bazaar Table 2 : Typology of Coping Strategies and Livelihoods Table 3 : Incidence of Different Economic Strategies Across Settlements for Sampled Households Table 4 : Comparing Wages Across Farms Table 5 : Livelihood Zones Table 6 : Livelihoods Using the Sustainable Livelihoods Framework Figure 1 : Incidence of Livelihoods Across Broad Categories Figure 2 : Incidence of Mobiliy Across Settlements Figure 3 : Top Destinations for Rohingyas in Target Areas Figure 4 : Incidence of Male Versus Female Migration Figure 5 : Migration Based on Length of Stay in Settlement Figure 6 : Fate of Migrant Rohingyas in all Target Areas v

6 ABBREVIATIONS ACF BDT BGB BMC BMS CMC DFID FGD GoB HEA INGO IOM KII KMS LMS MSF NPM UNHCR WASH WFP Action Contre La Faim/ Action Against Hunger Bangladeshi taka Border Guard Bangladesh Block Management Committee Balukhali makeshift settlement Camp Management Committee Department for International Development Focus group discussion Government of Bangladesh Household economy approach International non-governmental organization International Organisation for Migration Key informant interviews Kutupalong makeshift settlement Leda makeshift settlement Medicines sans Frontiers Needs and Population Monitoring United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees Water, sanitation and hygiene World Food Programme vi

7 Executive Summary This report presents the findings of a study that was undertaken in four settlements in two upzilas in Cox s Bazaar district of Southeastern Bangladesh from June to August Based on a sample over 160 households, the main focus of the research was to explore the coping strategies and livelihoods of undocumented Myanmar nationals. The main rationale for this focus stemmed from the fact that this area of research has been relatively underexplored, as the emphasis has been on more immediate concerns such as health and nutrition. The nature of livelihoods and in particular the types of risky ventures they are lured into has not been researched to the extent merited. However, given the protracted nature of displacement, strategies for self-reliance are of equal importance. Geographically, the coping strategies of new arrivals also demand greater attention. As such, the variegated coping strategies and livelihoods were examined using various units of comparison such as across settlements, gender, and household headship. It was found that Rohingyas that share similar coping strategies though livelihoods are distinct based on their location. Aspects of geographical mobility, both within the country and outside, were also explored. We examined the places where Rohingyas seek work and how factors such as gender and duration impact the type or extent of mobility. In doing so, the concerns related to human trafficking and the processes or agents that make it a reality were assessed. Other forms of risks such as trade in contraband, sex work, and extremist activity were also examined. Aspects of governance and the role that power or position plays in influencing economic outcomes have also been discussed. It is found that the common coping strategies across all of the settlements include activities such as begging and dependence on aid from UN agencies and NGOs to various degrees depending on the length of stay inside the settlements. Common livelihoods across settlements include day labour and wage work inside small establishments such as grocery or tea stalls. However, there are also distinct livelihoods across the settlements. For instance, in BMS, the types of day labour activities involve work in betel nut farms and other agricultural labour. In KMS, similar to BMS, day labour constituted work in betel nut and paddy farms. In Leda, work in salt farms was more predominant while in Shamlapur, the majority of respondents were engaged in fishing related livelihoods. Migrating to countries such as Malaysia, for instance, was also evident and particularly for households who were residing in Bangladesh for a longer duration. There is clearly a scope for livelihoods related social protection schemes within the settlements and surrounding areas. Given the extent of underutilized coping services, the role of vocational training can play a pivotal role in promoting the livelihoods of the most vulnerable. Examining governance structures and the unwritten rules that govern resource allocation, or breaches therein, must also be given due attention. vii

8 CHAPTER I BACKGROUND AND OBJECTIVES In order to escape widespread persecution and conflict, Rohingyas have been crossing the border from Myanmar into Bangladesh for over four decades, and is still continuing. The most recent influx was in October of 2016 due to a military crackdown by the Myanmar army. Currently as of September 2017, the influx continues. While repatriation of the Rohingyas is one of the most salient demands articulated by the government of Bangladesh and will clearly take time to materialize, the lives of Rohingyas hang in the balance. As a protracted crisis and with an influx of over 300,000 1 Rohingyas since August 2017 attention needs to be given to not only their most immediate needs such as food and water and other basic services but also the various coping strategies and livelihoods they adopt to survive while in limbo. The scale of the challenge is formidable when considering that over 100,000 Rohingyas are living in these regions scattered over three makeshift settlements and surrounding areas 2. Based on the NPM, over 80 percent of the Rohingyas are women and children. These settlements and the surrounding areas are characterized by poor living conditions and overcrowding, and are overstretched in the provision of basic services. Furthermore, these areas are also beset with other problems such as malnutrition, disease and violence as well as continued vulnerability to trafficking, prostitution and drug peddling. Natural disasters such as floods and cyclones only exacerbate the situation further for not only the Rohingyas but also the host communities. 1.1 Rationale and Scope of Research There was a clear and pressing need to develop a thorough understanding of the existing risks that Rohingyas face as being part of a protracted refugee crisis. As an enduring crisis, the mere provision of health, education and WASH services, though important and imperative, will not be enough in consideration of the drawn-out nature of the crisis. As such, practical solutions that involve some degree of self-reliance and livelihoods autonomy are needed for the most vulnerable groups prior to their return to Myanmar or elsewhere. Consequently, there was a need to assess the types of survival strategies that the most vulnerable Rohingyas are currently engaged in, the risks involved - both to them and the wider community, and the skills and livelihoods profiles they come with. The aim is to inform future programmatic design in the area of, more secure, interim livelihood interventions for selected vulnerable groups during the course of their stay in Bangladesh. The study has focused on a detailed analysis of existing coping strategies that individuals/households partake for their daily survival particularly, and for those most vulnerable to trafficking and extremism. As part of the research process, and in order to identify distinct coping strategies for distinct subgroups of Rohingyas, we engaged in a comparative exercise where overall economic conditions, risks, and 1 See the Guardian s report: Myanmar treatment of Rohingya looks like textbook ethnic cleansing, says UN. 2 This figure does not reflect the most recent influx since August

9 strategies were compared using specific units for comparison. We relied upon demographic cohorts as well as others mentioned below: Unit Gender Household Age Wealth/class Disability Social capital Other Questions What are some of the risks and vulnerabilities that women in particular face or women within a particular age group face? What is the extent of women headed households and what do their conditions of survival depend on? Are households intact? What about individuals who are on their own in the settlements with either family members left behind or having not survived? Are there differences in coping strategies based on this unit of comparison? What sort of coping strategies does the younger population take on and how safe are these options? What about the elderly? Who are the better off and what are the means through which they access better conditions or sources of income? How are coping strategies constrained due to disability? What role does length of stay in settlement or social capital/networks with registered Myanmar nationals play in shaping economic strategies for survival? Are other forms of marginalization at play? Though there is no clear line of demarcation, the study distinguished analytically between the concepts of a coping strategy as being a temporary means of survival with that of a livelihood which is more selfsustaining (Jaspars and Shoham, 2002). As such, this research not only investigated the nature of coping strategies and the possible dangers and pitfalls of taking up such strategies, but also delved into the existing skills and capacities that exist amongst these sub-groups from a livelihood perspective. In doing so, the skills, capacities, assets and capabilities will be assessed from a broad perspective of what constitutes a livelihood in keeping with DFID s sustainable livelihoods framework (DFID, 1999). The sustainable livelihoods framework encompasses the different types of capital 3 that households have as well as the role of institutions and processes in shaping livelihood outcomes. Other analytical approaches such as Save the Children s Household Economy Approach (HEA) were useful in assessing, coping strategies and livelihoods, in a structured and meaningful way. 4 These aforementioned analytical approaches were used in designing the questionnaires and for the overall frame of analysis. 3 These include physical, social natural, financial and human capital. 4 The HEA focuses on how households acquire the food or income they need for survival and from whom. It also explores opportunities, constraints and the distribution of assets (Save the Children, 2008) 9

10 1.2 Objectives of Study To assess the types of coping strategies taken forth by undocumented Myanmar nationals and host communities, particularly those most vulnerable to trafficking and extremism To map past occupations, skill sets and potential livelihoods as part of an interim strategy of support The core research questions that were investigated were as follows: How detrimental are existing coping strategies to health, security and other aspects of wellbeing? What are the longer, more self-sustaining options for livelihoods for the target group? The next chapter provides a discussion on the key methods that were employed in answering the research questions as laid out above. 10

11 CHAPTER II METHODOLOGY To undertake the study on coping strategies and in keeping with the objectives as earlier mentioned, a mixed methods approach was undertaken involving mainly the collection of qualitative data as well as relevant quantitative data. The use of mixed methods has increasingly become the norm in social sciences research as it makes way for a process of triangulation across multiple experiences and perspectives Key Methods Used The primary method for data collection was a semi-structured survey (see appendix) based on a purposive stratified sample in each of the target areas. The questionnaire included several components such as demographic information on number of household members, headship and age of members. Questions on preexisting asset base and livelihoods in Myanmar and levels of education were included. The main component of the questionnaire focused on coping strategies that the Rohingyas rely upon for day to day survival. As the aim was to collect information on coping strategies of the most vulnerable households, the sample was stratified in order to collect information on female headed, child headed and disabled households as well as generally vulnerable households. In addition to the semi-structured survey, key informant interviews (KIIs) were held with selected persons from each of the makeshift settlements and surrounding areas. The key informants included the following: 2.2 Target Areas Block leaders from within makeshift settlements Ward members Camp Management Committee (CMC) members Block Management Committee (BMC) members Landlords of selected blocks Four areas were targeted as part of the study. These include Kutupalong Makeshift Settlement (KMS) and Balukhali Makeshift Settlement (BMS), Ukhia Upazila, Leda Makeshift Settlement (LMS), Teknaf Upazila and Shamlapur also in Teknaf Upazila. The target areas were chosen specifically keeping in mind the need to document coping strategies amongst new arrivals within unregistered makeshift settlements given the paucity of research on coping strategies amongst new arrivals and unregistered settlements as a whole. An estimated 33,000 registered refugees are living in two official UNHCR-administered refugee camps, however between 300, ,000 Rohingyas are estimated to have crossed the border and live in Bangladesh 5. Those outside the camps live in the host communities or in makeshift settlements. Some of the host communities with significant Rohingya populations include Shamlapur, Teknaf Paruashava, 5 Bangladesh Needs and Population Monitoring Round 2, IOM. April 2017, p

12 Sabrang, and Leda village. The same NPM round found that 69% of the Rohingya population assessed, were living in camp-like settings in three makeshift settlements. The following is a summary of the makeshift sites in Kutupalong, Balukhali, and Leda based on the NPM Kutupalong Makeshift Settlement (KMS) As of April 2017, KMS is estimated to house 70,392 individuals or 15,232 households 6. The average household size is 4.6 and the space available per person is 14 m 27. It was established in January 2007 and the site is 736,000 m2. It is by far the largest makeshift settlement both in terms of area and population when compared to the others visited as part of this research. Since October 2016, the settlement area had expanded 29 percent and the population had increased by 69 percent. The registered Kutupalong refugee camp, one of the two registered camps in Bangladesh, is also in close vicinity of the unregistered makeshift settlement. The residing population is 51 percent male, 49 percent female where 27 percent of the population is under 5, 31% is between 6 and 17 years, and 4% is over the age of 59. The most vulnerable are considered to be lactating mothers, elderly-headed households, female-headed households, pregnant mothers, persons with specific needs and child-headed households. The primary needs as reported by a Needs and Population Monitoring Study are: food security and nutrition, shelter, education, water, nonfood items, sanitation and hygiene, health, protection, livelihood, information, psychosocial support, rehabilitation support, and assistive device support Balukhali Makeshift Settlement (BMS) The population of BMS as reported in April 2017 consisted of 14,643 individuals or 2,871 households. The average household size was 5.1, and the space per person was 9m 28. The site was newly established in December 2016 in order to house the sudden influx of refugees in the wake of violence in Rakhine State October 2016 and covers 105,400m 29. As the newest makeshift settlement, its conditions stand out starkly different from that of the other makeshift settlements in terms of drainage systems and overall living conditions as well as diversity of coping strategies considering that the majority of new arrivals from Myanmar are based in this settlement. The population is 49% male, 51% female, 29% of the population under 5, 30% between the ages of 6 and 17, and 2% over the age of 59. The vulnerable population and needs as assessed by IOM found similar results as with KMS 10. In Balukhali, 33.33% of key informants reported peaceful relations with the host community, and 66.67% reported moderate relations. During the FGD, all participants reported a moderate relationship with their host community. 6 Bangladesh Needs and Population Monitoring Round 2, IOM. April 2017, p Bangladesh Needs and Population Monitoring Round 2, IOM. April 2017, p Bangladesh Needs and Population Monitoring Round 2, IOM. April 2017, p Bangladesh Needs and Population Monitoring Round 1, IOM. March 2017, p Bangladesh Needs and Population Monitoring Round 1, IOM. March 2017, p

13 2.2.3 Leda Makeshift Settlement (LMS) An April 2017 estimate found 18,350 individuals or 3,670 households currently residing in LMS. The average household size was 5, space per person was 5m 2, and the site was established in June 2007 and at that time, spanned an area of 87,000m 211. The population is 50% male 50% female, with 24% of the population under 5, 31% between the ages of 6 and 17, and 5% over the age of 59. The IOM Needs and Population Monitoring reported similar priorities and vulnerabilities in the LMS site as with KMS and BMS, but with a specific emphasis on the vulnerability of lactating mothers at LMS. Since October 2016, the site has witnessed a 10% expansion in space and 52% increase in population.in Leda, a study revealed 33.33% of key informants reported peaceful relations with the host community, and reported moderate relations. In addition to a Camp Management Committee (CMC), LMS is divided into a total of 7 blocks each with a block committee to manage the overall concerns of the Rohingyas residing within those blocks. According to members of the CMC, this is the only settlement where CMC chairman was elected by the Rohingyas of the settlement Shamlapur There is also a significant Rohingya presence in Shamlapur village within Teknaf upazila. A June 2017 study estimated 8,755 Rohingyas currently reside in Shamlapur 12. The majority of Rohingyas residing in this area had arrived in the 1990s. However, there is no formal makeshift settlement in Shamlapur and the Rohingyas, although clustering together, are relatively integrated with the local community. The village is divided into ten paras with a block majhi or leader assigned to each. A para unnayan committee exists for each of the ten paras and meetings are held regularly. The main occupations are fishing and forest based livelihoods which put considerable pressure on natural resources and in particular, the Teknaf Wildlife Sanctuary (Game Reserve) located in the Teknaf peninsula. Illegal encroachment of Rohingyas along Teknaf s Marine Drive Road, a popular tourist destination, has also lead to eviction drives and a great deal of insecurity for the Rohingyas residing in this area. 2.3 Target Groups As the focus of the study was on the coping strategies of the most vulnerable households, specific target groups were identified from whom data would be collected as follows: Women headed households Child headed households Elderly/disabled Male headed households Thus, from each target area, with exception to Shamlapur where a total of 30 surveys were conducted,at least 10 households from each category were enumerated. 11 Bangladesh Needs and Population Monitoring Round 2, IOM. April 2017, p Bangladesh Needs and Population Monitoring Round 3, IOM. June 2017, p

14 2.3.1 Defining Household Categories As data was collected on the coping strategies of all household members, the study relied upon the following definitions household and specific household categories: Household We used the following definition: a group of people who eat from a common pot and share a common stake in perpetuating and improving their socioeconomic status from one generation to the next. There are competing definitions such as that of Pincus and Sender (2008) that incorporate migrant members who may not be physically present in the household but remit earnings. However, considering the very unpredictable nature of migration that Rohingyas take and oftentimes the lack of knowledge of the whereabouts of family members who had migrated, we preferred the first definition of household that emphasized physical presence. Nevertheless, the questionnaire was still able to gather information on relatives living outside of the camp and whether remittances were being made separately. Female-headed household a household in which an adult female is the sole or main income producer and decision maker 13 often as a result of death, disability or some other incapacity on the de facto male head. As Joshi (2004) has pointed out, there is a great deal of heterogeneity in economic welfare of female headed households based on how headship was obtained, be it through widowhood or due to male migration. Child-headed household a household where all the residents are younger than 18 years old. 14 We expanded this definition to include situations where the child is the main income producer or decision maker, often as a result of death, disability, or abandonment of their parents Conceptual Blurs in Classification As with using any standard definition to determine household status, there were cases where it was difficult to determine headship of the household. There were cases where the female was only present in the household as the male member had moved to another country but remitted. However, in such a case, based on the definition of household that was used, this household would still be classified as a female headed household though the female member may or may not be engaging in any form of remunerated economic activity. Furthermore, although there were many cases of children under the age of 18 whose parents had died, they were generally under the guardianship of an elder relative or neighbor. Though these children may have engaged in various economic activities, they were also receiving support from the household they were attached to. As such, defining these cases as child headed households also become problematic when considering the definition of child headed household. 2.4 Additional terms, concepts, and definitions A number of other important terms that are used throughout the study require elaboration. Most importantly, this study focuses on the unregistered and undocumented Rohingya; who reside in the settlements or surrounding areas and are not formally considered as having refugee status. There are two registered refugee camps for Rohingyas in Bangladesh which receive both government and UNHCR support. The focus of this study is on the unregistered, undocumented Rohingyas. 13 ILO SevAfrica

15 The term livelihood has also been used extensively throughout this study. It refers to the capabilities, assets and activities required for a means of living. 15 It incorporates coping strategies which are both the precautionary strategies used in response to exposure to prolonged risks as well as the crisis strategies to cope with unusually severe shocks to food security and survival. 16 The argument is that there are subtle differences between the two categories though the lines of demarcation may be vague. Hence, a household where members skip meals in order to survive would be engaging in a coping strategy. Receipt of aid would also constitute a coping strategy. On the other hand, a livelihood would consist of some form of exchange of labour or goods for in kind or financial compensation for those actions. 2.5 Data Collection The data collection was completed by a team headed by the principal investigator and a team of three local volunteers, all of whom reside in Ukhia and are fairly adept in the language spoken by the Rohingyas In KMS, a larger sample was collected due to the size of the settlement. The team also ensured that the majority of blocks within the settlements were covered and included in the sample. 17 Settlement/area Upazila Union Sample size Dates of field work BMS Ukhia Palongkhali 40 June 20-21, 2017 KMS Ukhia Rajapalong 50 June 22, July 16 LMS Teknaf Nihila 40 July Shamlapur Teknaf Baharchora 30 July Limitations A number of practical challenges emerged during the course of field work. Firstly, the field work was delayed due to some of the emergency relief interventions that were being undertaken at the time as a result of Cyclone Mora. Moreover, as we commenced the field work in Balukhali during the month of Ramadan, the length of time that could be spent in BMS was curtailed. In the case of the other targeted areas which were commenced after Eid, there was the continued problem of prolonged monsoon rains which at times severely limited mobility within the settlements. 15 This is based on the Chambers and Conway definition adopted by DFID. 16 See Corbett (1988) 17 The sample size was based on a 95 percent confidence interval with a confidence level of 15%. Sample size was determined based on the following formula: ss = Z 2 * (p) * (1-p) c 2 Where: Z = Z value (e.g for 95% confidence level) p = percentage picking a choice, expressed as decimal (.5 used for sample size needed) c = confidence interval 15

16 A more serious challenge was in the nature of data collection itself. As the focus was on sensitive issues including extremist activities, trafficking and involvement with contraband, it was self-evident that respondents were reluctant to divulge information. The use of KIIs resolved this problem to some extent. Some non-sampling errors may have also occurred during the enumeration process. The main advantage of using the enumerators was their language ability. However, the principal investigator observed some cases where the enumerators were leading the respondents to answer in a certain way or misinterpreting what the respondents sought to communicate. These were, however, for the most part, corrected at a later stage. There may have been some underestimation of wages earned and relief distributed due to a possible perception amongst respondents that doing so may provide them with certain benefits later on. 16

17 CHAPTER III PROFILE OF THE REGION Since 1992, Bangladesh has witnessed a fluctuating but persistent influx of Rohingyas into the Cox s Bazaar region. Teknaf and Ukhia Upazilas on the Chittagong peninsula bordering Myanmar host the majority of Rohingyas including 33,000 registered refugees; 300,000 to 500,000 Rohingyas in total are estimated to have crossed the border and now reside in Bangladesh 18. Cox s Bazaar District which is located on the south-eastern tip of Bangladesh borders Chittagong District in the north, Bandarban District, Naaf River, and Myanmar on its east, and is delimited by the bay of Bengal both its southern and eastern borders 19. Cox s Bazaar s history with migration is prolonged, due to its contiguity to Myanmar and the permeable nature of this border. The following table details the host population and Rohingya make-up of Teknaf and Ukhia at the union level. Table 1: Incidence of Rohingyas in Two Upazilas of Cox s Bazaar Scoping Study of Cox s Bazaar s Humanitarian and Development Studies, IOM. May 2017, p Abrar and Sikder, Situation Analyses of Migratory Patterns of Cox s Bazaar District, International Labour Organization. April 2007, p Bangladesh Needs and Population Monitoring Round 2: Undocumented Myanmar Nationals in Teknaf and Ukhia, Cox s Bazaar. IOM. April 2017, p

18 3.1 Teknaf Teknaf Upazila is the southernmost upazila in Bangladesh, and is surrounded by Ukhia Upazila in the north, Myanmar to the east, the Naaf River in the south, and the Bay of Bengal to its west. The area is km 2 including 156km 2 of forest 21. The upazila has 6 unions: Whykong, Nhilia, Teknaf Sadar, Baharchara, Sabrang, and Saint Martine. Teknaf is particularly reliant on its fishing industry including net repairs, high-sea fishing, and port activities. 22 Baharchara is a remote area by the sea that hosts many Rohingyas, the majority of whose livelihood is centered on fisheries, and a nearby hatchery meant children often collected shrimp fries. An FGD based study in Baharchara Union found that the improved skill of Rohingya fishers in the union allowed them to negotiate deals where they could keep 40% of the total catch 23. Disasters are a regular occurrence in this region. For instance, in 2015, heavy rain and flooding cut off road communication between Cox s Bazaar and Teknaf. The rains also damaged shelters in Teknaf s LMS and inundated roads, damaging 3 km or roads completely and 10 km partially Ukhia Ukhia is delimited by Ramu Upazila to its north, Myanmar and Naikhongchari Upazila to its east, Teknaf Upazila in the South, and the Bay of Bengal to its west 25. The area covers km 2, including km 2 of forest area 26. The upazila has 5 unions: Jaliapalong, Ratapalong, Holodiapalong, Rajapalong, and Palongkhali. Due to its location, Ukhia is periodically at risk from natural disasters including cyclones, tidal surges, and landslides. Its hilly landscape and heavy rain makes it particularly vulnerable to flash flooding, water logging and landslides.all five unions are vulnerable to thunderstorms, heavy rainfall, flash flooding due to unplanned infrastructure, erosion of roads, and poor irrigation systems. Palongkhali, Rajapalong, Jaliapalong unions are especially vulnerable to elephant attacks because of the hilly environs and increasing deforestation. 27 Elephants may attack the community, crops, or fruit gardens. According to the Upazila Disaster Management Plan for Ukhia, in Palongkhali, Ratnapalong, Holidapalong and Jaliapalong unions, about 20% of agriculture and 10% of vegetable fields are damaged by heavy rain each year. Fisheries and shrimp cultivation may also be damaged or washed out during cyclones and thunderstorms; they are also threatened by the increased salinity of water following cyclones. 21 Community Report Cox s Bazaar Zila Population and Housing Census 2011, p Nielson et. al, The Contribution of Food Assistance to Durable Solutions in Protracted Refugee Situations; its Impact and Role in Bangladesh: A Mixed Method Impact Evaluation. WFP. December 2012, p Abrar and Sikder, Situation Analyses of Migratory Patterns ILO. April 2007, p Flash Floods in Cox s Bazaar, Bandarban and Chittagong Districts, HCCT Joint Needs Assessment. June-July 2015, p. 23, Abrar and Sikder, Situation Analyses of Migratory Patterns ILO. April 2007, p Community Report Cox s Bazaar Zila Population and Housing Census 2011, p Development of Upazila Disaster Management Plan: Ukhia, p

19 CHAPTER IV LITERATURE REVIEW: COPING MECHANISMS OF ROHINGYAS Continuing ethnic violence in the Rakhine state of Myanmar precludes voluntary repatriation as a viable option 28, and inadequate access to food, aid, education, and movement restrictions further present major challenges to a sustainable solution. This protracted refugee situation places numerous hardships on the Rohingyas in Bangladesh; as they struggle to make ends meet, their livelihood strategies may depend upon unsafe, unsustainable and/or coping mechanisms that are harmful both to the Rohingyas that engage in these activities as well as the wider community. The following provides an overview of the coping strategies based on the existing literature. While there has been a wealth of reports concerning Rohingya refugees, and host communities in Cox s Bazaar by various INGOs and UN agencies, few have focused on the coping mechanisms and livelihood strategies utilized by Rohingyas. The majority of these studies have been expressly concerned with nutrition, WASH, food security, and health sectors. 29 Moreover,where protection and livelihood are addressed, these are mainly of secondary concern within broader studies. The focus of these studies largely reflects the approved 2013 GoB National Strategy on Rohingyas. Studies in the sectors of disability, human trafficking, psychosocial health, and resilience are lagging behind. A better understanding of the coping mechanisms Rohingyas resort to, will help to inform more sustainable livelihood interventions and ensure these refugees are not simply surviving day-to-day, but may pursue more sustainable livelihood strategies during the interim period of their stay in Bangladesh. 4.1 Predominant Coping Strategies Livelihood options for the Rohingya are limited as the majority are unregistered refugees. While some are registered refugees residing in official UNHCR-administered camps, a significant number of peoplelive in informal settlements. The government considers these Rohingyas to be illegal economic migrants 30 and they are not allowed to take part in the economy, despite the fact that as unregistered refugees, they receive less assistance than their official counterparts. The Rohingya livelihood situation is made precarious by the illegal nature of any participation in the local market; this is furthered by the lack of protection under labour laws and the seasonal nature of their work. The GoB is opposed to the prospect of local integration 31 and has put restrictions on mixed marriages between Rohingya refugees and Bangladeshi citizens through government orders and letters to the administrative authorities 32.The 28 Riley, Daily stressors, trauma exposure, and mental health among stateless Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh, p Scoping Study of Cox s Bazaar s Humanitarian and Development Studies, IOM. May 2017, p Roger and Ruaudel, Refugees Right to Work and Access to Labor Markets An Assessment Part II Country Cases (Preliminary), KNOMAD. September 2016, p Joint Assessment Mission: Myanmar Refugees in Cox s Bazaar District, Bangladesh, UNHCR. December 2012, p Roger and Ruaudel, Refugees Right to Work and Access to Labor Markets, KNOMAD. September 2016, p

20 reluctance of both Myanmar and Bangladesh to bestow either citizenship or refugee status on the Rohingyas leaves them stateless, and is a severe constraint on livelihood options for Rohingyas. The majority of Rohingyas rely on several economic activities and coping mechanisms to survive, which vary according to opportunity and season 33. The coping mechanisms they resort to often result in loss of self-dignity for the refugees in addition to protection risks 34.An impact evaluation study by WFP found that the severity and type of coping mechanisms taken by the Rohingya was dependent on their registration status, wealth score, household size and earnings, marital status, and education level of the household head. Unregistered refugees employed a greater range of coping mechanisms and adopted significantly more severe coping strategies than their official counterparts 35. The following is a synopsis of the various coping strategies as identified in the literature Selling, Sharing, and Exchanging Food Rations Most of the literature has described a practice of borrowing, lending, trading, selling and buying food 36 as common coping mechanisms to compensate for the food deficit. This has been observed alongside adults abstaining from eating in order to allow their children to eat, 37 followed by eating less, skipping meals and starving 38. This is particularly common during peak monsoon or the lean season, in July as many Rohingya reduce food intake to one meal a day. An FGD of female plantation workers in Rajapalong in Ukhia claimed they received TK 25 a day and two meals, but they often chose to forgo their meals in order to receive an additional TK A sample study of Rohingya refugees found it was common practice for refugees with official status to share rations and shelter with family or friends outside the camps 40. This is supported by studies on supplementary feeding programs and e-voucher systems, in which the practice of sharing supplementary foods among official and unofficial refugees often resulted in diluted nutritional benefits 41. Selling other aid rations distributed by NGOs has also been noted as a coping mechanism 42. This is not a sustainable strategy as food is already a scarce resource among Rohingyas, and the selling or trading of food may ensure a food debt in which refugees are trapped in an endless cycle of food shortage Crabtree, K., Economic Challenges and Coping Mechanisms in Protracted Displacement: A Case Study of the Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh, 2010, p. 49; D Annunzio et. al, Assessment of Fuel Wood Supply. IOM. May 2017, p JAM: Myanmar Refugees in Cox s Bazaar District, Bangladesh, UNHCR. December 2012, p Nielson et. al, The Contribution of Food Assistance to Durable Solutions in Protracted Refugee Situations. WFP. December 2012, p Years for the Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh: Past, Present and Future, MedecinsSansFrontieres. March 2002, p JAM: Myanmar Refugees in Cox s Bazaar District, Bangladesh, UNHCR. December 2012, p D Annunzio et. al, Assessment of Fuel Wood Supply. IOM. May 2017, p Abrar and Sikder, Situation Analyses of Migratory Patterns ILO. April 2007, p Crabtree, K., Economic Challenges and Coping Mechanisms in Protracted Displacement, 2010, p Scoping Study of Cox s Bazaar s Humanitarian and Development Studies, IOM. May 2017, p Crabtree, K., Economic Challenges and Coping Mechanisms in Protracted Displacement, 2010, p Years for the Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh, MSF. March 2002, p

21 4.1.2 Collecting and Selling Fuel Wood Collection and sale of fuel wood from the environment surrounding the makeshift settlements is a welldocumented coping mechanism. As livelihood opportunities for the Rohingyas are extremely limited, they must rely on the surrounding forest resources in order to supplement their scant income and resources. All displaced Rohingya households are considered wood fuel dependent 44. A study by Sayed, et al. reported 85% of households collected fuel wood from Teknaf Wildlife Sanctuary 45, and according to an Assessment of Fuel Wood Supply and Demand, 25.16% of households went on to sell fuel wood for income. The fuel wood is also traded. During the lean monsoon season, where weather renders many legs of the journey to the forest inaccessible, wood fuel may be borrowed from shops at a high cost. The walk to collect the fuel wood is long, and the heavy loads carried makes these trips demanding. They collect the wood from either natural forests or from social forestry projects. The Rohingya are not uniquely dependent on the fuel wood, and competition for resources often creates tension between the Rohingya and the host community. In Kutapalong and Leda, Rohingyas have a token money system whereby host community leaders are paid for wood fuel collection. The token varies on load capacity, averaging 50 BDT for men, 40 BDT for women, and 25 BDT for children 46. The token is increased if going to collect the wood with a cart or vehicle. While the Balukhali Rohingya camp is the shortest distance to the nearest social forestry projects in comparison to the other three sites, the host community guards their trees, so Rohingyas must walk further to collect the wood from adjacent forests. This coping mechanism, though ubiquitous, comes with several risks. In focus group discussions carried out in Assessment of Fuel Wood Supply and Demand, 92% of participants cited elephant attacks as a risk. This was followed by 72% citing pressure or threat from the Forest Department, 56% by the host community, 40% by bandits or opportunists, 16% by the police and Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB), and 7% were concerned with getting lost inside the forest. Their survey showed women collected fuel wood more frequently than men (42.60% to 36.6%), and were thus more insecure from threats and more likely to encounter physical, verbal, sexual and psychosocial trauma, particularly from the host community The study found 20.8% of children also reported engagement in fuel wood collection % of households reported the host community as a threat for women who collected fuel wood 48. In the 2010 Joint Assessment Mission by WFP and UNHCR, women and children cited fear of beatings and harassment by villagers 49 while collecting firewood. Further, the current demand in wood fuel resources at about 4.285kg/household/day 50 puts Cox s Bazaar District s environment under considerable strain. The Assessment of Fuel Wood Supply and Demand confirmed this demand is higher than the environment is able to provide, resulting in gradual 44 D Annunzio et. al, Assessment of Fuel Wood Supply. IOM. May 2017, p Sayed, et. al, quoted in D Annunzio et. al, Assessment of Fuel Wood Supply. IOM. May 2017, p D Annunzio et. al, Assessment of Fuel Wood Supply. IOM. May 2017, p D Annunzio et. al, Assessment of Fuel Wood Supply. IOM. May 2017, p D Annunzio et. al, Assessment of Fuel Wood Supply. IOM. May 2017, p Joint Assessment Mission: Report of the WFP-UNHCR, Bangladesh, WFP-UNHCR. June 2010, p D Annunzio et. al, Assessment of Fuel Wood Supply. IOM. May 2017, p

22 depletion of the natural resources and leaving the surrounding forests in a highly degraded [ ] and critical state 51. The emerging demand of wood fuel on the finite environmental resources is precarious and unsustainable, and will likely encroach on the social forestry projects in the near future and promote potential conflict with the host community groups Remittances, Loans, Begging Reliance on remittances or aid from families is another coping mechanism cited by reports 53, but a sample study of both registered and unregistered Rohingya refugees found very few households reported surviving off of remittances. Households reported receiving remittances from Malaysia and Saudi Arabia, and these were often meager and unreliable 54. Borrowing from relatives or taking loans with high interest rates are common coping strategies 55. FGD indicated that buying food on credit is common, so Rohingyas try to maintain good relations with local grocers 56. The Rohingya also deposited cooking pots as guarantees for food credit, and if the money was not returned, the grocer sold the pots. This, as well as selling advance labour is particularly true for the lean season. Rohingyas also used assets like gold jewelry as a guarantee for loans or as in the case of many newly settled Rohingyas in Balukhali settlement in late 2016, sold the jewelry to meet the cost of daily necessities 57. Begging tends to be restricted to the most vulnerable, particularly female-headed households without the support of male relatives Migration Moving further south in Bangladesh is another coping strategy and constitutes a de-facto socioeconomic local integration for Rohingyas in the protracted refugee crisis 59. There are increasing number of adult males departing via irregular movements through smuggling or human trafficking 60. A survey found that Rohingya were much more likely to be targeted by migrant smugglers than the host population, with 27% of Rohingya households reported having been approached directly by smugglers in the previous 12 months 61. This is compared with a 6% of a similar incident reported by non-rohingya households 62. The hardship of the main income-earner s absence is 51 D Annunzio et. al, Assessment of Fuel Wood Supply. IOM. May 2017, p D Annunzio et. al, Assessment of Fuel Wood Supply. IOM. May 2017, p Scoping Study of Cox s Bazaar s Humanitarian and Development Studies, IOM. May 2017, p Crabtree, K., Economic Challenges and Coping Mechanisms in Protracted Displacement, 2010, p JAM: Myanmar Refugees in Cox s Bazaar District, Bangladesh, UNHCR. December 2012, p. 23; Scoping Study of Cox s Bazaar s Humanitarian and Development Studies, IOM. May 2017, p Nielson et. al, The Contribution of Food Assistance to Durable Solutions in Protracted Refugee Situations. WFP. December 2012, p D Annunzio et. al, Assessment of Fuel Wood Supply. IOM. May 2017, p JAM: Myanmar Refugees in Cox s Bazaar District, Bangladesh, UNHCR. December 2012, p. 23; 24, 29 IOM Scoping Study Scoping Study of Cox s Bazaar s Humanitarian and Development Studies, IOM. May 2017, p JAM: Myanmar Refugees in Cox s Bazaar District, Bangladesh, UNHCR. December 2012, p Laczko, F., Migrant Smuggling Data and Research: A global review of the emerging evidence base, International Organization for Migration, 2016, p Laczko, F., Migrant Smuggling Data and Research, IOM. 2016, p

23 often aggravated by debts incurred in order to facilitate the irregular movement, and other demands by smuggling syndicates 63. Many young women also migrate to Cox s Bazaar, Chittagong and Dhaka to work as housemaids, but often to the detriment of family unity, and hardship back in the makeshift site Local Markets, Trading, and Services Rohingyas sell products in local markets 65, such as handcrafted fishing nets 66. This is primarily a coping strategy employed by vulnerable groups such as households headed by females, children, or persons with disabilities 67. Rohingyas also engage in petty trading to pay for goods and services 68. Other services are offered within the makeshift settlements and host communities based on prior skill sets, including: haircutting; tailoring 69 ; being an imam, priest, or tutor 70 ; creating handicrafts, carpentry, selling breakfast, and domestic work Day Labour A sample study of registered and unregistered Rohingya refugees found that 88% reported engagement in illicit day labour, such as construction and logging on the Bangladesh-Myanmar border 72. The risks associated with such labour are high, as the poor working conditions mean workers may be injured or permanently disabled 73. Furthermore, the high supply of skilled and unskilled labour drives wages down, puts the Rohingya in direct competition with the local population, and leaves them vulnerable to exploitation as employers sometimes refuse to pay 74. Contractors often preferred to employ Rohingyas in earth and road work as they could be paid as much as 50% less than their Bangladeshi counterparts Wage Work Rohingyas also find work among the host community in nearby villages as cooks, tailors, and rickshaw pullers 76. Some find salaried work as fish/shrimp collectors, agricultural labourers/cultivators, and in salt cultivation 77. As many Rohingya are engaged in unskilled labour, they are highly affected by seasonality. 63 JAM: Myanmar Refugees in Cox s Bazaar District, Bangladesh, UNHCR. December 2012, p Nielson et. al, The Contribution of Food Assistance to Durable Solutions in Protracted Refugee Situations. WFP. December 2012, p Years for the Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh, MSF. March 2002, p Crabtree, K., Economic Challenges and Coping Mechanisms in Protracted Displacement, 2010, p Crabtree, K., Economic Challenges and Coping Mechanisms in Protracted Displacement, 2010, p. 47; Abrar and Sikder, Situation Analyses of Migratory Patterns ILO. April 2007, p JAM: Myanmar Refugees in Cox s Bazaar District, Bangladesh, UNHCR. December 2012, p Crabtree, K., Economic Challenges and Coping Mechanisms in Protracted Displacement, 2010, p D Annunzio et. al, Assessment of Fuel Wood Supply. IOM. May 2017, p D Annunzio et. al, Assessment of Fuel Wood Supply. IOM. May 2017, p Crabtree, K., Economic Challenges and Coping Mechanisms in Protracted Displacement, 2010, p Crabtree, K., Economic Challenges and Coping Mechanisms in Protracted Displacement, 2010, p Crabtree, K., Economic Challenges and Coping Mechanisms in Protracted Displacement, 2010, p Abrar and Sikder, Situation Analyses of Migratory Patterns ILO. April 2007, p Crabtree, K., Economic Challenges and Coping Mechanisms in Protracted Displacement, 2010, p D Annunzio et. al, Assessment of Fuel Wood Supply. IOM. May 2017, p

24 Those working in agriculture, fishing, salt producing, and rickshaw pulling are particularly vulnerable and face significant hardship during the lean or peak monsoon season Intermixing Some females have been reported to marry into the local population, hoping to secure a more stable lifestyle. In a sample study of registered and unregistered refugees, 4% reported this, however interviews with NGO staff suggested the practice might be more common than was reported 79. However, these Rohingyas are still vulnerable as they remain unprotected by national laws, and meet opposition from the government, whom restrict the marriages and do not award citizenship to the women 80. One case revealed that men also marry into the local population, and a WFP report recorded the accounts of two Rohingya brothers who reportedly obtained Bangladeshi identity cards through marriage with Bangladeshi women 81. They reported enjoying greater mobility, access to loans, and assimilation into the local community through their marriages Farming and Animal Husbandry Women were found to engage in subsistence farming, poultry or cow rearing 83.(where??) study found 28.43% of women engage in poultry rearing, and 10.46% in vegetable gardening 84. The makeshift sites are a type safety net for unregistered refugees who stay in the settlement either in hope to one day be eligible for legal refugee status or as a means of maintaining a channel to aid and food provided to those in the official camps 85. The advantage of food assistance afforded to refugees in the official camps disappears when looking at some unregistered refugees living amongst host communities. Thus, unregistered Rohingya refugees in the makeshift settlements were found to be the most food insecure and vulnerable in terms of protection; the high population concentration in the camps and consequently the accelerated deterioration of the natural environs (i.e. deforestation, fishing, water pollution) was a source of conflict and tension 86. Interviews indicated unregistered refugees were more accepted by local communities who often enviedthe distribution of food to [registered] refugees but 78 Nielson et. al, The Contribution of Food Assistance to Durable Solutions in Protracted Refugee Situations. WFP. December 2012, p Crabtree, K., Economic Challenges and Coping Mechanisms in Protracted Displacement, 2010, p Roger and Ruaudel, Refugees Right to Work and Access to Labor Markets, KNOMAD. September 2016, p. 2; Crabtree, K., Economic Challenges and Coping Mechanisms in Protracted Displacement, 2010, p Nielson et. al, The Contribution of Food Assistance to Durable Solutions in Protracted Refugee Situations. WFP. December 2012, p Nielson et. al, The Contribution of Food Assistance to Durable Solutions in Protracted Refugee Situations. WFP. December 2012, p D Annunzio et. al, Assessment of Fuel Wood Supply. IOM. May 2017, p D Annunzio et. al, Assessment of Fuel Wood Supply. IOM. May 2017, p Nielson et. al, The Contribution of Food Assistance to Durable Solutions in Protracted Refugee Situations. WFP. December 2012, p Nielson et. al, The Contribution of Food Assistance to Durable Solutions in Protracted Refugee Situations. WFP. December 2012, p

25 not to needy local people 87. Further tension in FGDsarose due to the host communities unfamiliarity about refugee issues and the reasons for the Rohingya presence in Bangladesh 88. Some believed that Rohingyas brought security problems with them, creating a pull factor for terrorist groups to enter Bangladesh. 89 This highlights the importance of not only the need for a more transitional long-term food security outcomes, but the necessity and opportunity of some kind of local integration and acceptance 90. A large study of Rohingya refugees (registered, unregistered in makeshift camps, unregistered in host communities) by WFP and UNHCR was able to cluster the population into four groups based on economic characteristics and livelihood pursuits. However, there is a risk in assessing levels of economic welfare strictly through incomes generated. For instance, while unregistered refugees were more likely to have higher earnings, registered refugees across the board were considered to be better off because they received external assistance. This included food assistance and the fact they didn t have to repair their shelters when damaged Specific Labour Markets Linked to Coping Strategies of the Rohingyas As there is considerable involvement of Rohingyas in various labour markets and arrangements as section 6 points out, three of the predominant ones are discussed here Salt Farms In some of the makeshift settlements, as reported in the surveys, Rohingyas are involved as day labourers in salt farms. Although salt mills are more scattered, saltpans where salt is mined are heavily concentrated in the Cox s bazaar district. The span of the salt production cycle generally commences around November and continues till May 92. The peak period for production is usually between March to April. It is considered to be a labour intensive industry with limited technological advances and an overdependence on traditional tools and methods. Around 3 labourers per acre of land is required for salt production. Low selling price of crude salt when compared to production costs as well as smuggling of salt from Myanmar has only made matters worse for salt farmers which in turn clearly has negative ramifications for salt farm labourers Shrimp Farming Working as shrimp fry collectors was also reported within the target areas as mentioned in the next section. Teknaf and Ukhia within Cox s bazaar district are main shrimp fry collection areas in addition to other areas within the southeastern belt of Bangladesh. It has been widely reported in various studies 87 Nielson et. al, The Contribution of Food Assistance to Durable Solutions in Protracted Refugee Situations. WFP. December 2012, p. 41; see generally Synthesis Report of the Joint WFP and UNHCR Impact Evaluation on the Contribution of Food Assistance to Durable Solutions in Protracted Refugee Situations, WFP-UNHCR. January Crabtree, K., Economic Challenges and Coping Mechanisms in Protracted Displacement, 2010, p Crabtree, K., Economic Challenges and Coping Mechanisms in Protracted Displacement, 2010, p Nielson et. al, The Contribution of Food Assistance to Durable Solutions in Protracted Refugee Situations. WFP. December 2012, p Nielson et. al, The Contribution of Food Assistance to Durable Solutions in Protracted Refugee Situations. WFP. December 2012, p Mamun et. Al, Salt Industry of Bangladesh: A Study in the Cox s Bazar. Banglavision, v. 14, no.1, June

26 that women who work as shrimp fry collectors face sexual harassment 93. The collection of shrimp fry generally starts around April and peaks during the middle of May though this may vary from region to region 94. During the peak period, it has been reported that women may spend the entire night collecting fries. The health hazards are quite significant due to the long hours spent immersed in the water. As with other supply chains within agriculture, shrimp fry collectors are at the receiving end in highly unequal exchanges within both input and output markets. For one, indebtedness has been reported amongst shrimp fry collectors due to loans taken from moneylenders to purchase supplies for the purposes of fry collection. Then there is also the case of middlemen who can and have been reported to purchase fry at lower than market prices due to the limited bargaining power of fry collectors Fishing Fishing and the various livelihoods to which it is linked constitutes one of the primary coping strategies and source of income amongst the poor within the Teknaf coastal region. Both members of the host communities and Rohingyas are involved in fishing from the Naaf river which demarcates the border between Bangladesh and Myanmar. Although fishing takes place throughout the year, March-April and September-October are considered to be more favorable times of the year 95. Due to a general lack of access to formal credit mechanisms and fewer NGOs that include coastal fishermen as their target group, dependence on informal sources of credit and moneylenders is common considering the high prices of inputs such as boats and fishing nets. Other problems include low seasonal catch, lack of storage facilities and the overall system of sharing revenue from the catch amongst moneylender, owner of the boat, labourers, boat captain, and others. 93 S. Halim, Marginalization or Empowerment? Women s Involvement in Shrimp Cultivation and Shrimp Processing Plants in Bangladesh in Women, Gender and Discrimination, Rajshahi, Mahmood and Ansary, Shrimp Fry Collection as Alternative Livelihood: A Case Study on the Southwest Coastal Region of Bangladesh. ASA University Review, v.7, no.2, July-December, Chowdhury et. al, Small-scale Fisherman along the Naaf River, Bangladesh in Crisis: A framework for management. Mesopot, J. Mar. Sci, 2011, 26(2). 26

27 CHAPTER V FINDINGS In this section, the results of the purposive stratified sample of 160 households that was conducted in four target areas are discussed. In particular, the most prominent coping strategies and livelihoods are discussed and how they are distinguishable across different units of comparison such as gender, age, disability and geographic settlement Distinctions and Commonalities in Coping Strategies Some coping strategies are clearly across the board for instance, begging, day labour and working as domestic help are consistently found, particularly amongst the most vulnerable across each of the makeshift settlements that were included in the survey. Other more common coping strategies, especially for the better off, are running small stalls/shops inside the camp or some form of wage labour in stalls either inside or outside of the settlement and restaurants and factories as far off as Chittagong and Cox s Bazaar. An aggregate picture of incidence of different livelihoods is presented based on the broad categories that are used in national accounts. As Figure 1 demonstrates, the predominance of services is staggering and involvement in industry minimal across the sampled households in all of the settlements. Figure 1: Incidence of Livelihoods across Broad Categories As these were broad categories, agriculture was inclusive of fisheries and farming. We excluded foresting as this was common across majority of households. Industry referred to employment in factories such as garments. Services were the broadest category that mainly included such activities as domestic help, tailoring, and restaurant/stall work. Begging and other activities were not included as they did not fit into either of the categories. 27

28 Based on the sampled households in the target areas and the vast spectrum of coping strategies and livelihoods that they are engaged in, we ventured to classify these into a workable typology as presented in Table 2. Table 2: Typology of Coping Strategies and Livelihoods Coping strategies First order Second order- -Receipt of aid -Sale or tokens exchange of -Begging tokens -Support from -Mortgaging neighbors/relatives of tokens -Sale of assets -Sale of fuel (jewelry/etc) wood -Collection of fuel -Intermarriage wood -Skipping meals Livelihoods Unskilled Semi skilled Salaried/entrepreneurial/other - Domestic work -Day labour: agricultural, fishing, carrying water, offloading -Wage labour in microenterprises -Fish processing -Rickshaw -Trader - Day labour: construction Handicrafts, tailoring -Carpentry, repair -Microenterprise -Fishing (boat captain or mazhi) -Restaurant work in Cox s bazaar or elsewhere -Factory based employment in surrounding cities -Migrant abroad sending remittances As discussed in the methodology section, we argue that coping strategies are distinguishable from livelihoods in that they do not require any exchange of labour or goods produced. A distinction has been made between first order and second order coping strategies with the first order being the most immediate types of strategies taken by Rohingyas to cope inside the settlements. Livelihoods, on the other hand, based on the working definition used in this study, are an exchange of labour or goods for either relief in kind or cash wages or salaries. These have been further classified into unskilled, semiskilled and salaried or entrepreneurial work. The study, however,does not venture to argue that some are better off than others as far as the types of livelihoods they are engaged in considering the fluid and often times seasonal nature of work 97. However, based on the data collected, those with salaried or entrepreneurial types of livelihoods or those who have engaged in successful migration are clearly better off as far as the types of assets they possess overall. 98 The types of coping strategies and livelihoods across settlements are mentioned in Table 3 below. For instance, remittances from abroad was only found in LMS and Shamlapur but even in these areas, it was reported for less than 5 percent of the sample. Fishing and fishing related economic activity is by far the most prominent in Shamlapur. 97 Even for households undertaking the same occupations, there can be a great deal of heterogeneity as far as economic outcomes and overall welfare. 98 The main marker of some wealth was solar powered electricity. An income based classification of welfare is ridden with problems when considering actual incomes reported and recalling seasonal information. In this typology, we do not include the risky types of choices that some households have made such as engagement with contraband and prostitution. 28

29 Table 3: Incidence of Different Economic Strategies across Settlements for Sampled Households Economic activity BMS KMS LMS Shamlapur Coping strategies Begging 4 (10.25%) 9 (17.00%) 13 (32.5%) 3 (10%) Unskilled livelihoods Domestic help 6 (15.38%) 16 (30.19%) 5 (12.5%) 4 (13.33%) Rickshaw 0 (0%) 1 (1.89%) 0 (0%) 0 (0%) Miscellaneous jobs: carrying water, recycling, etc. 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 2 (5%) 1 (3.3%) Trader: selling vegetables, nut, groceries, matches, bricks, etc. 2 (5.13%) 0 (0%) 2 (5%) 1 (3.3%) Day labour (agricultural and other) 13 (33.3%) 13 (24.5%) 8 (20.00%) 6 (20%) Wage work (daily wages provided in exchange for work in stalls, stores, etc.) 11 (28.21%) 11 (20.75%) 6 (15%) 2 (6.67%) Semi skilled livelihoods Salaried work (monthly salaries) 1 (2.56%) 10 (18.87%) 3 (7.50%) 1 (3.3%) Tailoring/handicrafts 2 (5.13%) 2 (3.77%) 4 (10.00%) 2 (6.67%) Carpentry/masonry 1 (2.56%) 2 (3.77%) 1 (2.5%) 1 (3.3%) Salaried/entrepreneurial and other Fishing 1 (2.56%) 0 (0%) 2 (5%) 17 (56.67%) Business 1 (2.56%) 2 (3.77%) 1 (2.5%) 2 (6.67%) Remittance from abroad 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 1 (2.5%) 1 (3.3%) Imam 0 (0%) 1 (1.89%) 0 (0%) 0 (0%) Note: Percentages will not add up to 100% due to a single household s engagement in multiple occupations; foresting is not reported as it was common across all settlements and households There are certain distinguishable differences across the settlements. In Balukhali, as it is a newly formed makeshift camp with mostly new arrivals, the types of coping strategies that Rohingyas engage in are far less diversified. The predominant coping strategy is accessing relief from organizations like WFP, MSF, IOM, Red Crescent Society and local NGOs like Mukti. The relief consists of various items distributed on a periodic basis including rice, tarpaulin and other such items. Although the distribution of relief is meant to be uniform and timely, the exchange or sale of relief tokens for other necessary items is commonplace as is the allotment of extra tokens to specific groups of persons like block leaders or other 29

30 selected persons for instance. Some key informants have argued that local ward members are involved in siphoning off relief. As relief is the primary scarce resource, intense competition has in turn spawned both corruption and conflict. There are also cases of locals who stay inside the camp under a presumed Rohingya identity in order to access relief as well as Rohingyas who may take a duplicate residence in BMS in addition to other settlements like KMS in order to receive tokens. The extent of leakages that flow out of the well-meaning system of relief designed and targeted for newly arrived Rohingya requires further investigation. In BMS, collection of fuel wood from nearby forests is also common, albeit with some risks involved in dealing with forest officials 99. Day labour work as shrimp fry collectors within Ukhia for instance was reported. Day labour work as far off as Satkania upazila in Chittagong was also reported by males predominantly. However, given the prevailing day labour rates for the region, it appears that Rohingyas are receiving less for a day s worth of labour consistent with the findings of other studies. These wages can range from as little as half to approximately 75 percent of the wages earned by Bengalis. Work in some farms such as shrimp farms seem more lucrative although ridden with other problems, particularly for women. 100 Table 4: Comparing wages across farms Type of agricultural labour Betel nut Paddy Wheat Salt Shrimp Poultry Average wages reported by Rohingyas 200tk daily; 3000tk monthly 300 tk daily tk daily tk daily tk daily or 4000 to 5000tk monthly 200tk daily In KMS, as it is an older makeshift settlement, not all Rohingyas receive relief. Disbursements of relief are targeted mainly for the new arrivals within this settlement. Given the longer duration of Rohingyass, coping strategies are more diversified. The type of day labour work is similar to that of Balukhali. Rohingyas are reported working as day labour in betel nut farms,paddy or wheat fields, mango orchards and construction sites. Wage work in restaurants, stalls and hotels was also found. Migrants to countries such as Malaysia and Thailand was also found which was not the case in BMS. Some of the more secure positions were within NGOs like ACF for instance.or Others held leadership positions within either the block or the camp as a whole. Similar to that of Kutupalong, the Leda makeshift settlement (LMS) is also older with some Rohingyas being resident there for ten years or longer. Relief is not uniform with precedence given to new arrivals within the settlement. Distinct livelihoods for this area include fishing from the Naaf river and border related work. The predominant form of day labour is work in salt farms. Migration to Malaysia and Thailand was also found. 99 Collection of fuel wood for domestic purposes and/or for sale was found in all of the target areas. As this has been given an exclusive focus in another study, other coping strategies were given greater focus in this study 100 The particular problems that Rohingyas face as day labourers were not directly reported. However, there are a wealth of reports that discuss sexual harassment and other hazards in shrimp farms. 30

31 In Shamlapur, fishing related occupations dominate the type of livelihoods Rohingyas engage in. These include day labour on boats, fish transport and processing, weaving of fishing nets and boat rentals as listed below and mentioned further in section 5.4. Fishing in deep sea Day labourer on boat Fish trader Fish transporter (manual) Fish cleaning/drying/processing Weaving of fishing nets Dry fish business As there is no formal makeshift settlement, Rohingyas here rent out land from landlords and pay rent. Migration to Malaysia and Thailand was also found as Rohingyas that have resided here for many years, some as long as ten years or more, have attempted to migrate. The concept of a livelihood zone 101 is useful in the case of the distinct livelihood opportunities in surrounding areas within the four settlements that were enumerated. Table 5 summarizes the distinct livelihoods that Rohingyas have been reported to engage in. When we consider these distinctions, it can be argued that although coping strategies such as begging, sale of assets, and collection of fuel wood are very common across all of the settlements, some of the livelihood opportunities do distinctly differ, particularly across the two upazilas as one would expect. Table 5: Livelihood Zones Balukhali Betel nut farm work Kutupalong Betel nut farms Wheat/paddy Mango orchards Leda Salt farms Fishing from Naaf river Border trade/labour (transport of cargo/etc.) Recycling Shamlapur Deep sea fishing Fish processing Fising nets Shrimp fry collectors It is also important to recognize that livelihoods constitutes a broad and overarching set of complex factors and processes. The Sustainable Livelihoods Approach as an analytical framework is used to assess the types of livelihood assets that Rohingyas possess. These are examined below in Table The concept of a livelihood zone has been used in the HEA approach. 31

32 Table 6: Livelihoods using the Sustainable Livelihoods Framework 102 Social Capital This is the predominant form of capital which Rohingyas are dependent on. Inside the settlements the most important contacts are the block leader and members of the BMC and CMC. The close knit community of the Rohingya appears to support each other when all else fails. Some households also have relatives or known persons outside of the settlement including Teknaf, Moheshkhali, Shahporir Dwip, Cox s Bazaar, Chittagong, Malaysia, and even USA. 103 Human Capital The vast majority of Rohingyas reported having a madrasah education of less than five years of schooling. Those individuals who were more educated are generally the ones who take up posts within the CMC. 105 There is also a strong link between human capital and financial capital as mentioned in footnote 101. Financial Capital Cash savings and assets such as gold have been reported though marginally. The majority of households have reported that whatever assets and savings they had were used up to come to the settlements or were looted or destroyed in Myanmar by army officials. 104 Natural Capital The Naaf river that permeates the border between Myanmar and Bangladesh as well as coastal fisheries are critical sources of livelihoods in certain settlements, particularly LMS and Shamlapur. Collection of fuel wood from the forest is also another form of natural capital which Rohingyas are highly dependent on. Vulnerability context Within a general state of vulnerability and social exclusion due to the stateless nature of their existence, there are factors that compound this vulnerability. Agricultural work is seasonal in nature and this is only exacerbated by the fact that the Southeastern belt is prone to cyclones and floods. Wage discrimination in day labour markets and conflicts that arise over relief distribution also make matters worse. Trafficking to Malaysia and Thailand have been widely reported in LMS, KMS and Shamlapur. In Shamlapur, fishing in the deep sea is a dangerous venture due to the climactic risks involved. Indebtedness and various forms of bondedness have also been reported in Shamlapur. Institutions and Processes 102 Physical capital such as land ownership is also part of the Sustainable Livelihoods Framework but was not used in this schema. 103 Some of these locations such as Teknaf, Shah porir Dwip at the mouth of the Naaf river and Moheshkhali, however, are known to be trafficking hotspots and may have actually worsened the welfare of households 104 There may also be underreporting of financial assets based on the logic that doing so will lead to relief being reduced or eliminated. 105 We came across CMC members in KMS and LMS with some command over English and a higher level of education. As reported by Mr. Zahid, a Psychology graduate who lives inside LMS, those who wish to take up higher education may have to pay anywhere between 4 to 5 lakh taka equivalent to the Nasaka security force. There are subject restrictions so for instance Rohingyas cannot take up subjects such as law or an MBBS degree. There have been more restrictions imposed since

33 Due to the lack of direct government involvement inside the makeshift settlements, the fundamental institution of sorts is the governance structure that has been set up to manage the day to day operations of relief distribution and maintain some semblance of order. However, the selection process for those who take up governing roles appears ad hoc and male dominated. Conflict and criminal activity involving or targeting these governance positions has also been reported. Although there is no direct government involvement, local ward members wield a great deal of influence within the settlements Distinctions Across Demographic Cohorts As the questionnaire that was used distinguished across female headed and child headed households, we explored possible differences in well being and coping strategies across these cohorts. Though there were minor differences across the makeshift settlements, for the most part, female headed households and women in general were found engaging in a limited number of economic activities such as begging and working as domestic help in surrounding areas in addition to receiving relief and collecting fuel wood. Other activities included tailoring which was found to be more visible in LMS as was fish processing in Shamlapur. Manual day labour and wage work in stalls and restaurants was restricted to younger adult males and male children. There were cases of women who had obtained work in nearby shrimp farms or in garments factories in Chittagong and even further off destinations within the country and abroad. As such, mobility in search of economic opportunities outside of the settlements in surrounding areas and further way was not exclusively a male phenomenon. Child headed households relied upon relief as well as support from relatives and other known persons. They were also engaged in various forms of wage work in stalls and restaurants in nearby areas. The coping strategies of physically and/or mentally disabled persons and the elderly were not distinct from other households. It depended on what types of coping strategies other household members were involved in. In some cases, members of the household obtained wage work and were able to provide for them. In other cases, they resorted to begging and domestic work. The following provides a snapshot of some of the coping strategies of households across the various settlements. Zahid Hussain is 70 years old and has been in BMS for under a year. He is physically handicapped, having lost a leg during the war. He stays in the settlement with his wife, son, daughter and two grandchildren. He knows no one outside of the settlement nor is he invited to attend any meetings. Back in Myanmar, he had a small grocery store in addition to farming and fishing. Currently, he sells nuts and chanachur inside the settlement and earns about 150 taka daily. His son works in a nearby restaurant and earns 100 taka daily. Nur Nahar has been living inside Leda makeshift settlement for more than 5 years. She heads her household and supports her seven children and her husband who is blind. She does various types of day labour activities in a local village. Her daughter works in a garments factory in Chittagong and gets a monthly salary of 3000 taka. Sobika Akhter is just 12 years old. She arrived in LMS less than a year ago with her mother. Her father died in Myanmar due to illness. Upon arrival in LMS in a span of just a few months, her mother died from diarrhea. Now she lives in a neighbor s home and works as a domestic help in this home. Though she does not receive any wages, she is taken care of by this household. She 33

34 also has elder siblings who are back in Myanmar and she speaks to them over phone. The woman in whose home she stays allows Sobika to use her phone to keep regular contact with her brothers back home. This woman s husband is in Malaysia and sends remittances through hundi of anywhere between 10 to taka regularly. He received this job through an agent in Shah porir Dwip. It cost about 300,000 taka to finance this migration of which half was financed through mortgaging rations. 5.3 Mobility A scoping study conducted recently by IOM, as discussed earlier, discussed the dearth of analysis on the extent of mobility that occurs amongst the Rohingya. This phenomenon was assessed further to determine destination regions using various units of comparison. These are presented below. Figure 2: Incidence of mobility across settlements Note: incidence reflects percentage within sample for each settlement In BMS for instance, we did not come across any households who had immediate family members outside of Bangladesh with exception to relatives who were still in Myanmar. The incidence of mobility was significantly higher in the other target areas and particularly, LMS and Shamlapur where Rohingyas have stayed for a far longer duration than the new arrivals in Balukhali. As far as destinations within the country, Chittagong and Cox s Bazaarwere the top reported locations outside of Bangladesh. 34

35 Figure 3: Top destinations for Rohingyas in Target Areas % % 17.9 % 3.6% 3.6% Note: the percentages reflect the incidence of location of migration amongst only households with migrant members across all settlements Figure 4: Incidence of male versus female migration The gender disaggregated picture reveals that female migration outside of the settlement is not at all insignificant. For some destinations like Dhaka and India, we only found female involvement within the sample. The incidence of female mobility to Thailand and Malaysia was also considerable though not as high as that of males. 106 These are in addition to the union level migratory movements and in between settlement areas. For instance, migration from Shamlapur to Kutupalong or Balukhali or Palongkhali union in general was also reported. 35

36 Figure 5: Migration based on length of stay in settlement Note: Incidence as a percentage is based on total number of households reporting some form of migration Another dimension that was explored was length of stay inside the settlement and how that was linked to mobility. Length of stay was categorized into new, medium and long term which referred to under one year, one to five years and more than five years respectively. As expected, the mobility of new arrivals is mostly within the country. However, the fact that there are cases of new arrivals who arrived in under a year and are migrating abroad is cause for concern as it raises alarm bells that dalals are still active especially when considering the phenomenon of trafficking. 5.4 Detrimental Coping Strategies Given the precarious and ultimately makeshift nature of existence for the Rohingyas scattered throughout the various settlements and surrounding areas, it comes as no surprise that some of the coping mechanisms they use end up being detrimental both to themselves and the wider host communities. Their prolonged statelessness also makes them victim to exploitation on various fronts. Drug peddling and prostitution do exist within the settlements but it was difficult to ascertain the extent of such activities given the sensitive nature of such issues. There were cases of possible sex workers in Balukhali and Kutupalong. 107 Given the proximity of the Bangladesh Myanmar border to LMS for instance, yaba trade involving Rohingyas does take place 108 though it also was found in BMS and KMS. In KMS, there was also evidence of involvement in extremist activity based on a key informant interview. Some excerpts are presented below. 107 In KMC, E2 block appeared to have many engaged in prostitution based on an enumerator s observations. However, this cannot be confirmed and requires further triangulation. 108 Inside the Leda Makeshift settlement during the course of enumeration, the principal investigator and volunteers could smell the stench of drugs by young males in block F. 36

37 Md. Yusuf, BMS, C2 Md. Yusuf has a small stall inside the BMS camp. He knows the block leader of C2 very well as he stays close by. He claims that this block leader is involved with yaba trade. He further claims that this block leader has given money as bribes to the local ward member and to others in the camp management committee to become a block leader. Mataleb, Member of Policing Committee C block, LMS Mataleb is a member of the block management committee for C block. He claims that the ward member of Teknaf is like a godfather as he put it in English. This ward member, according to his statement, is a supplier of drugs. There have been Rohingya dalals who were engaged in trafficking as well. He further claims that the pradhan or head of Al-Yaqin use to stay in Leda but was later caught in Teknaf. Nurul Kabir Landlord, Block E1, KMS Nurul Kabir is the block malik of E1. He took a 99 year lease for 15 bighas of land from the government under the Ekti Bari, Ekti Khamar programme. This is essentially forest land which he has cleared. He is setting up mango orchards and gives employment to Rohingyas who live on this new block. He says that he takes no rent from the Rohingyas that live on his block. There has been corruption within KMS due to a previous ward member by the name of Mv. Buktiar 109. Certain blocks in KMS like A and D block have been known to have dalals who were engaged in trafficking Rohingyas to places like Thailand. There is a dalal amongst the Rohingyas who was in prison but is now back in the camp. He himself went to Malaysia through Badam Musa and knows of people who were trafficked and held for ransom. This was a few years ago though he claims that since 2015, it is no longer as high as it once was. Certain Rohingyas within KMS are involved in martial arts trainings in the dead of night deep within the nearby forested areas west of the camp. This is linked to Al Yeakin otherwise known as the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army. Nurul Kabir also mentioned that some of the recent murders of CMC leaders are linked to this and possibly because they do not support such activity. 109 The corruption of Mv. Buktiar, former ward member was confirmed through the following link: The principal investigator and one of the enumerators visited his home near the camp. It appears as though he retain a considerable influence in the settlement. During our visit, some BMC members also called upon him. 37

38 Harakah al-yaqin is an insurgent militant group of Rohingyas based in Myanmarbut with outfits in different countries. No evidence of extremism linked to any other militant groups or networks was found. In LMS, there were a number of households who reported involvement with Tablighi Jamaat and received various gifts such as fans and other durable assets in return for attending regular meetings in different towns. However, this did not appear as any form of militant or extremist activity. Trafficking to countries such as Malaysia and Thailand was also recorded in KMS, LMS and Shamlapur, particularly for Rohingyas who have been living within Bangladesh for a longer period of time. This was not the case for the surge of new arrivals who have been entering Bangladesh since October 2016 though with some exceptions in Shamlapur. There were local dalals or brokers both within the settlement and within the Rohingya community as well as in nearby towns. In LMS, the former CMC chairman whom we interviewed claimed that he was wrongly accused of acting as a dalal by the government and went into hiding for several years as a result. 110 A recent crackdown by the government has lead to key arrests of godfathers operating in the Teknaf area. 111 Similar crackdowns in Thailand have also taken place. In the majority of cases where a relative has gone abroad, the majority of respondents reported that they were trafficked and were either killed or in prison as the figure below demonstrates. Figure 6: Fate of Migrant Rohingyas in all Target Areas In some cases, the respondents who were enumerated have no account of where their relatives currently are. Some excerpts are presented below that narrate the experiences of returnees who survived the ordeal. 110 Interview with Md. Ayub, former CMC chairman of LMS 111 newspaper 38