GOVERNORATE PROFILE: NINEWA ,933 IDPs 3 95,200 returnees million total. Key Findings:

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1 GOVERNORATE PROFILE: NINEWA 2013 Due to massive migrations into, from, and within Ninewa, there are clear trends of disputes and growing sectarian violence which have been exacerbated by the dispute over governance of parts of six of Ninewa s districts between the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) and the Government of Iraq (GOI). Ninewa hosts around 200,000 internally displaced people (IDPs), the 2nd largest population of any governorate. 95,000 individuals who have returned to their original location in Ninewa from an earlier displacement elsewhere in either Ninewa, another area of Iraq, or abroad (returnees) also reside in the governorate. 1 Sharing a long border and strong social, economic and cultural ties with Syria, Ninewa hosts increasing numbers of Syrian refugees and Iraqi returnees. From and , large numbers of IDPs throughout Iraq were assessed and mapped by IOM s Rapid Assessment and Response Teams IDPs in Ninewa displaced most often due to generalized and many named the security situation as preventing return. Ninewa has had many different types of migration--thousands of families displaced from one area of Ninewa to another, others displaced from Ninewa to areas of Iraq or abroad, and still others displaced to Ninewa from different governorates of Iraq. OVERVIEW (RARTs). As well, in , after many families returned to their places of origin, RARTs identified and assessed returnee families. From , IOM RARTs assessed a smaller number of targeted vulnerable communities and families, which included IDPs as well as host community members (HC) and returnees, as IOM had found that IDPs had begun to reflect the needs of the communities in which they lived. Most recently, under the framework of Community Revitalization Program--Phase II funded by the US State Department s Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration, IOM RART conducted key informant (KI) interviews 2 in July 2013 in districts of Ninewa to determine current community-wide needs and conducted household surveys and KI interviews in June and July 2013 for an associated thematic report on the Syrian crisis. These various sources of data are reflected in this report. Key Findings: Priority needs of IDPs largely mirror late of their host community; however, there are specific issues that affect IDPs to a greater extent, particular those that belong to minority groups. Overall, communities in Ninewa named access to work, education, water, and health care as top needs. IDPs specifically reported needing better food assistance and living conditions. Sinjar Al-Ba aj Telafar Hatra Al-Shikhan Tilkaif Mosul 203,933 IDPs 3 95,200 returnees million total population 5 Akre Al-Hamdaniyah Legend IDP Families > Syrian refugees often reported living under fear of eviction due to their lack of rights to temporary residence in the governorate. Most Iraqi returnees and Syrian refugees cited a lack of employment, high food prices, and increasing rent prices as the main concerns for their families. 1,3,4 Figures based on Ministry of Migration and Displacement (MoMD) 5 statistics from 6/26/2013. Figure based on MoMD statistics from 3/31/ Key informants in the assessment included government officials, local council members, mayors, and religious leaders. *IDP Density Map based on IOM Iraq assessments from of IDP families. 1

2 SPOTLIGHT ON: INTERNALLY DISPLACED PEOPLE An IDP family in Mosul district who had been displaced by drought. Iraq IOM Dec 2009 Movement of IDPs outside of Ninewa Movement of IDPs into Ninewa 19% to other governorates Large numbers of people displaced within Ninewa 79% from Baghdad 30% to Dahuk 12% from Basrah 9% from other governorates 19% to Kirkuk 32% to Erbil CHANGING INTENTIONS 6 IDP populations displaced within Ninewa, from Ninewa to other governorates, and into Ninewa all expressed the same trend seen Iraqwide: an increasing number of IDP families wish to integrate, while a decreasing number plan to return to their place of origin. IDP families located in Al-Ba aj, Mosul, and Sinjar districts wanted to integrate into their current location at a very high rate in the most recent assessment. By comparison, many IDPs in Akre district still intended to return to their place of origin; all of these families were from Mosul district. Families in Ninewa who still intended to return in the latest assessment were mostly minority Christian groups and Yazidi families from Baghdad. INTENTIONS OF IDPS DISPLACED WITHIN NINEWA Feb Dec Jan Nov Sept % intended to return 46% wished to resettle 2% planned to integrate } }} 47% 82% resettle 26% intended to return 12% wished to 23% planned to integrate 4% other planned to integrate intended to return 6% other 6 Data based on assessments in , , and by IOM Iraq of IDP families. * Map based on assessments in by IOM Iraq of IDP families. 2

3 MINORITIES AND DIVERSITY IDP DIVERSITY IOM found that the IDP population movements related to Ninewa consisted of very diverse groups. IDPs from Ninewa who displaced outside of the governorate were most commonly Kurdish Sunni Muslim. The vast majority displaced to Erbil and Dahuk, whose HC population matches this ethnoreligious makeup. IDPs from Ninewa who displaced within the governorate were mostly Turkmen Sunni Muslim, Kurdish Sunni Muslim, Arab Sunni Muslim, and Assyrian Christian. The majority of families displaced within Ninewa left from Mosul and Telafar districts and were dispersed through the governorate. As well, there were a notable number of Shabak families, most of which were Shia Muslim, displaced from Mosul district to Al-Hamdaniyah and Tilkaif districts. IDPs in Ninewa who had come from other governorates were most commonly Assyrian Christian and Arab Sunni Muslim from Baghdad. Christians had most commonly settled in Tilkaif and Al-Hamdaniyah districts while Arabs overwhelmingly settled in Mosul district. CURRENT SITUATION Key informants noted ongoing tensions between sects in the governorate. In Tilkaif district, some religious ceremonies and rituals had been forbidden from taking place inside the cities since the arrival of Christian IDPs. In Sinjar district, an area of Ninewa whose governance is disputed between the KRG and GOI, there were reports that displaced Arabs and Turkmens were unable to register housing in their names. As well in Sinjar district, there had been a recent spike in suicides among Kurdish Yazidis, a small ethnoreligious group in the governorate. This trend was also noted by IOM in Health professionals interviewed by IOM staff in 2011 suggested that social and cultural forces, combined with economic and livelihood concerns, were possibly contributing factors to the isolation and unease felt by many young Yazidis. CHRISTIAN DISPLACEMENT Following the October 31, 2010 attack on the Saidat al-najat church in Baghdad, a wave of Christian displacements began throughout Iraq, with many Christians displaced from Baghdad and from Ninewa. Christians in Mosul had been repeatedly threatened and targeted by acts of violence. IOM found that more than 700 Christian families displaced from Mosul, the vast majority of which displaced within Ninewa to Al-Hamdaniyah and Tilkaif districts. A few families from Baghdad also displaced to these districts. By 2012, over 300 of these Christian families had left Tilkaif and Al-Hamdaniyah districts, having either resettled in a third location or returned to their original location. Many Christian IDPs said they chose to leave their displacement location in Ninewa due to growing security fears, a lack of job opportunities, and difficulty with the transfer of education documents. Key informants in July 2013 noted that many families were choosing to move abroad due to the poor job situation in Iraq. SHABAK DISPLACEMENT In August and September 2013, more than 500 Shabak families fled areas of Mosul district after the killing of 4 Shabak individuals on 17 August by an armed group. Many families received threatening letters giving them three days to leave the area. The letters said that the killings and evictions were in response to the attacks on Sunnis in Baghdad and Diyala. Most Shabak families are Shia Muslim. IOM staff conducted a rapid assessment of the displaced families and found that many were in need of non-food items (NFIs), as they left their homes and all their belongings in the night. Families fled to villages with Shabak communities in Mosul and Al-Hamdaniyah districts. In September 2013, there was a suicide attack killing over 30 people in a Shabak village in Mosul district that some families had displaced to in mid- August. IOM monitors this recent situation to best be able to assist this community. * Data based on IOM assessments of IDPs , IOM emergency needs assessments of Christians in 2010, 2011, and 2012, on interviews with key informants conducted July 2013, and IOM staff reporting August

4 DISPLACEMENT AND RETURN REASONS FOR DISPLACEMENT 7 IOM identified that the top reasons for displacement were the same for families currently in Ninewa who had displaced from other governorates, familise in Ninewa who had displaced from elsewhere in Ninewa, as well as families from Ninewa who had displaced to other governorates. Most commonly, people had displaced due to generalized violence, fear for their safety, and death threats. This raises the question as to whether the increasing wave of violence in the governorate and Iraq in general will provoke further displacement in the area. Assyrian Christians and Kurdish Sunni Muslims, who had mostly displaced within Ninewa from Mosul district, displaced out of fear to a greater extent than IDPs of other ethnoreligious backgrounds. Most IDPs in Ninewa displaced in 2006 and Most Christians and Shabak displaced from Most IDPs from Ninewa displaced from Mosul and Telafar districts. Families originally from Telafar district displaced more often due to general violence, while those from Mosul district displaced more due to direct threats to their lives. Returnees, families who had returned to their original location in Ninewa after a temporary displacement to another area of Ninewa, Iraq, or abroad, cited that they had initially displaced out of fear (41% of answers). Many other answers pointed to generalized violence and death threats as top reasons for displacing. Those who had displaced from and later returned to Telafar stated that they left out of fear almost four times as often as those from Mosul. A significantly higher proportion of returnees in Ninewa displaced out of fear than the Iraq-wide statistic. REASONS PREVENTING RETURN 8 7% Other Answers 10% Lack of Access to Property in Place of Origin 13% Poor Relations with Original Community 16% Lack of Job Opportunities in Place of Origin In the many years since their initial displacement, many factors have developed that are encouraging IDPs to stay in their current location, in addition to these factors that IDPs feel are preventing them from returning. Vulnerable IDPs displaced within Ninewa, out of Ninewa, and into Ninewa all named the security situation as their most common reason for their displacement. Poor relations with their origin community, which can originate from tensions between those of different ethnoreligious backgrounds, was also a top reason cited by all groups. Other IDPs displaced within Ninewa 37% Security Situation 17% Lack of Funds common answers were a lack of job opportunities in their place of origin, a lack of funds with which to make the return, and a lack of access to property in their place of origin. IDPs in Ninewa who were originally from Baghdad were much more likely to name lack of access to property as preventing return than other IDPs. IDPs from Ninewa, both who displaced within the governorate and outside of it, named a lack of job opportunities in their origin location as a deterrent to return to a great extent. 7 Data from IOM assessment of IDPs and returnees conducted Figures based on assessments conducted by IOM Iraq of IDPs specifically selected as being vulnerable. Criteria for selection was having no/low income, another type of vulnerability, or having a lack or no access to some of the following: Health, water, education, housing, roads, environmental, electricity, food. 4

5 DISPLACEMENT AND RETURN RETURNEES According to the Iraqi Ministry of Migration and Displacement (MoMD), 17,311 families (approximately 95,200 individuals) have returned to Ninewa after a temporary displacement to another area of Ninewa, a different governorate of Iraq, or another country such as Jordan or Syria. This is the 3rd largest population of returnees of any governorate in Iraq. 9 Major waves of returns occurred in 2007 and The majority of families assessed by IOM had returned to Ninewa from displacement elsewhere within the governorate. IOM identified that very difficult conditions in displacement most commonly spurred assessed families to return to Ninewa. Most of those who cited this had displaced within Ninewa to Mosul and Telafar districts. Difficult conditions can include issues such as a poor living situation, lack of acceptance by the host community, and problems obtaining employment. Another 26% of returnees named improved security in origin area for why they returned, and 17% cited benefits from returnee payments. Almost all who cited improved security returned to Mosul district. An IDP family from Ninewa displaced in Heet district of Anbar. Iraq IOM Sept % of returnees had returned due to very difficult conditions in displacement LOCATIONS OF RETURNEES 4% in other districts 59% in Telafar 37% in Mosul * Data based on IOM-identified and assessed returnees, conducted Figures based on MoMD statistics from 6/26/2013.

6 IDP NEEDS FOOD ASSISTANCE The Public Distribution System (PDS), a type of food aid provided by the Iraqi government, has reportedly decreased the number of items given each month, and there have been increasing delays in receiving the assistance. While this was an issue for all families in the governorate, it supposedly affected IDPs more as they were more likely to be in financially unsustainable situations and rely on the assistance. Problems were also more pronounced in areas of Ninewa that were disputed between KRG and the Government of Iraq. This was reportedly a high, urgent need. SHELTER AND EVICTIONS Vulnerable host community (HC) members most commonly owned their own house, while IDPs assessed were most likely to be renting housing. While shelter has actually decreased as a cited priority need over time, it remained a pressing issue for some IDPs in the governorate. Reports from Al-Hamdaniyah and Tilakif districts indicated that IDPs were living illegally on farms and government properties. There have subsequently been evictions of some of these settlements. As well, according to key informants (KIs) in Telafar district, Kurdish IDPs were evicted from Arabmajority villages by the host community. 10% Water PRIORITY NEEDS 10 5% Shelter 9% Electricity 11% Other Answers 12% 6% 6% 17% 11% Nonfood items Responses of vulnerable IDPs assessed in Ninewa 18% 5% 24% Food Vulnerable IDPs Iraqwide 16% 20% 14% Health care Evictions of IDPs from government properties have taken place in Ninewa. 16% Access to Work CURRENT SITUATION While many needs affected IDPs, HC, and returnees equally, there were some issues that reportedly disproportionately affected IDPs. Key informants (KIs) stated that IDPs were occasionally harassed by security forces and others had received threats to their lives and properties by armed militias. One KI stated the security forces believed that IDPs would easily resort to violence and crime due to their poor living conditions so they had become a target as the security incidents continued to occur. Unemployment rates were high among the IDP population. Families displaced from more urban environments of Ninewa and of other governorates to rural areas of Ninewa which had negatively affected their integration and mental health. IDPs in Ninewa faced poverty, unemployment, and security issues, so psychosocial support was needed. IDPs were sometimes not accepted in schools due to overcrowding, and some IDP children to dropped out of school to help their family by earning a small wage. * Data based on assessments in , , and by IOM Iraq of IDP families, and supplemented by reporting from IOM staff and key informant interviews conducted July Graph based on assessments of vulnerable IDPs

7 COMMUNITY NEEDS HEALTH CARE Health care was named a high priority need for HC, IDPs, and returnees alike by many of the key informants interviewed. Different districts lacked labs, dental units, waiting rooms, delivery rooms, maternity units, emergency care, or medical specialists. Several districts reported the lack of delivery rooms for birth and a shortage of female staff to assist. Rural areas were affected more than urban for all issues; some villages were 3 hours from the nearest hospital. Notably, psychosocial support was greatly needed in certain areas of Ninewa. Due to the severe conditions of violence and of displacement, many people in the communities were affected but there were no services to assist them. IOM found that in 16% of vulnerable locations assessed in Ninewa, women gave birth at home, while in the rest they give birth at a hospital or clinic. This figure is very similar to the Iraq average, but in Al- Ba aj district, women gave birth at home in half of vulnerable locations assessed. 84% of vulnerable locations assessed in Ninewa were not within 30 minutes of a pharmacy, 78% were far from a hospital, and 40% had no health center with doctors. 16% of vulnerable men assessed by IOM were unemployed 84% of vulnerable locations assessed by IOM had no pharmacy 52% of vulnerable men assessed by IOM had insecure, occasional employment 40% of vulnerable locations assessed by IOM had no health center ACCESS TO WORK Access to work was cited as a priority need in multiple IOM assessments. IOM found there were a large number of unemployed youth, many of whom dropped out of school early to earn money, and some graduates were forced to take jobs well below their qualifications. The situation was worsening due to ongoing drought in a few districts, so agricultural and livestock work had suffered. Violence and a lack of government support were also cited as impacting the job market. IOM found that 52% of vulnerable men over 18 had occasional employment, only 10% were employed with a salary, and 16% of men were unemployed. 9% of women were unemployed but the vast majority of women did not wish to work or were unable to do so. 48% of all individuals employed were unskilled workers, 21% worked in construction, and 11% in the public sector. The unemployment rate of the vulnerable populations assessed by IOM seems to mirror that of the whole population in the governorate. 11 *Figures based on assessments conducted by IOM Iraq of locations and HC, IDP, and returnee families specifically selected as having displacement-related vulnerability. Criteria for selection was having no/low income or having a lack or no access to some of the following: Health, water, education, housing, roads, electricity, food. Data also pulls from key informant interviews conducted July Iraq Household Socio-Economic Survey, 2007.

8 COMMUNITY NEEDS While only a minor issue in Mosul district, water was a priority need in many other areas of Ninewa due to an ongoing drought and a lack of access to the public grid. Water scarcity was reportedly causing rural to urban migration in more than one district. In Hatra district, 60 villages were deserted due to a lack of rain and the inevitable depletion of wells in the area. Areas of Hatra were undergoing rapid desertification. The situation in general had worsened, as the drought became prolonged and the overall population in Ninewa continued to increase. Water problems were more commonly reported in areas whose governance is disputed between the KRG and GOI. In Sinjar district, for example, it was claimed that people died every month from kidney diseases caused by drinking polluted water. WATER 12 As well, some villages in Ninewa had resorted to drinking from wells filled with unpotable water. Residents who could afford to do so had begun purchasing water from privately-run trucks, but many families could not afford this expense. 16% of vulnerable populations assessed in Ninewa used these mobile water trucks as their main water source, 85% of which said it was an insufficient source. Some areas connected to the public grid were on a water rotation system, where they only had access to the grid for 2-3 days a week. IOM found that 38% of vulnerable families in Ninewa did not have sufficient water for personal use. This was similar to the figure of all those assessed in Iraq. IOM found that families in Al-Ba aj district reported the highest levels of water-related vulnerability. The vast majority of families in the district said they did not have sufficient water for personal use, and only a little more than half of the families assessed in Al-Ba aj said they had access to potable water. ESSENTIAL COMMUNITY SERVICES Iraq IOM Jan 2010 Due to an increasing population and a lack of government services, key informants stated that the lack of sewage networks and garbage collection in many districts was a steadily worsening problem, particularly in DIB districts. As well, there were no safe methods of waste water disposal so community storing and dumping methods were causing pollution. Without access to public networks or services, communities either dumped or burned garbage, both of which were harming the local environment and the health of residents. Flooding in an IDP settlement in Mosul without access to services. *Figures based on assessments conducted by IOM Iraq of locations and HC, returnee, and IDP families specifically selected as having displacement-related vulnerability. Criteria for selection was having no/low income or having a lack or no access to some of the following: Health, water, education, housing, roads, electricity, food. Data also pulls from key informant interviews conducted July More information on Iraq s water scarcity issues can be found at: IOM Iraq Special Report: Water Scarcity,

9 COMMUNITY NEEDS Some areas of Ninewa reportedly had overcrowded schools, buildings lacking bathrooms, and a lack of qualified staff members. Many old schools needed rehabilitation, and teachers were not skilled enough to keep up with the curriculum. In Al-Shikhan district, the main issue was schools operating on shifts due to overcrowding, while in Akre district the distance of schools had caused drop outs. Hatra district had high levels of illiteracy and children not attending school due to a lack of cultural awareness of the importance of education, according to KIs. Across districts, a lack of vocational schools and trainings was reported. EDUCATION IDPs, HC, and returnees over the age of 15 reported similar levels of education. 45% of all vulnerable men assessed had completed a primary education and 26% had no education or no formal education. 48% of women, however, had no education or no formal education. 16% of men and 36% of women over age 15 assessed were illiterate. School children in Ninewa. ELECTRICITY It was generally reported that the electricity situation had improved recently but that it was still a priority need. In Al-Ba aj district, issues had been ongoing for a decade, and most villages were still without electricity. In Telafar district, dozens of villages were not on the public grid. Those that were connected faced cut offs for 8 hours each day. Al-Hamdaniyah district reportedly also had frequent blackouts, but the overall hours of electricity each day had increased recently. IOM identified that vulnerable families assessed received on average 7.8 hours of electricity each day, using both generators and the public grid. 37% of electricity hours were provided by generators, while 63% were from the grid. While the average number of hours of electricity was similar in Ninewa to the overall Iraq average, a higher percentage of hours were provided by generators in Ninewa, a more unsustainable source. Iraq IOM March 2011 *Figures based on assessments conducted by IOM Iraq of locations and HC, returnee, and IDP families specifically selected as having displacement-related vulnerability. Criteria for selection was having no/low income or having a lack or no access to some of the following: Health, water, education, housing, roads, electricity, food. Data also pulls from key informant interviews conducted July

10 LIVING CONDITIONS SECURITY SITUATION Since mid-2012, violence levels have been rising across Iraq. According to figures from United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI), over 1,600 people were killed in Ninewa from June 2012 through June An average of 127 people were killed every month in that time. 13 IOM field staff in Ninewa reported that the security situation had especially been deteriorating in the first half of 2013 after demonstrations took place in Mosul. The instability was worsened by the conflict over governance of six districts within Ninewa. The attacks taking place in Ninewa had caused some to flee unsafe neighborhoods and seek out safer ones. Some key informants (KIs) believed that the security situation was being worsened by sectarianism. KIs throughout Ninewa noted that the security situation was the main cause of unemployment. In Hatra district, it was noted that the security situation was impacting the economy, development, and social conditions. In Mosul district, KIs notably stated that Mosul has never had stability and the major problem was bombings that targeted civilians which had increased displacement. Security issues were occurring weekly according to KIs in Telafar district. Residents in urban areas were more affected than those in rural areas due to the high number of checkpoints on urban roads and acts that targeted army units and the local police, both of which were stationed in the urban areas. Key informants from a few districts mentioned that IDPs were negatively impacted by the rise in violence, as they were subject to harassment and suspicion by the security forces. IOM continues to monitor the security situation in Ninewa for displacements. Shelter and housing are key issues for vulnerable populations in the governorate. IOM found that 21% of vulnerable families assessed lived in a mud house, an improvised shelter, or a public building. Notably, in Al- Ba aj, Hatra, and Telafar districts, a much higher percentage of vulnerable families lived in mud houses than other districts. Ninewa had the highest rate in all Iraq of families, both vulnerable and non-vulnerable alike, who lived in a dwelling made of nondurable materials 22%. 14 This is very similar to the statistics of those vulnerable families assessed by IOM. TOTAL NUMBER KILLED IN VIOLENT INCIDENTS IN NINEWA, 6/12-6/ SHELTER IDP family living in a mud house in Tilkaif district. Iraq IOM July * Data based on UNAMI statistics, key informant interviews conducted July 2013, and IOM assessments of vulnerable HC, IDP, and returnee families , 15 Iraq Knowledge Network, Figures based on UNAMI statistics. More information at: uniraq.org. 10

11 SPOTLIGHT ON: SYRIAN REFUGEES AND IRAQI RETURNEES OVERVIEW It is unknown exactly how many Syrian refugees and Iraqi returnees are located in Ninewa, as many are unregistered with the government. Ninewa, however, has still been strongly affected by this migratory influx of people. IOM assessed a targeted population of those living in the governorate. All Syrian refugees and Iraqi returnees assessed were living among the host community. Most Syrian refugees were either Kurdish or Arab Sunni Muslim, and most Iraqi returnees were Arab Sunni Muslim. The majority of all migrants 16 had been living in Aleppo or Damascus and did not have relatives living in Iraq. Those who did have relatives primarily had relations in Ninewa. The vast majority of both Iraqi returnees and Syrian refugees assessed said that they intended to stay in their current location over the next three months. When asked their intentions for the next year, however, many wished to locally integrate, but large portions wanted to return to Syria or were waiting to decide. LIVING CONDITIONS There was a camp built in Ninewa, Al Kasek, but it has not been opened due to the low numbers of Syrian refugees currently in the governorate. Many Syrian refugees lived in the suburbs of Mosul city. These neighborhoods suffered from a lack of basic services such as potable water, electricity, paved roads, and sanitation. The majority of migrant families assessed lived in a durable shelter; many were renting housing and accommodating 3-5 people in each room. Most families said that NGO and host community distributions were their main sources of food, and they used the public grids as their water source and electricity source. The main issue related to education was low attendance for Syrian refugees due to a lack of proper documentation, not knowing where to register, and the unstable security situation. While public hospitals, health centers, and private clinics accepted Syrian patients, Syrian refugees reportedly avoided public hospitals for security reasons and were unable to afford private clinics. RELATIONSHIPS While it was reported that the host community had accepted Syrian refugees in the governorate, there was fear and caution in dealing with Syrian refugees due to the restrictive government policies toward legal residency. The inability to obtain residency and the overwhelming perceived fear of deportation had reportedly resulted in barriers to finding shelter, enrolling children in schools, or working. As a result, some migrants had started working as beggars. Despite general acceptance by the host community, cases were reported of harassment of women and Iraqis gangs bullying Syrian families. The majority of families assessed cited NGO and host community assistance as their main sources of food. * Data based on key informant interviews, household surveys, and focus group discussions conducted for a thematic report on the Syrian Crisis in Iraq, June and July The term migrants is used to refer to both Syrian refugees and Iraqi returnees.

12 SPOTLIGHT ON: SYRIAN REFUGEES AND IRAQI RETURNEES ECONOMIC SITUATION Key informants reported no increase in mid-2013 in market pricing due to the migratory influx as numbers were low. While some Syrian refugees had jobs owning small shops or selling fast food, most Syrian refugees said that they were not entitled to work so were unemployed due to a perceived fear of deportation from Ninewa. The majority of families assessed, including both Syrian refugees and Iraqi returnees, stated that their main source of income was NGO assistance or assistance from friends or relatives in Iraq. Almost all assessed said that their household income was not sufficient to support their family. More than half of migrant families said that high food prices and lack of employment were their biggest concerns, and they were coping with financial difficulties by eating fewer meals. More specifically, Iraqi returnees suffered from delays in receiving their grants for returning and a lack of job opportunities. Due to selling their homes before moving to Syria, it has been difficult to obtain shelter upon return. NEEDS Access to work, food, and non-food items (NFIs) were the top priority needs of those assessed. In-Kind Grants (IKGs), composed of materials and tools needed to start a small business, were cited as the most beneficial type of assistance. Syrian refugees were requesting job opportunities and financial assistance to cover rent expenses. Iraqi returnees needed NFIs and job opportunities. The host community suggested that granting legal residency, including a work permit, to Syrian refugees would encourage employers to hire Syrians. Syrian refugees received NFI kits in Ninewa. Most families assessed cited high food prices and lack of employment as the biggest concerns to their families. Iraq IOM July 2013 * Data based on key informant interviews, household surveys, and focus group discussions conducted for a thematic report on the Syrian Crisis in Iraq, June and July

13 IOM ASSISTANCE SPOTLIGHT: AL GHADEER COMPLEX Located in Al-Hamdaniyah district, Al Ghadeer is a complex built specifically to accommodate IDPs displaced post Approximately 90% of the 1,800 people in the village are Shabak Shia Muslim, with a Turkmen Shia Muslim and Arab Sunni Muslim minority. During January 2013, IOM field staff conducted several key informant interviews with individuals in the village in order to best determine the needs of the community to inform programming under the Community Revitalization Program-Phase II (CRPII) funded by the U.S. Department of State s Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration. At the time of IOM s assessment, illiteracy was reportedly widespread, particularly among women. There was no school in the complex itself, but most children could attend school in nearby villages. As the roads were unpaved, however, transportation to school in the winter was very difficult. The lack of paved roads was also named as the key factor prohibiting economic growth for the village due to immobility in the winter. The location was deeply impoverished, and some residents were unable to afford food. Municipal services were insufficient and most inhabitants didn t have professional skills. There were no vocational education facilities, job placement programs, banks, or microfinance institutions. Al Ghadeer lacked a functioning sewage system and water scarcity was a serious issue causing tension in the complex. During the project to dredge the drainage system. Here, workers are installing new concrete pipes and reinforcing them with concrete. Iraq IOM June 2013 RESPONSE In Al Ghadeer Complex, IOM installed an electrical network and dredged the drainage system. Access to electricity was a serious issue for a number of IDPs living on the border of the community and the project was conducted to meet this need. As well, water was collecting in random areas of the complex--washing water, rain water, and sewage water alike. IOM provided technical support and equipment for the removal of garbage and bushes in the drainage path and digging new dredge trenches. Additionally, 50 individuals in Al Ghadeer received Business Development Services (BDS) and In-Kind Grants (IKGs) composed of materials and tools needed to start small businesses. IOM Iraq, taking into account the findings of field visits throughout Ninewa, has conducted many projects and initiatives in the governorate under CRPII in the past year. Assistance has included WASH construction, infrastructure rehabilitation and construction, job placements, BDS, service provider mapping, vocational training, farmer training, IKGs, IOM staff trainings, NFI distributions, and the construction of a training center. In total since 2003, IOM has completed over 130 projects in Ninewa in various sectors of intervention. This governorate profile was developed under the framework of CRPII funded by the U.S. Department of State s Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration. 13