Short-Term Migrant Workers: The Case of Ukraine

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1 Short-Term Migrant Workers: The Case of Ukraine Department of Statistics Conditions of Work and Equality Department Labour Migration Branch

2 Short-Term Migrant Workers: The Case of Ukraine

3 Short-Term Migrant Workers: The Case of Ukraine International Labour Organization Geneva

4 Copyright International Labour Organization 2017 Publications of the International Labour Office enjoy copyright under Protocol 2 of the Universal Copyright Convention. Nevertheless, short excerpts from them may be reproduced without authorization, on condition that the source is indicated. For rights of reproduction or translation, application should be made to ILO Publications (Rights and Licensing), International Labour Office, CH-1211 Geneva 22, Switzerland, or by The International Labour Office welcomes such applications. Libraries, institutions and other users registered with a reproduction rights organization may make copies in accordance with the licences issued to them for this purpose. Visit to find the reproduction rights organization in your country. ISBN print) ISBN (web pdf) ILO Cataloguing in Publication Data The designations employed in ILO publications, which are in conformity with United Nations practice, and the presentation of material therein do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the International Labour Office concerning the legal status of any country, area or territory or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers. The responsibility for opinions expressed in signed articles, studies and other contributions rests solely with their authors, and publication does not constitute an endorsement by the International Labour Office of the opinions expressed in them. Reference to names of firms and commercial products and processes does not imply their endorsement by the International Labour Office, and any failure to mention a particular firm, commercial product or process is not a sign of disapproval. Information on ILO publications and digital products can be found at: Printed in Switzerland This publication was produced by the Document and Publications Production, Printing and Distribution Branch (PRODOC) of the ILO. Graphic and typographic design, layout and composition, proofreading, printing, electronic publishing and distribution, PRODOC endeavours to use paper sourced from forests managed in an environmentally sustainable and socially responsible manner Code: DTP-SCR-REPRO

5 Acknowledgements This technical report was prepared under the overall coordination and guidance of Mustafa Hakki Ozel from the ILO Department of Statistics and Natalia Popova from the Labour Migration Branch in the ILO Conditions of Work and Equality Department. The report was prepared and the data analyses were carried out by Prof. Dr. Meltem Dayıoğlu from the Department of Economics at the Middle East Technical University, Ankara, Turkey. Michelle Leighton, Chief of the ILO Labour Migration Branch, provided advice and support in preparing and reviewing of the draft. Valuable comments were provided by Mariya Aleksynska. These analyses would have not been possible without the support of Manuela Tomei, Director, ILO Conditions of Work and Equality Department and Rafael Diez de Medina, Director, ILO Department of Statistics. This technical report used data, gathered in the framework of the Effective Governance of Labour Migration and its Skills Dimension Project, funded by the European Union and implemented by the ILO. Thanks are also due to the State Statistics Service of Ukraine, which implemented the ILO labour migration module, designed by Elisa Benes, ILO Senior Statistician.

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7 Foreword Migration governance remains high on the agendas of most governments, particularly in Europe. The number of international migrant workers has reached more than 150 million, or over 73 per cent of all migrants of working age according to recent ILO global estimates. Policy responses can be credible and effective only if they are based on sound evidence. Yet, comprehensive official data on migrants and their characteristics, especially on those work-related ones, are still lacking, and those that exist are difficult to compare. Two main obstacles can be mentioned in this regard: ¾ absence of international statistical standards on the concepts and definitions, and common methodology, and ¾ lack of sufficient data collection systems in many countries. The ILO plays a key role both in supporting and building the data collection capacity of national statistical offices around the world, as well as in promoting the development of international guidance on concepts, definitions, and common methodologies and approaches on labour migration statistics. The ILO provides assistance to countries on the measurement of international labour migration through special modules attached to household surveys, in particular labour force surveys. In 2012, the ILO assisted State Statistics Service of Ukraine in conducting module questionnaires on labour migration. The results of these efforts are analysed in the present working paper, with a specific focus on short-term migrant workers. Due to lack of data on short-term migration, this is a much less studied topic in labour migration. It is hoped that such analyses will lead to improved knowledge base, which could contribute to more targeted policy responses for this specific group of migrants and ensure the effective protection of their rights. Manuela Tomei Director, Conditions of Work and Equality Department Rafael Diez de Medina Director, Department of Statistics

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9 Table of Contents 1. Introduction Data Analysis Multivariate analysis of the determinants of labour migration Conclusion References Appendix A Definitions of Schooling Variables Appendix B Labour Force Migration Survey (Questionnaire)... 45

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11 Introduction In 2012, the State Statistics Service of Ukraine, in collaboration with the International Labour Organisation, conducted the Survey on Labour Migration (SLM) in order to estimate the size of labour migration out of Ukraine and analyse the demographic and socio-economic characteristics of migrant workers. The findings of the survey are discussed extensively in an ILO report entitled Report on the Methodology, Organization and Results of a Modular Sample Survey on Labour Migration in Ukraine (2013). According to that report, over a period of two-and-a-half years, 1.2 million Ukrainians between the ages of 15 and 70 i.e. 3.4 per cent of all year-olds in Ukraine migrated out of the country to work or look for work abroad. The report identifies three mutually exclusive categories of migrant workers: return migrant workers, i.e. persons who migrated to work or look for work abroad during the survey s two-and-a-half-year reference period, but who returned to Ukraine and were residing in the household at the time of the survey; short-term migrant workers, who were abroad at the time of the survey working or looking for work for less than 12 months; and emigrants, who were abroad at the time of the survey working or looking for work for more than a year. However, the report does not provide separate analyses of these groups. Moreover, while it highlights the importance of short-term labour migration short-term migrant workers are estimated to make up nearly half of all migrant workers it does not explore the issue of short-term labour migration in depth. Furthermore, the report s definition of short-term migrant workers excludes return migrant workers, who constitute 37.4 per cent of all migrant workers, leading to a serious underestimation of the scale of shortterm labour migration. The aim of the present report, Short-Term Migrant Workers: The Case of Ukraine, is to discuss the issue of short-term labour migration out of Ukraine using an alternative definition that is more likely to accurately reflect the magnitude of this phenomenon. 1 The report focuses especially on differences in migration behaviour related to differences in the length of stay abroad, a factor of particular importance for its implications regarding labour turnover, human capital accumulation and productivity, and, thus, wages and benefits. While the emphasis is mainly on short-term labour migration, in order to place the findings on short-term migrant workers in context, the report also discusses long-term migrant workers and migrant workers in general in terms of both the sizes of the different groups and their demographic and socio-economic characteristics. International conventions define a migrant worker as a person who is to be engaged, is engaged, or has been engaged in a remunerated activity in a State of which he or she is not a national (Article 2, International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families, Resolution 45/158, 1990); in spite of this, countries differ in the ways in which they define and measure labour migration. The 19 th International Conference of Labour Statisticians (ICLS) recognized the need to develop international standards on labour-migration statistics, and the SLM conducted in Ukraine contributes towards these efforts while informing policymakers on the scale of labour migration and the characteristics of migrant workers from Ukraine. Following this brief introduction, Section 2 of this report provides a description of the SLM and the main features of its data set, along with an explanation of how migrant workers are identified and how shortterm and long-term labour migration are defined. Section 3 presents an analysis of the demographic and socio-economic characteristics of short-term migrant workers, including comparisons between short-term 1 It should be noted that since both the earlier and the current report are based on the same data, the findings on migrant workers as a whole are consistent between the two reports (with the exception of slight differences in a few places that stem from differences in the treatment of non-response).

12 2 Short-Term Migrant Workers: The Case of Ukraine and long-term migrant workers and between male and female short-term migrant workers. Section 4 consists of a multivariate analysis of the determinants of labour migration out of Ukraine in general and shortterm labour migration out of Ukraine in particular. Section 5 summarizes and concludes the report.

13 Data The data on which this report is based was obtained from the SLM administered by the State Statistics Service of Ukraine, in collaboration with the ILO, during the second quarter of 2012 with the aim of gathering information on the extent and nature of labour migration out of Ukraine. The survey was implemented as a module of the regularly conducted Economic Activity of the Population Survey (EAPS) and targeted individuals years of age living in private households. The reference period for migration issues extended from January 2010 to the date of the interview, and as interviews were conducted in either April, May or June 2012, this represents a period of up to two-and-a-half years. In addition to the information obtained through the SLM, the EAPS provides information on labour migrants who have returned to Ukraine that is used to assess their post-migration labour-market status. This information is based on a reference period of one week preceding the interview (in April, May or June 2012). The SLM questionnaire consists of four sections (see Appendix): Section A is used to identify migrant workers; Section B gathers detailed information on their demographic and socio-economic characteristics; Section C aims to identify potential migrant workers by asking non-migrants and returned migrant workers about their intentions regarding migration during the six months following the survey date; and Section D collects information on transfers received by households, including remittances. Migrant workers are identified in Section A by asking survey respondents whether anyone in the household has spent even a short period of time in a foreign country since January 2010 and if so, for what reason. Individuals who have been abroad to work or to look for work are classified as migrant workers, whereas individuals who have been abroad for other reasons (e.g., tourism, family-related reasons such as reunions or marriages, a business trip or other travel for a Ukraine-based job, study, medical treatment) are excluded from this classification. Section A of the questionnaire further classifies migrant workers into three groups: returned migrant workers (or returnees ), i.e. migrant workers who had returned to Ukraine after working or looking for work abroad and were residing in the household at the time of the survey; short-term migrant workers, defined as individuals who migrated within the reference period and who have been abroad or intended to be abroad working or looking for work for up to 12 months; and emigrants, defined as individuals who migrated within the reference period and who have been abroad or intended to be abroad working or looking for work for 12 months or more. Because short-term migrant workers and emigrants were absent from the household at the time of the interview and the survey questions were answered on their behalf by a knowledgeable household member, information on the length of time they intended to spend abroad reflects the respondents beliefs about the migrants intentions. This report merges these two groups into a single group defined as current migrant workers. Hence, the term total migrant workers comprises both current migrant workers and returnees. This report also classifies all migrant workers as either short-term or long-term migrant workers based on information obtained from the questionnaire (see Appendix, Section B, QB6) about how long migrant workers typically stay in the country where they work or look for work, with short-term migrant workers defined as those who typically stay for less than a year working or looking for work in the host country and long-term migrant workers as those who typically stay for more than a year. These definitions are based on typical rather than actual behaviour for two reasons: First, the SLM provides no information on the return dates of returned migrant workers, so their exact length of time abroad cannot be determined; and second, the length of time between the date of departure and date of interview of current migrant workers represents an underestimation of their actual length of time abroad (since their migration episode is yet to be complete). However, the discrepancy between typical and actual stays appears to be small: Of 313 current migrants categorized as short-term migrants based on their typical stays, only two were found to

14 4 Short-Term Migrant Workers: The Case of Ukrainea have actually been abroad for more than a year at the time of the survey, and out of 94 current migrants categorized as long-term migrants based on their typical stays, only 11 were actually abroad for less than a year. (The slightly higher discrepancy found for those classified as long-term migrants may be explained by the incomplete nature of the migration episode of current migrants, who may, in fact, ultimately remain abroad for more than a year before returning to Moldova.) It should be noted that no lower time limit is used in defining labour migration in general or short-term labour migration in particular in order to explore all forms of labour movement out of the country regardless of duration and thus better identify different groups of workers for policy purposes. 2 With this objective in mind, and data allowing, short-term migrant workers are further divided into four sub-groups based on the typical length of a stay abroad working or looking for work (i.e. less than one month, 1 3 months, 3 6 months, and 6 12 months). 3 There are two methodological issues with important bearing on the SLM data on migration that need to be pointed out. The first is the use of proxy respondents to gather information on migrant workers who are away from the household in a foreign country at the time of the interview. Although proxy response is not uncommon in household surveys, the degree to which proxy respondents are able to provide information on household members who no longer share the same living space will depend upon the contact they maintain with the migrants. In Ukraine, the overall response rate on individual survey questions is quite high, even when answered by proxy respondents on behalf of current migrants. For instance, for the survey question asking how much the migrant worker earns per month in the host country a question for which non-response tends to be high the non-response rate was only 11.7 per cent for returnees answering this question for themselves, 8.0 per cent for proxy respondents answering on behalf of returnees, and 10.4 per cent for proxy respondents answering on behalf of current migrants. Non-response rates in general are even lower for other, less sensitive matters. In tabulating data, this report takes into consideration the non-response rates by warning the reader of possible biases due to non-response in cases where these rates are high, and by removing non-responses prior to tabulation in cases where these rates are low. A second methodological concern is related to seasonality. Since the survey utilizes a broad reference period of two-and-a-half years, the timing of the survey is not likely to affect the size or the characteristics of migrant workers in general. However, if there is an uneven distribution of returned migrant workers over the year, then the timing of the survey (the second quarter of 2012) could affect the distinction between current migrant workers and returnees. Thus, the possible effect of survey timing on the reported characteristics of these two groups should be kept in mind when interpreting the results. 2 3 Although the UN has no definition for either short-term migrant worker or migrant worker, a short-term migrant is defined as A person who moves to a country other than that of his or her usual residence for a period of at least 3 months but less than a year (12 months) except in cases where the movement to that country is for purposes of recreation, holiday, visits to friends and relatives, business, medical treatment or religious pilgrimage. (UN, 1998; p.18). The sample size precludes detailed analysis of short-term migrants who have been away for less than a month. Note that the survey fails to distinguish long-term migrant workers on the basis of the duration of stay, but rather lumps them under a single category of 12 months and over.

15 3. Analysis SML raw data cover 45,477 individuals between the ages of 15 and 70, including 636 individuals identified as migrant workers. Of these, 525 are identified as short-term migrant workers and 111 as long-term migrant workers, whereas 229 are identified as returned migrant workers and 407 as current migrant workers. Sampling weights are used throughout the analysis in arriving at population figures. 3.1 Extent of labour migration The total number of migrant workers is estimated at 1.2 million, or 3.5 per cent of the total population of Ukraine aged years. Short-term migrant workers make up 82.7 per cent of all migrant workers, or 2.9 per cent of the population aged Women constitute 34.4 per cent of all migrant workers, but they are under-represented among short-term and over-represented among long-term migrant workers, accounting for 29.7 per cent of short-term and 56.6 per cent of long-term migrant workers. Table 3.1 shows the distribution of short-term migrant workers based on their typical length of stay in a host country. A non-negligible proportion of short-term migrant workers 14.9 per cent typically spend less than a month in a host country, and another 38.3 per cent spend 1 3 months, so that in total, more than half of all short-term migrant workers 53.1 per cent spend less than three months in a host country. The proportion that spends 3 6 months in a host country 28.5 per cent of all short-term migrant workers is substantially higher than the proportion that spends 6 12 months in a host country which is 18.7 per cent. Among short-term migrant workers, 54.6 per cent of men spend less than three months in a host country as compared to 49.6 per cent of women. The gap between men and women increases when the time period is extended to six months, with 83.8 per cent of men spending less than six months in a host country, as compared to 75.5 per cent of women. Thus, not only are women underrepresented among short-term migrant workers in general, their length of stay in a host country is typically longer than that of men. Figure 3.1 Typical lengths of stay of short-term migrant workers in a host country by gender Percent Less than months 3-6 months 6-12 months month All Male Female All Male Female

16 6 Short-Term Migrant Workers: The Case of Ukraine Of all short-term migrant workers, 58.6 per cent consist of current migrant workers and the remainder (41.4%) of returnees. Among returnees, 12.2 per cent typically stay for less than one month in a host country, while a sizeable proportion (45.8%) typically stay between 1 3 months; in other words, 58.0 per cent of returnees stay for up to three months in a host country, compared to only 49.7 per cent of current migrant workers. Similar proportions of current migrant workers and returnees (around 28% 29%) spend 3 6 months in a host country, whereas the proportion spending 6 12 months in a host country is higher among current migrant workers (22.6%) than among returnees (13.1%). Hence, current migrant workers constitute 71 per cent of short-term migrant workers who spend 6 12 months in the host country, which is substantially higher than their 58.6 per cent share of all short-term migrant workers. Current migrant workers are also over-represented among those who spend less than a month in a host country, but not among those who spend 1 3 months or 3 6 months in a host country. In short, current short-term migrant workers appear to spend longer periods at a time in a host country than returnees. As noted earlier, it is possible to determine from the survey data the length of time that current migrant workers have been abroad as of the survey date. Accordingly, the average length of stay in a host country is estimated at 83 days for current short-term migrant workers and 542 days for current long-term migrant workers. 4 Women remain abroad for longer lengths at a time than men, with the average estimates for female and male short-term migrant workers and 70.6 days, respectively, and the average estimates for female and male long-term migrant workers 558 and days, respectively. Overall, the Russian Federation is the most popular destination for migrant workers from Ukraine, attracting 43.3 per cent of all labour migrants. Following the Russian Federation are Poland, Italy and the Czech Republic, each of which attract around per cent of the total population of migrant workers from Ukraine (Table 3.2). Country order is slightly different for short-term migrant workers, with the Russian Federation accounting for 47.7 per cent of short-term migrant workers, followed by Poland (16.8%), the Czech Republic (14.2%) and Italy (8.9%). In total, these four countries together attract 87.7 per cent of short-term migrant workers from Ukraine. For long-term migrant workers, the four most popular destination countries are Italy (33.8%), the Russian Federation (21.9%), Spain (16.5%), and, to a lesser extent, the Czech Republic (6.7%), which together host 79 per cent of long-term migrant workers from Ukraine. Men and women make different choices in terms of host country. Among male short-term migrant workers, the Russian Federation is by far the most popular destination, attracting 57.5 per cent of male short-term migrant workers. This is followed by the Czech Republic and Poland, which respectively account for 15.2 and Table 3.1 Typical lengths of stay of short-term migrant workers in a host country (current vs returned) Length of time in host country Returned migrant workers Current migrant workers Less than 1 month months months months All short-term % Current 4 For two observations classified as short-term migrant workers, the actual length of stay exceeded a year, while for 11 observations classified as long-term migrants, the duration of migration was less than a year as of the survey date.

17 3. Analysis 7 Table 3.2 Countries that host migrant workers Host country All migrant workers All shortterm Short-term, Men Short-term, Women Belarus Czech Republic Denmark Germany Hungary Italy Poland Portugal Russian Federation Spain Switzerland United States Other All long-term 13.0 per cent of male short-term migrant workers. Among female short-term migrant workers, the most popular destinations are Poland (25.9%), the Russian Federation (24.5%), Italy (21.9%) and the Czech Republic (12.1%), which together account for 84.3 per cent of all short-term female migrant workers from Ukraine. As Table 3.3 shows, the destination countries for short-term migrant workers tend to vary according to their length of stay abroad, with those who typically spend less than three months in a host country tending to migrate to neighbouring countries. For instance, the Russian Federation, Poland, Hungary and Table 3.3 Countries that host short-term migrant workers Host country All shortterm Less than 1 month 1-3 Months 3-6 Months 6-12 months Belarus Czech Republic Germany Hungary Italy Poland Portugal Russian Federation Spain Other

18 8 Short-Term Migrant Workers: The Case of Ukraine Belarus constitute the main countries of destination for those who typically stay less than one month in a host country. Poland alone attracts 36.3 per cent of migrant workers who spend less than a month in a host country, as compared to only 2 per cent of those who typically spend between 6 12 months in a host country. Hungary and Belarus are also unpopular among migrant workers who typically spend more than three months in a host country; rather, migrant workers who typically stay in a host country for longer periods of time are attracted to Italy. In spite of these differences, the Russian Federation constitutes an important receiving country regardless of length of stay. For instance, 68.5 per cent of migrant workers who spend between 1 3 months choose the Russian Federation as their destination country, and although this figure drops considerably for those who typically spend between 6 12 months, it nonetheless remains substantial, at 27.1 per cent. In terms of the frequency of trips made to host countries, 45.9 per cent of all migrant workers travelled to a host country only once during the reference period. However, while this holds true for the overwhelming majority (92.8%) of long-term migrant workers, it describes only 35.6 per cent of short-term migrant workers. In fact, over half of all short-term migrant workers travelled a few times a year to a host country. When analyzed in more detail, the vast majority of this group 78.9 per cent is found to have travelled just twice a year to a host country, with the remainder travelling three, or even four or more times a year to a host country (10.0% and 11.2%, respectively). An additional 4.5 per cent of short-term migrant workers were found to have travelled to a host country every month and 4.4 per cent to have travelled a few times a month. Among the latter, the majority (81.2%) travelled three times a month and the remainder (18.8%) twice a month. For both male and female short-term migrant workers, travelling to a host country once or twice a year is the most common pattern (77.6% and 75.5%, respectively). Among the remaining short-term migrant workers, men were found to have travelled more frequently to the host country than women. Moreover, 8.6 per cent of women, as compared to 0.7 per cent of men, travel between Ukraine and a host country on an irregular basis, which could plausibly be explained by family-related constraints on women s travel. Table 3.4 Frequency of travel of all migrant workers to host countries Frequency of travel during the reference period All migrant workers All shortterm Short-term, Men Short-term, Women Once a year A few times a year times a year times a year times a year times a year or more times a year Monthly A few times a month times a month times a month Other (irregularly) Note: Figurs in italics under each sub-heading add up to 100%. All long-term

19 3. Analysis 9 Table 3.5 Frequency of travel of short-term migrant workers to host countries Frequency of travel during ref. period All shortterm Less than 1 month 1-3 months 3-6 months 6-12 months Once A few times a year * times a year times a year times a year times a year or more times a year Monthly A few times a month times a month times a month Other (irregularly) *number of observations less than 20. Note: Figures in italics under each sub-heading add up to 100%. The frequency of trips made to a host country also differs by length of stay, with short-term migrant workers who typically spend less time in a host country tending to travel more frequently to and from Ukraine than those who typically stay longer. For instance, short-term migrant workers who typically spend less than one month in a host country account for all migrant workers who travel a few times a month. In contrast, 39.1 per cent of migrant workers who typically spend 6 12 months in a host country travelled from Ukraine for work just a few times a year and 49.0 per cent only once a year. These differences may be partly related to differences in the sex composition of the different groups of short-term migrant workers. For example, the fact that those who typically stay between 6 12 months in the host country reported a substantially higher rate of irregular visits to a host country (i.e. the other category in Tables 3.4 and 3.5) may be partly explained by the fact that this group contains a higher proportion of women, whose return home is more likely to be dictated by family concerns. Differences in job types could also account for the higher frequency of trips observed among those with typically short stays abroad, with jobs of limited-duration and high turnover rates leading to shorter stays in host countries and more frequent visits home. It should be noted that it is unclear from the information available whether each trip to a host country marks a different, separate episode of migration. However, the finding that those who typically spend shorter periods of time in a host country make more frequent trips back and forth between Ukraine suggests that some of these trips probably do mark separate episodes of migration. It may be that the nature of the work performed by migrant workers or the type of registration they possess requires them to return to Ukraine before they can initiate a new episode of migration. If it is correct to assume that each trip to a host country does in fact represent a new job/job search, then the data suggest that women who migrate abroad for work tend to do so less frequently than men, which could in turn be related to different types of work men and women perform in a host country (See Section 3.3.7). The generally high frequency of travel to and from Ukraine suggests that short-term migrant workers maintain close contact with their families at home, which would explain why household members providing information on current migrants were rarely unwilling or unable to answer the questions on the SLM.

20 10 Short-Term Migrant Workers: The Case of Ukraine Furthermore, as a result of their frequent travel back and forth, short-term migrant workers are likely to be well-informed about the labour-market situation in Ukraine, making their decision as to whether to migrate or remain in Ukraine sensitive to developments in the local labour market. 3.2 Demographic determinants of migration The working-age-population (WAP) is comprised of individuals aged years, 5 with an average age of 39.5 years. Hence, with an average age of 37.5 years, migrant workers in general tend to be younger than the WAP, although long-term migrant workers are slightly older (40.3 years). Furthermore, while short-term migrant workers overall are younger (36.9 years) than the WAP, female short-term migrant workers are older than males (38.6 and 36.2 years, respectively). As Figure 3.2 shows, individuals aged constitute the largest group of short-term migrant workers. However, when men and women are looked at separately, individuals aged are found to make up the largest group of male short-term migrant workers, with older cohorts constituting successively smaller amounts, whereas women aged years constitute the largest group of female short-term migrant workers. Consequently, men constitute a larger proportion of younger and women a larger proportion of older short-term migrant workers. Compulsory education in Ukraine consists of 11 years of schooling divided into three stages: primary (4 years), secondary base (5 years) and secondary complete (2 years). In general, migrant workers tend to be less educated than the WAP, the great majority of whom (90.3%) have at least a complete secondary education and 22.8 per cent of whom have some higher education. Compared to the WAP, the proportion of migrant workers with at least a complete secondary education is higher (95.4%) and the proportion with some higher education (15.4%) is lower. 6 Figure 3.2 Ages of short-term migrant workers, by sex Percent Short-term Short-term: Male Short-term: Female The oldest migrant in the data is 65 years of age. Hence, in this section, when making comparisons between migrant workers and the population, the working-age-population is used. For a definition of different schooling levels see Appendix, Table A1.

21 3. Analysis 11 Figure 3.3 Schooling of migrant workers and WAP WAP Long-term Short-term: Female Short-term: Male Basic secondary or primary Secondary complete Incomplete higher Higher Short-term Migrant workers Percent When short and long-term migrant workers are compared, the proportion with a complete secondary education is seen to be higher among short-term migrant workers (68%, as compared to 49.7% among longterm migrant workers), whereas the proportion with some higher education is lower (26.8%, as compared to 48.5% among long-term migrant workers). Furthermore, male short-term migrant workers are less educated than female short-term migrant workers. When these two groups are compared, a greater proportion of male short-term migrant workers have a complete secondary education (72.5%, as compared to 57.4% among female short-term migrant workers), whereas a smaller proportion of male short-term migrant workers have some higher education (21.7%, as compared to 38.8% among female short-term migrant workers). The majority of migrant workers (58.4%) are married, whereas a sizeable proportion (13.4%) is either divorced or widowed and the remainder (28.2%) is single (Figure 3.4). Individuals who are single represent larger proportions of migrant workers and short-term migrant workers as compared to the WAP and longterm migrant workers due to the somewhat younger average ages of the former groups. In contrast, the proportions of married and divorced individuals are lower among migrant workers and short-term migrant workers as compared to the WAP and long-term migrant workers. When male and female short-term migrant workers are compared, substantially larger proportions of the latter are found to be divorced or widowed and smaller proportions to be married or single. More specifically, 21.4 per cent of female short-term migrant workers are divorced and an additional 8.4 per cent are widowed as compared to only 4.8 per cent and 1.0 per cent, respectively, of males. It is likely that the need to support a family, combined with the low wages in Ukraine, is what induces women, including older women, to migrate. This would also explain why female migrant workers tend to be older than males. The fact that a substantial proportion of short-term female migrant workers are divorced or widowed raises concerns about children who are left behind. The SLM provides data on five economic regions in Ukraine North, Centre, South, East and West whose shares of the WAP are, respectively, 17.8 per cent, 11.6 per cent, 15.4 per cent, 32.2 per cent and 23.0 per cent. The geographic distribution of migrant workers varies sharply from that of the WAP, with the overwhelming majority of all migrant workers 71.6 per cent coming from the West. This figure is even

22 12 Short-Term Migrant Workers: The Case of Ukraine Figure 3.4 Marital status of migrant workers and WAP WAP Long-term Short-term: Female Short-term: Male Short-term Widowed Divorced Single Married Migrant workers higher among female short-term migrant workers, (82.1%). With the exception of the West, all other regions are under-represented among migrant workers as compared to the WAP, with the Centre accounting for the smallest share of short-term migrant workers (3.2%), and the East, South and North accounting for similar shares (7 9% each). n total, 29.6 per cent of Ukraine s WAP lives in rural areas; however, individuals from rural areas constitute 54.3 per cent of all migrant workers. This figure is slightly higher among short-term migrant workers (56.9%) and lower among long-term migrant workers (41.9%). The proportion of female short-term migrant workers from rural areas (64.6%) is also higher than the proportion of male short-term migrant workers from rural areas (53.6%). Figure 3.5 Region of residence of migrant workers and WAP WAP Long-term Short-term: Female Short-term: Male Short-term West East South Centre North Migrant workers

23 3. Analysis 13 Figure 3.6 Proportions of migrant workers and the WAP residing in rural areas WAP Long-term Short-term: Female Short-term: Male Short-term Migrant workers Socio-economic characteristics of migrant workers This section of the report discusses the socio-economic characteristics of short-term migrant workers and compares them to the characteristics of long-term migrant workers. The characteristics examined are legal migration status, language skills, training undertaken abroad, employment status, status in employment, type of employment activity, occupation, skill match, employment agreement, hours of work, labour remuneration, and remittances. Whenever possible, these characteristics are discussed for the pre-migration period as well as for the time spent abroad, and, in the case of returnees, for the period following their return to Ukraine Legal migration status Not all migrant workers hold a permit to work in a host country. In fact, those who do not constitute nearly half of all migrant workers (47.9%). Moreover, the proportion of short-term migrant workers without a work permit is larger (50.6%) than that of long-term migrant workers (35.1%). In contrast, a larger proportion of short-term migrant workers as compared to long-term migrant workers (28.8% vs. 22.7%) have only temporary registration or a tourist visa, or possess no documents (i.e. visa, work permit, temporary registration) at all (17.8% vs. 12.4%). Table 3.6 Legal migration status of migrant workers Legal migration status All migrant workers All shortterm Short-term, Men Short-term, Women Residence and work permit Work permit alone Temporary registration Tourist visa No documents Other All long-term

24 14 Short-Term Migrant Workers: The Case of Ukraine The proportion of female short-term migrant workers (42.5%) holding both residence and work permits is larger than that of males (32.5%), whereas the proportion of male short-term migrant workers with a work permit only (15.7%) is larger than that of females (9.8%). The proportion of male short-term migrant workers holding temporary registration is also larger as compared to females. The differences in the legal migration statuses of men and women may have to do with differences in the length of time men and women stay in a host country as well as differences in the frequency with which they return to Ukraine, which may, in turn, be related to differences in the nature of the jobs they hold abroad Language skills Before migrating abroad, 13.6 per cent of migrant workers could neither speak nor understand the language of their host countries; 22.9 per cent could understand the language, but could not speak it; 26.9 per cent were able to understand as well as speak a little; and more than half (53.7%) could communicate or were fluent in the language of their host country. However, the proportion of short-term migrant workers who could communicate or were fluent (58.5%) was much larger than that of long-term migrant workers (31.0%). This discrepancy can be explained by the difference in the choice of destination country between the two groups: As noted earlier, as compared to long-term migrant workers, short-term migrant workers are more likely to head to the Russian Federation for work, which would account for their greater language skills. A similar discrepancy was observed in the language skills of male and female short-term migrant workers, with 67.0 per cent of males either fluent or able to communicate in the language of their host countries, compared to only 38.3 per cent of females. This may also be explained by the larger proportion of male short-term migrant workers in the Russian Federation as compared to females. Figure 3.7 Language skills of migrant workers Long-term Short-term: Female Short-term: Male Short-term Migrant workers Fluent Could communicate Understood and spoke a little Understood but did not speak Did not speak or understand Training abroad The proportion of migrant workers attending a training course while abroad is limited to 4.0 per cent and is even lower among short-term migrant workers (2.9%). The most popular courses attended are language courses. In fact, of those who have attended a training course, 78.8 per cent attended a language course while working/looking for work abroad, 9.9 per cent took a course from a higher education institute as part of a degree program, and others attended a training course to learn a specific skill or trade.

25 3. Analysis 15 The overwhelming majority of migrant workers (94.6%) did not establish or attempt to establish the equivalency of their diploma or training certificate in a host country. 7 This figure is similar for short-term migrant workers (95.5%), with no appreciable difference between men (94.0%) and women (96.1%). However, the proportion of long-term migrant workers who did not establish or attempt to establish equivalency is somewhat lower as compared to short-term migrant workers (90.2% vs. 95.5%) though again an appreciable difference between men (90.0%) and women (90.6%) long-term migrant workers is not observed Employment status before, during and after migration Nearly 60 per cent of migrant workers were employed in Ukraine before leaving the country. However, a sizeable proportion 15.8 per cent was unemployed. Hence, nearly three- quarters of the migrant worker population was economically active before leaving the country. In comparison to long-term migrant workers, short-term migrant workers appear to have higher unemployment rates and lower employment rates before leaving Ukraine; however, these differences are not statistically significant at conventional levels. Female short-term migrant workers have higher pre-migration unemployment rates than male short-term migrant workers, but the difference is not statistically significant at conventional levels. However, pre-migration employment rates of female short-term migrant workers are lower than those of males (p<0.056). Table 3.7 Pre-migration employment status of migrant workers Pre-migration employment status All migrant workers All shortterm Short-term, Men Short-term, Women Employed Unemployed Economically active Note: Unemployment is defined as a per cent of the migrant worker population. All longterm Table 3.8 Post-migration employment status of returned migrants Post-migration employment status All returned migrant workers All returned short-term Returned shortterm, men Employed Unemployed Economically active Note: Unemployment is defined as a per cent of the returned migrant worker population. Returned shortterm, women 7 This figure includes a small proportion (2.6%) of migrant workers who attempted but failed to establish the equivalency of their diploma or training certificate in a host country.

26 16 Short-Term Migrant Workers: The Case of Ukraine Employment rates in host countries are 98.3 per cent for migrant workers in general, 97.8 per cent for short-term migrant workers, and 100 per cent for long-term migrant workers. Estimated employment rates of male and female short-term migrant workers in host countries are similarly high, at 97.4 per cent and 99.1 per cent, respectively. Because the SLM was administered as a module of the EAPS, it is possible to use EAPS data to determine the employment status of migrant workers after their return to Ukraine. Accordingly, 68.0 per cent of returnees were found to be employed and 13.5 per cent to be unemployed during the reference period of the EAPS survey; 8 in other words, 81.5 per cent of returned migrants are economically active upon their return to Ukraine. The post-migration employment and unemployment rates of returned short-term migrant workers (70% and 13.4%, respectively) are similar to those of returned migrant workers in general; however, the employment rate is higher for returned male as compared to female short-term migrant workers (72.6% vs. 63.6%) and the unemployment rate higher for returned female as compared to male short-term migrant workers (15.8% vs. 12.5%). (Note that the overwhelming majority of returnees 91.5 per cent are shortterm migrant workers.) Although it appears that returnees to Ukraine have higher employment and lower unemployment rates following their migration experience, this difference may be due, in part, to differences in how the SLM and EAPS establish the employment status of respondents. 9 Furthermore, some anomalous results suggest that caution must be exercised in making comparisons between the data of the two surveys. For example, in one very unusual finding, 27 per cent of all employed returned migrant workers and 28.7 per cent of returned short-term migrant workers were reported to be temporarily absent from their job during the reference week. These rates are substantially higher than the rate reported by non-migrant workers, which is only 2.4 per cent. This puzzling difference could, in fact, be the result of a confusion in reporting: the jobs from which returned migrants were reported to be temporarily absent from could very plausibly be their jobs abroad which could either be seasonal work or could require them to return to Ukraine to take care of migration-related bureaucratic issues. Indeed, for 48 per cent of returned migrants who were reported to be temporarily absent from their jobs, the reason given was the seasonality of their work, and being on paid or unpaid leave was cited for another 43.4 per cent. The finding that the overwhelming majority (86.2%) of this group also plans to re-migrate within the next six months to the same countries they had previously gone to as labour migrants casts further doubt as to whether the jobs these individuals were temporarily absent from were jobs in Ukraine. Indeed, the EAPS question 10 on temporary absence does not specifically state that the job (if any) being referred to is one in Ukraine. 11 Although it might appear superfluous to mention in the EAPS questionnaire that the job being inquired about is in Ukraine, in critical questions such as those designed to establish the employment status of returnees, it is essential that the respondent understands that the questions refer to the Ukrainian labour The week preceding survey implementation i.e. in April, May, or June Both the wording and the number of questions used to establish the employment status of migrant workers are different in the two surveys. For instance, in addition to more easily identifiable forms of work such as wage work, the EAPS includes a series of questions aimed at identifying individuals engaged in subsidiary farming on individual plots whose produce is intended for sale, and these individuals are included among the ranks of the employed. Similar questions do not exist in the SLM, which determines the pre-migration employment status of a migrant worker based on a single question: Did you or [NAME] have a job, business activity in Ukraine prior to taking this trip? If individuals engaged in subsidiary farming as described above do not answer this question affirmatively, then the pre-migration employment rate will appear to be lower than it actually is. (The full questionnaires for both the SLM and EAPS are included in the Appendix to this report.) EAPS Question 7 reads as follows: Did you have work (occupation), where you were temporarily absent (due to illness, vacation, production halt, etc.) during the reference week? Another concern regarding returned migrant workers who are reported to be temporarily absent from their jobs relates to whether they could be posted workers. According to the General Agreement on Trade in Services 4 (GATS-4) on the movement of natural persons, posted workers are not to be regarded as migrant workers. The SLM screens out such workers from the ranks of migrant workers from the very start (Question A3), making it very unlikely that the individuals referred to here are posted workers who have returned home and are waiting to be reposted to their next duty.

27 3. Analysis 17 market. Failure to do so has an impact on the statistics on the Ukrainian labour market in general as well as on labour-migration estimates in particular. For example, if it is assumed that the returnees who were reported to be temporarily absent from their jobs during the reference week actually had jobs abroad and were thus not looking for work in Ukraine, this entire group could be excluded from the ranks of both the employed and unemployed. 12 Doing so would lower the post-migration employment rate among returnees from 68.0 per cent to 49.2 per cent and the economic activity rate from 81.5 per cent to 62.7 per cent. 13 (Although the drop is substantial, it should be noted that the conclusion that a significant proportion of returnees are economically active once back in Ukraine remains valid.) Status in employment before, during, and after migration Before leaving Ukraine for a host country, the overwhelming majority (91.3%) of migrant workers were wage earners 51.3 per cent in private enterprises, 8.7 per cent in private households and 30.8 per cent in public enterprises and the rest (9.2%) were working on their own account. 14 Similar proportions of short-term and long-term migrant workers were employed as wage-earners in Ukraine prior to migrating (90.4% and 92.5%, respectively). Although a larger proportion of long-term migrant workers as compared to short-term migrant workers were employed as wage-earners in public enterprises (36.9% vs. 29.4%), the difference is not statistically significant at conventional levels, nor is there a significant difference in status in employment between male and female short-term migrant workers. During their stay in host countries, migrant workers are primarily employed as wage-earners (93.1%), although the proportion working as wage-earners in a host country is slightly lower among short-term migrant workers (92.1%) as compared to long-term migrant workers (97.9%) and among male short-term migrant workers (90.6%) as compared to female short-term migrant workers (95.7%). The rest are employed on their own account. Figure 3.8 Pre-migration status in employment of migrant workers Long-term Short-term: Female Short-term: Male Short-term Own-account Wage-earner-private households Wage earner-public Wage earner-private Migrant workers Estimates are similarly biased by returnees who are reported to be employed by the EAPS if they are in jobs held abroad. Indeed, of the returnees who were reported to be employed by the EAPS, 3 persons (out of 114 cases) reported their workplace to be abroad. The economic activity rate would be higher if some returned migrants decided to look for work in Ukraine even though they already had jobs abroad. One migrant worker is reported to have worked as an unpaid family worker.

28 18 Short-Term Migrant Workers: The Case of Ukraine Figure 3.9 Status in employment of migrant workers in host country Long-term Short-term: Female Short-term: Male Short-term Own-account Wage earner-other Wage earner-private households Wage earner-public Wage earner-private Migrant workers Employment in a private household accounts for a significant proportion of all migrant workers employed as wage earners abroad (29.3%), with the proportions much higher among long-term migrant workers (45.1%) and female short-term migrant workers (45.2%). In contrast, a much larger proportion of male short-term migrant workers (59.9%) as compared to female short-term migrant workers (45.2%) are wage earners in private enterprises rather than in households. Upon returning to Ukraine, as noted earlier, 68 per cent of migrant workers are employed, and when those who were temporarily absent from their jobs are excluded, 66.1 per cent are found to be wage earners, 6.1 per cent to work on their own account, and the remaining 27.9 per cent to work as unpaid family workers, primarily in subsidiary farming. The distribution is similar for returned short-term migrant workers, of whom 68.9 per cent are wage earners, 4.5 per cent own-account workers and 26.7 per cent unpaid family workers. When male and female returnees are examined separately, these proportions are, respectively, 70.5 per cent, 5.0 per cent and 24.5 per cent for males and 64.0 per cent, 2.7 per cent and 33.4 per cent for females. Rather large differences are observed between the figures given above to describe the post-migration status of returned short-term migrant workers and the figures describing their pre-migration status obtained from the SLM. According to these figures, prior to migrating, 82.5 per cent of this group of returnees were employed as wage earners in public or private enterprises, 7.4 per cent worked as wage earners in private households and 10.2 per cent worked on their own account. This suggests that a significant proportion of former wage earners and own-account workers may have become unpaid family workers because they were either unable to find or more likely unwilling to hold paying work upon their return from abroad, particularly if they intended to migrate again in the near future. However, as discussed earlier, because of the differences in the questions on employment contained in the EAPS and the SLM, it is unclear whether the findings on status in employment represent genuine differences in the situation of short-term migrants before and after migration, or if they are merely a reflection of differences in the survey instruments. Indeed, one finding that must be emphasized is that between one-half and two-thirds of returned migrant workers planned to migrate again within six months of the survey interview. This is true of almost 60 per cent of all returned migrant workers, 62.9 per cent of short-term returned migrant workers, 70.5 per cent of short-term returned migrant workers who do not work upon their return to Ukraine, and 55 per cent of

29 3. Analysis 19 those who were employed upon their return to Ukraine (excluding those workers reported to be temporarily absent from their jobs). This suggests that the decision to work and the form it takes are more a reflection of returnees plans regarding future migration than of their ability or inability to make use of the work experience gained abroad upon their return to Ukraine Economic activity types before, during and after migration Over half of all migrant workers were employed in construction, manufacturing, or agriculture before leaving Ukraine, with the construction sector alone employing 32.9 per cent of migrant workers. Compared to longterm migrant workers, a larger proportion of short-term migrant workers (36.3% vs 17.7%) were employed in construction and a smaller proportion in health and social work (4.6% vs 18.3%) prior to migration. Differences were also observed in the pre-migration economic activity of short-term male and female migrant workers; namely, nearly half of male short-term migrant workers were employed in construction (as compared to only 4.6% of females), whereas females were employed in a wider range of economic activities, with larger proportions of females as compared to males employed in manufacturing, wholesale and retail trade, education, health and social work, and other community services. In general, the economic activities of migrant workers are less varied in the host country than they are in Ukraine. Only three economic activities account for the employment of nearly three-quarters of all migrant workers abroad: construction, which employs 45.7 per cent of all migrant workers; work in private households, which employs 18.2 per cent; and agriculture, which employs 11.4 per cent. Economic activities of long-term and short-term migrants vary, with nearly half of short-term migrant workers employed in construction, as compared to only 21 per cent of long-term migrant workers; 13.1 per cent of short-term migrant Table 3.9 Economic activity pre-migration NACE-Rev1.1 All migrant workers All shortterm Short-term, Men Short-term, Women Agriculture & fishing Mining Manufacturing Electricity, gas, water Construction Wholesale and retail trade Hotels and restaurants Transport, storage Financial intermediary Real estate Public administration Education Health and social work Other personal/community services Private households Note: Includes employed migrants only. All long-term

30 20 Short-Term Migrant Workers: The Case of Ukraine Table 3.10 Economic activity abroad NACE-Rev1.1 All migrant workers All shortterm Short-term, Men Short-term, Women All long-term Agriculture & fishing Mining Manufacturing Electricity, gas, water Construction Wholesale and retail trade Hotels and restaurants Transport, storage Financial intermediary Real estate Public administration Education Health and social work Other personal/community services Private households Note: Includes employed migrant workers only. workers employed in private households, as compared to 42.3 per cent of long-term migrant workers; and 7.9 per cent of short-term migrant workers employed in wholesale and retail trade, as compared to 15.2 per cent of long-term migrant workers. In addition, 12.8 per cent of short-term migrant workers are employed in agriculture. Economic activities of male and female short-term migrant workers also differ in the host country, with males employed predominately in construction (69.9%), agriculture (9.7%) and hotels and restaurants (6.5%), and females in private households (42.2%) and agriculture (20.3%) as well as in wholesale and retail trade and hotels and restaurants. Whereas men s activities are more seasonal in nature and thus likely to offer workers opportunities for fixed, short-term employment, women s activities tend to be less seasonal, which would explain their relatively smaller representation among short-term (as opposed to long-term) migrant workers. After returning to Ukraine, short-term migrant workers tend to be employed mainly in the agriculture sector (35.6%), followed by the construction (25.8%), service (23.0%) and manufacturing (15.6%) sectors. The proportion employed in private households is negligible, even among women. Agricultural activities (including those in subsidiary plots) employ 34.6 per cent of male and 38.5 per cent of female short-term migrant workers who have returned to Ukraine. Construction employs 33.3 per cent of men, but only 2.8 per cent of women, while manufacturing employs 16.8 per cent of men and 11.7 per cent of women. The rest 15.3 per cent of men and 47 per cent of women are in services.

31 3. Analysis Occupation held before, during and after migration Nearly half of all migrant workers were employed in elementary occupations or were in craft and related trades work before migration, while the other half was comprised of technicians and associate professionals, service and sales workers, professionals, and plant and machine operators. In other words, although unskilled workers make up a sizeable proportion (24.4%) of migrant workers from Ukraine, around three-quarters of these migrants have work-related skills. When short-term and long-term migrant workers are compared, larger proportions of short-term as compared to long-term migrant workers were in elementary occupations (25.5% vs 20.6%) or in craft and related trades work (9.5% vs 28.5%) before leaving Ukraine, whereas smaller proportions were professionals (7.6% vs 21.9% ) and sales and service workers (9.6% vs 23.9%). This distribution of occupations suggests that short-term migrants are less skilled than long-term migrants. A similar conclusion can be drawn for male short-term migrant workers as compared to females, since a larger proportion of female short-term migrant workers were professionals and technicians and associate professionals (28.8%, as compared to 19.9% for males) and a smaller proportion were in elementary occupations (22.4%, as compared to 26.2% for males) prior to migrating. However, it is also the case that a larger proportion of male short-term migrant workers (34.6%) possessed specific skills in craft and related trades, whereas a much larger proportion of females (25.5%) were employed as service and sales workers before migrating. During their time in a host country, 39.2 per cent of migrant workers from Ukraine are employed in elementary occupations, 24.7 per cent as craft and related trades workers and 16.5 per cent as service and sales workers. Not only is the proportion of migrant workers engaged in elementary occupations abroad larger than the proportion in Ukraine prior to migration, interestingly, the proportion of long-term migrant workers employed in elementary occupations abroad is larger than that of short-term migrant workers, whereas the Table 3.11 Occupation migrant workers held before migrating abroad Occupations (ISCO-88) All migrant workers All shortterm Short-term, men Short-term, women Legislators and senior officials Professionals Technicians and associate professionals Clerks Service and sales workers Skilled agricultural and fishery workers Craft and related trades workers Plant and machine operators, assemblers Elementary occupations Note: Includes employed migrant workers only. All long-term

32 22 Short-Term Migrant Workers: The Case of Ukraine Table 3.12 Occupation migrant workers hold abroad Occupations (ISCO-88) All migrant workers All shortterm Short-term, men Short-term, women Legislators and senior officials Professionals Technicians and associate professionals Clerks Service and sales workers Skilled agricultural and fishery workers Craft and related trades workers Plant and machine operators, assemblers Elementary occupations Note: Includes employed migrants only. All long-term opposite situation existed prior to migration. As noted earlier, a significant proportion of long-term migrant workers (21.9%) were previously employed as professionals, but this figure decreases (to only 4.3%) in host countries. With regard to individuals in craft and related trades work in a host country, the proportion is much larger among short-term migrant workers as compared to long-term migrant workers (27.3% vs 12.6%); moreover, for short-term migrant workers, this ratio is in line with that of the pre-migration ratio in Ukraine, but for long-term migrant workers, it represents a slight decline. When male and female short-term migrant workers are compared, the proportion of females in elementary occupations (52.3%) is significantly larger than that of males (32.5%), with women employed primarily as domestics and cleaners or agricultural workers and men as unskilled labour in manufacturing, construction, or agriculture. Another sizeable proportion of female short-term migrant workers (35.7%) are employed as service and sales workers, primarily as cooks, waiters, care providers, servants and shop assistants. For male short-term migrant workers, following elementary occupations, the most common occupation is craft and related trades work (38.0%), with these men employed mainly as painters, plasterers, welders and repairmen. The finding that the proportions of both male and female short-term migrant workers in elementary occupations in host countries represent increases over the proportions in elementary occupations in Ukraine prior to migration suggests that short-term migrant workers are unable to make use of their occupational skills while abroad (See Section below). Information on the occupations held by returned migrant workers engaged in wage work or working on their own account can be obtained from the EAPS; however, this information is not available for those working as unpaid family workers. If the latter were to be classified as elementary workers, then the proportion of elementary workers among returnees would be substantial (44.3%) and represent an increase in the proportion of those working in elementary occupations prior to migration (28.8%). In addition to elementary workers, 26.4 per cent of returnees are employed as craft workers, 5.7 per cent as sales and service workers, 9.5 per cent as plant and machine operators and the remaining 13.4 per cent as legal, professional, technical or clerical workers. The distribution of occupations among returnees categorized as shortterm migrant workers is similar to that of returnees as a whole.

33 3. Analysis 23 Figure 3.10 Job in host country matches qualifications Long-term Short-term: Female Short-term: Male Short-term Not necessary Higher Below Different field Yes Migrant workers Skills match of jobs held abroad Nearly 40 per cent of migrant workers are engaged in jobs in their host countries that do not require the use of their work qualifications, 23.8 per cent report a mismatch in qualifications (i.e. working outside of their field of training) and 5.2 per cent report that their skills are underutilized, while a smaller percent (2.6%) report that their job requires qualifications higher than those they actually possess. Hence, only 28.8 per cent of migrant workers hold jobs abroad that match their qualifications. When short-term and long-term migrant workers are compared, a smaller proportion of the latter (15.6% vs 31.5%) are able to use their qualifications in their work abroad, while a larger proportion (12.9% vs 3.6%) hold jobs for which they are overqualified. A sizeable proportion of both groups are engaged in jobs that require no qualifications or qualifications in a different field. Female short-term migrant workers are more likely to engage in jobs that require no qualifications or that are outside their field of training. Hence, while 40.2 per cent of male short-term migrant workers report that their qualifications match the skills required by their jobs, the corresponding figure for females is only 11.5 per cent Employment agreement abroad Among migrant workers in general, the proportion with a written contract is 38.2 per cent; however, the proportion is significantly lower for short-term migrant workers than for long-term migrant workers (34.2% vs 56.0%). There is no appreciable difference in the proportion of male and female short-term migrant workers with written contracts (33.0% and 36.8%, respectively). Of those workers who do have a written contract, it has been translated into the worker s native language in only around a quarter of cases. This proportion does not differ between short-term and long-term migrant workers or between male and female short-term migrant workers Hours of work abroad On average, migrant workers were employed in their current or most recent job abroad for 7.7 months over the reference period, although the duration is, unsurprisingly, shorter among short-term migrant workers

34 24 Short-Term Migrant Workers: The Case of Ukraine Figure 3.11 Hours of work in host countries Long-term Short-term: Female Short-term: Male <35 hrs hrs Short-term >45 hrs Migrant workers Percent (5.9 months) than long-term migrant workers (16.4 months). The duration of the current or most recent job abroad was also found to be shorter for male short-term migrant workers (4.9 months) than for female short-term migrant workers (7.5 months). In terms of hours worked per week in a host country (Figure 3.11), this is estimated at 56.1 hours and does not vary appreciably among the different groups of migrant workers; however, short-term migrant workers work slightly fewer hours per week (55.8) than long-term migrant workers (57.4), and male short-term migrant workers work slightly fewer hours per week (55.6) than females (56.4). Very long hours of work in a host country appear to be the norm among migrant workers, over 80 per cent of whom work more than 45 hours per week while abroad. This proportion is slightly lower among long-term migrant workers (71.1%). In contrast, the proportion of migrant workers who work less than 35 hours per week is very small 3.3 per cent of all migrant workers, and 4.1 per cent of short-term migrant workers Labour remuneration The SLM collects information on monthly wages received by migrant workers abroad in wage brackets of either Euros or USD, depending on the form of payment in the host country. However, 13.7 per cent of respondents did not provide an answer about migrant-worker wages, either because they did not want to answer (9.6%) or because they did not know the answer (4.1%). The discussion in this section summarizes the findings based on the information provided, ignoring non-response. Furthermore, since monthly wages are provided in brackets, the information provided in Euros and USD is presented as they are reported without any attempt to convert one currency to another. (In 2012, 1 USD was about 0.8 Euros.) Information on wages of migrant workers paid in USD show 42.9 per cent to have monthly earnings of 501 1,000 USD, whereas 55.3 per cent of those paid in Euros were reported to have monthly earnings of 501 1,000 Euros. These figures represent significant proportions of migrant workers, whereas very small proportions (less than 5%) are reported to have high earnings of over 2,000 USD/Euros per month. Similarly, very low wages are also uncommon, with only 4 6 percent of migrant workers reported to earn less than 250 USD/Euros. Monthly wages are lower for short-term migrant workers than for long-term migrant workers. Although the most frequently reported earnings for both groups is 501 1,000 USD/Euros, smaller proportions of shortterm migrant workers as compared to long-term migrant workers have higher earnings. For instance, while 23.5 per cent of short-term migrant workers are reported to earn 1,001 2,000 USD a month, the corresponding figure among long-term migrant workers is 39.8 per cent.

35 3. Analysis 25 Figure 3.12 Monthly wages in host country (reported in USD) Long-term Short-term: Female Short-term: Male Short-term Migrant workers > < Figure 3.13 Monthly wages in host country (reported in Euros) Long-term Short-term: Female Short-term: Male Short-term Migrant workers > < Female short-term migrant workers are also reported to earn less per month than male short-term migrant workers. For instance, 11.3 per cent of male short-term migrant workers are reported to earn more than 2,000 Euros a month, while none of the short-term female migrant workers were reported to earn this much. In terms of work benefits, weekly rest days are the most commonly enjoyed work benefit among migrant workers, with 68.7 per cent of all migrant workers reported to enjoy weekly rest days in their jobs abroad (Figure 3.14). However, this proportion is substantially higher among long-term as compared to short-term migrant workers (81.6% vs 65.9%). In fact, work benefits in general are available to a larger proportion of long-term than short-term migrant workers. For example, overtime pay, which is the second most commonly enjoyed benefit from work, is received by only 24.0 per cent of short-term as compared to 36.3 per cent of long-term migrant workers. Less than a fifth of migrant workers in general and short-term migrant workers in particular have health insurance through work, paid annual leave, paid sick leave, pension rights, unemployment insurance, or compensation for work-related accidents.

36 26 Short-Term Migrant Workers: The Case of Ukraine Figure 3.14 Benefits enjoyed at work in host country Other Unemployment Insurance Accident comp. Pensions Overtime pay Weekly rest Sick leave Long-term ST Female ST Male Short-term Migrant workers Paid leave Health insurance In general, no appreciable differences in work benefits are observed between male and female short-term migrant workers; however, larger proportions of females are provided with health insurance and paid annual leave Remittances A significant proportion of migrant workers 57.3 per cent send money home, and an additional 2.1 per cent send goods home. The proportion sending such remittances is higher among long-term migrant workers (78.5%) than short-term migrant workers (55.3%). This discrepancy may be related to the higher earnings of long-term migrant workers as compared to short-term migrant workers, as well as their more established status in host countries. Among short-term migrant workers, the proportions of males and females sending remittances are similar, despite the fact that males earn more than females. Figure 3.15 Remittance behaviour Long-term Short-term: Female Short-term: Male Short-term Do not Goods Money Migrant workers

37 3. Analysis 27 When asked about the amount of money sent home by migrant workers during their last trip abroad, 6 per cent of respondents refused to answer, and another 0.3 per cent said they did not know the amount. Excluding non-response, the distribution of remittances sent back to Ukraine in 2011 is given in Figure 3.16 for USD and in Figure 3.17 for Euros. Because the SLM obtains information on remittances according to the currency in which they are sent back, it is difficult to combine this information in a single chart, and any comparison across groups is complicated by differences in the composition of migrants who remit in different currencies. For instance, 75.3 per cent of short-term as compared to only 34.7 per cent of longterm migrant workers send remittances in USD, and 86.8 per cent of male as compared to 49.3 per cent of female short-term migrant workers send remittances in USD. Figure 3.16 Amount of remittances sent back in USD above Long-term Short-term: Female Short-term: Male Short-term Migrant workers 500 and less Note: Includes remitters only Figure 3.17 Amount of remittances sent back in Euros above Long-term Short-term: Female Short-term: Male Short-term Migrant workers 500 and less Note: Includes remitters only

38 28 Short-Term Migrant Workers: The Case of Ukraine The differences in currencies reflect differences in the choice of destination countries of different groups; namely, the fact that Russia attracts larger proportions of short-term as compared to long-term migrant workers explains why the former are more likely to remit in USD than in Euros, and the same holds true for male short-term migrant workers as compared to females. Comparisons between groups can be simplified by calculating weighted averages of remittances sent in USD and Euros and generating an overall average in Euros. 15 Accordingly, the average amount remitted to Ukraine by migrant workers on average is calculated as 1,826 Euros. The average amount sent by shortterm migrant workers (1,865 Euros) is estimated to be somewhat higher than the amount sent by long-term migrant workers (1,697 Euros), although, as noted earlier, the proportion of those sending any money back is larger among long-term than among short-term migrant workers. When estimated remittances of male and female short-term migrant workers are compared, males are found to remit less (1,806 Euros) than females (2,000 Euros), even though females tend to earn less money while abroad than males. Cash remittances are sent home mainly through banks (23.4%), rapid transfer services (15.0%), friends or relatives (19.3%) and drivers (15.0%) who commute between Ukraine and host countries for business purposes. A significant proportion of migrant workers (23.5%) also bring money home themselves, with short-term migrant workers more likely to bring money home personally than long-term migrant workers (27.4% vs 9.2%), probably because short-term migrant workers make more frequent trips to Ukraine. When the methods by which male and female short-term migrant workers remit money are compared, males are found to be more likely than females to use bank transfers (28.0% vs 12.9%), whereas females are more likely than males to use drivers (28.8% vs 10.0%). Figure 3.18 Means by which migrant workers remit money to Ukraine Other Drivers Friends/relatives Personally Rapid money trans. Bank Long-term Short-term: Female Short-term: Male Short-term Migrant workers Based on the data for categorical responses, the average value of each category is weighed by the proportion falling into that category (the open-ended top category is assigned a value of 5,500 USD/Euro); the overall average is then obtained by considering the proportions of workers remitting in terms of Euros and USD.

39 4. Multivariate analysis of the determinants of labour migration This section reports on multivariate analysis conducted to explore the impact of the demographic and socio-economic characteristics discussed so far on the likelihood of an individual in Ukraine becoming a migrant worker in general and a short-term migrant worker in particular. It also looks at differences in the factors determining the typical lengths of stay of short-term migrant workers abroad. The dependent variable in the first model takes the value of 1 for migrant workers and 0 for others. In the second model, in which short-term migrant workers are compared to long-term migrant workers, the dependent variable takes the value of 1 for short-term migrant workers and 0 for long-term migrant workers. Because the dependent variables in these two models are dichotomous (1/0), a probit model is employed. In the third and final model, different groups of short-term migrant workers are distinguished. In this case, the dependent variable takes the value of 1 for those who typically stay abroad for less than a month, 2 for those who stay 1 3 months, 3 for those who stay 3 6 months and 4 for those who stay 6 12 months. This model is estimated using an ordered probit model. 4.1 Determinants of labour migration Table 4.1 presents the results of the probit analysis of the probability of labour migration from Ukraine based on individual and household-level demographic characteristics. As the table indicates, women are less likely than men to migrate for work, with the predicted probability of labour migration being 2.1 per cent among men and 0.8 per cent among women. 16 The probability of labour migration increases with age, peaks, and then declines, so that the highest probability of labour migration is estimated for individuals aged 39 years. Rather than the most or the least educated, those most likely to migrate for work are individuals who have a complete secondary education and those who have not completed higher education. More specifically, while individuals with basic secondary education or less have a 0.7 per cent probability of labour migration, the probability of those with a complete secondary education or incomplete higher education is 1.7 per cent and 1.3 per cent, respectively. Being married as well as having children (under age 15) both reduce the probability of labour migration, but a larger household size increases this probability. Thus, for instance, an unmarried adult member of a four-person household with no children and who is not married has a 2.5 per cent probability of labour migration, whereas the probability is only 0.8 per cent for a married adult member of a four-person household that includes two children. 16 All predictions are based on the mean values of explanatory variables.

40 30 Short-Term Migrant Workers: The Case of Ukraine Table 4.1 Probit estimates for the probability of labour migration Basic Model Coefficients (Standard Errors) Female 0.357*** 0.013*** [0.049] [0.002] Marginal effects (Standard Errors) Age 0.153*** 0.005*** [0.013] [0.001] Age squared (1/100) 0.196*** 0.007*** [0.016] [0.001] Schooling: (ref. Basic secondary or less) Complete secondary 0.329*** 0.012*** [0.118] [0.004] Incomplete higher 0.236* 0.009* [0.134] [0.006] Higher [0.138] [0.006] Marital status (ref. Not married) Married 0.254*** 0.009*** [0.060] [0.002] Household size 0.079*** 0.003*** [0.016] [0.001] Ratio of children in household 0.356** 0.012** [0.171] [0.006] Rural 0.207*** 0.008*** [0.051] [0.002] Region: (ref. West) North 0.961*** 0.019*** [0.077] [0.002] Centre 1.092*** 0.017*** [0.102] [0.002] South 0.799*** 0.016*** [0.092] [0.002] East 1.007*** 0.027*** [0.080] [0.002] Constant 4.027*** [0.263]

41 4. Multivariate analysis of the determinants of labour migration 31 Basic Model Coefficients (Standard Errors) Observed probability Predicted probability at mean Pseudo Rsq Wald chi2(14) Prob > chi Number of observations 45,477 Notes: * denotes statistical significance at 10%; ** at 5%; *** at 1%. Marginal effects (Standard Errors) Individuals from households in rural areas have a higher probability of labour migration (1.9%) than those in urban areas (1.1%), while those from regions outside of the West have a lower probability. The combined impact of these two variables can be seen in the estimated probability for a person residing in the rural West, which jumps to a staggering 9.2 per cent. 4.2 Determinants of short-term labour migration Table 4.2 shows the results of the probit analysis for short-term labour migration as opposed to long-term labour migration. In addition to the basic analysis of individual and household-level socio-demographic characteristics like the one presented above in Section 4.1, an extended analysis is offered that also reflects certain pre-migration labour market characteristics, namely employment status, status in employment, sector of economic activity and occupation. 17 As the table indicates, both the basic and the extended models estimate women to be less likely to become short-term migrants than men, with the predicted average probability of migrant workers becoming shortterm (as opposed to long-term) migrant workers at 74.9 per cent for women and 89.5 per cent for men. Age is not a significant determinant of the probability of short-term (as opposed to long-term) migration; however, migrant workers with lower levels of schooling are more likely to become short-term migrant workers. For instance, a migrant worker with basic secondary education or less has a 94.8 per cent probability of becoming a short-term migrant worker, as compared to a 76.8 per cent probability for a migrant worker with higher education. The finding that migrant workers with less schooling are more likely to become short-term migrant workers persists even after controlling for pre-migration labour market characteristics. Marital status does not affect the likelihood of short-term vs. long-term migration; however, there is weak evidence that the likelihood of becoming a short-term (as opposed to long-term) migrant worker is reduced by a larger household size and increased by a higher proportion of children in the household. 17 Pre-migration labour-market characteristics could not be included in the analysis of the decision regarding labour migration presented in Section 4.1 because they are available only for migrant workers (and, additionally, they may not be entirely exogenous to decisions regarding labour migration). Furthermore, the analysis presented in this section does not explore potential factors in these decisions, such as the competency of the migrant worker in the host country s language before leaving Ukraine and whether or not the migrant worker has a work permit in the host country, since they are potentially endogenous (i.e., the language skills are likely to proxy for the countries migrated to and the residence permit for the length of stay in the host country, since in many countries the issuance of residence permits are conditional on the time elapsed since the migrant worker s entry into the host country).

42 32 Short-Term Migrant Workers: The Case of Ukraine Table 4.2 Probit estimates for the probability of short term labour migration Basic Model Coefficients (Standard Errors) Marginal effects (Standard Errors) Extended Model Coefficients (Standard Errors) Marginal effects (Standard Errors) Female 0.581*** 0.146*** 0.552*** 0.136*** [0.152] [0.040] [0.155] [0.041] Age [0.046] [0.011] [0.047] [0.011] Age squared (1/100) [0.057] [0.013] [0.058] [0.013] Schooling: (ref. Basic secondary and less) Complete secondary [0.326] [0.066] [0.332] [0.064] Incomplete higher 0.798** 0.234** 0.780** 0.224** [0.351] [0.123] [0.368] [0.127] Higher 0.889** 0.265** 0.831** 0.241** [0.357] [0.127] [0.374] [0.131] Marital Status (ref. Not married) Married [0.174] [0.039] [0.182] [0.040] Household size 0.083* 0.019* [0.049] [0.011] [0.050] [0.011] Ratio of children in household * 0.231* [0.558] [0.125] [0.559] [0.123] Pre migration labour market outcomes Employment status: (ref. Not employed) Employed [0.408] [0.085] Unemployed [0.225] [0.049] Status in employment: (ref. Own account) Wage earner private sector [0.346] [0.079] Wage earner public sector [0.357] [0.074]

43 4. Multivariate analysis of the determinants of labour migration 33 Basic Model Coefficients (Standard Errors) Marginal effects (Standard Errors) Extended Model Coefficients (Standard Errors) Economic activity: (ref. Services) Agriculture [0.341] [0.068] Manufacturing 0.570* 0.097* [0.332] [0.041] Construction [0.266] [0.055] Occupation held: (ref. Professionals) Semi professionals [0.254] [0.053] Crafts workers [0.314] [0.051] Elementary workers [0.296] [0.068] Rural * 0.063* [0.167] [0.038] [0.162] [0.037] Regions: (ref. West) North [0.341] [0.053] [0.362] [0.050] Centre [0.361] [0.106] [0.356] [0.099] South [0.357] [0.090] [0.344] [0.079] East * 0.140* [0.266] [0.083] [0.267] [0.086] Constant 1.868** 2.423** [0.879] [0.953] Observed probability Predicted probability at mean Pseudo R square Wald chi2(14/24) Prob > chi Number of observations Notes: * denotes statistical significance at 10%; ** at 5%; *** at 1%. Marginal effects (Standard Errors)

44 34 Short-Term Migrant Workers: The Case of Ukraine With the exception of employment in manufacturing, which has a weak positive association with the probability of short-term vs. long-term labour migration, pre-migration labour market outcomes are not associated with the choice between short-term and long-term labour migration. 18 That said, it is still possible that employment status, status in employment, sector of economic activity and occupation will affect the probability of labour migration, just not its duration. Place of residence (urban/rural and geographical region) is not generally found to be a significant determinant of the probability of short-term labour migration in the model based on socio-demographic characteristics only; however, in the extended model that also takes into consideration pre-migration labour market outcomes, there is some evidence that migrant workers from rural areas are more likely to become shortterm rather than long-term labour migrants. As discussed earlier, the region of residence and whether it is an urban or rural settlement are strongly associated with the probability of labour migration in general; for instance, as the previous section notes, individuals from the North are less likely to become migrant workers than those from the West. However, among migrant workers, those from the North are not any more or less likely to become short-term rather than long-term migrant workers, whereas those from the East are less likely to become migrant workers in general as well as short-term migrant workers in particular. There is also evidence that individuals coming from rural areas are not only more likely to become migrant workers than individuals from urban areas, but short-term migrant workers as well. 4.3 Determinants of duration of short-term labour migration As discussed earlier, short-term migrant workers can be further classified based on the length of time they remain in a host country as those who typically stay for less than one month, 1 3 months, 3 6 months, or 6 12 months. These groups make up, respectively, 14.9 per cent, 38.3 per cent, 28.2 per cent, and 18.7 per cent of all short-term migrant workers from Ukraine. Table 4.3 shows the results of ordered probit analysis examining whether personal and household demographic characteristics and pre-migration labour outcomes are associated with the duration of labour migration. In general, the findings of both the basic model examining demographic characteristics only and the extended model examining demographic as well as socio-economic characteristics are similar, with the same variables found to be significant, and to fairly similar extents. 19,20 None of the pre-migration labour market outcomes were found to have any statistically significant associations with the different durations of short-term labour migration, nor were the majority of individual and household-level demographic characteristics statistically associated with the duration of labour migration. For instance, short-term migrant workers with higher education are not any more likely to stay longer in destination countries than those with lower levels of schooling. However, married short-term migrant workers are less likely to stay abroad for longer periods of time than unmarried short-term migrant workers, whereas individuals from larger households as well as individuals from the South are more likely to do so. (There is also weak statistical evidence in the extended model that older migrant workers are more likely to stay abroad for longer, although no evidence of this was found in the basic model.) The coefficients associated with pre-migration labour-market-outcome variables have neither individual nor joint statistical significance at conventional levels. Due to the similarities, the marginal effects of the two models are not presented, but are available upon request from the author. The predicted probabilities at mean values are 13.5%, 39.6%, 29.7% and 17.2% for typical stays for less than 1 month, 1-3 months, 3-6 months and 6-12 months, respectively.

45 4. Multivariate analysis of the determinants of labour migration 35 Table 4.3 Ordered probit estimates for duration of short term labour migration Basic Model Coefficients (Standard Errors) Female [0.129] [0.138] Age * [0.040] [0.039] Age squared (1/100) * [0.052] [0.051] Schooling: (ref. Basic secondary and less) Complete secondary [0.345] [0.355] Incomplete higher [0.367] [0.385] Higher [0.402] [0.422] Marital Status (ref. not married) Married 0.366*** 0.354** [0.132] [0.138] Household size 0.154*** 0.149*** [0.043] [0.042] Ratio of children in household [0.326] [0.331] Employment status: (ref. Not employed) Employed [0.293] Unemployed [0.179] Status in employment: (ref. Own account) Wage earner private sector [0.214] Wage earner public sector [0.234] Economic activity: (ref. Services) Agriculture Extended Model Coefficients (Standard Errors)

46 36 Short-Term Migrant Workers: The Case of Ukraine Basic Model Coefficients (Standard Errors) Extended Model Coefficients (Standard Errors) [0.200] Manufacturing [0.268] Construction [0.195] Occupation held: (ref. Professionals) Semi professionals [0.246] Crafts workers [0.244] Elementary workers [0.230] Rural [0.113] [0.120] Regions: (ref. West) North [0.220] [0.225] Centre [0.247] [0.245] South 0.701*** 0.677*** [0.251] [0.249] East [0.203] [0.231] Constant [0.828] [0.843] Constant ** 1.754** [0.823] [0.838] Constant *** 2.626*** [0.823] [0.839] Pseudo R square Wald chi2(14/24) Prob > chi Number of observations 525 Notes: * denotes statistical significance at 10%; ** at 5%; *** at 1%.

47 5. Conclusion This report analysed short-term labour migration out of Ukraine with a view to understanding the demographic and socio-economic characteristics of this group of migrant workers, who constitute 82.7 per cent of all migrant workers and 2.9 per cent of all year-olds in Ukraine. The analysis is based on the Survey on Labour Migration, which was conducted in the second quarter of 2012 as a module of the Economic Activity of the Population Survey. The SLM data was used to examine the labour market outcomes of migrant workers both in Ukraine prior to their migration as well as during their time in host countries, and the data obtained from the EAPS was used to analyse the post-migration labour-market outcomes of migrant workers who returned to Ukraine. For the purposes of this report, short-term migrant workers are defined as individuals who typically spend less than a year in a foreign country working or looking for work, in contrast to long-term migrant workers, who typically spend more than a year in a foreign country working or looking for work. A distinction is also made between current migrant workers, who were abroad at the time of the survey (and who constitute nearly 60 per cent of all short-term migrant workers), and returned migrant workers ( returnees ), who have come back to Ukraine after having been economically active in a foreign country. It is also possible to differentiate among short-term migrant workers with varying lengths of stay abroad; accordingly, short-term migrant workers who typically spend less than a month, 1 3 months, 3 6 months and 6 12 months in a foreign country constitute, respectively, 14.9 per cent, 38.3 per cent, 28.2 per cent and 18.7 per cent of all short-term migrant workers. These figures reveal that including the length of stay in a foreign country as a criterion in the identification of migrant workers would have a substantial impact on the estimates of shortterm migrant workers as well as migrant workers in general. For short-term migrant workers, especially those who typically stay in a host country for less than three months, the Russian Federation and other neighbouring countries constitute the most popular destination. More distant destinations such as Italy and Spain are also important destinations for migrant workers who stay in a host country for longer periods, although the Russian Federation remains an important destination even among long-term migrant workers. The proximity of host countries may help explain the frequency of the trips short-term migrant workers make to Ukraine, and the close contact they maintain with their families at home explains why other household members are able to respond to questions regarding the labour market outcomes of current migrant workers on their behalf. In terms of socio-demographic characteristics, short-term migrant workers are younger than long-term migrant workers as well as the working-age population at large. Short-term migrant workers are neither the most- nor the least-educated individuals, but they are less educated than long-term migrant workers, such that even after controlling for age and pre-migration labour-market outcomes, multivariate analysis confirms that higher levels of schooling reduce the likelihood of becoming a short-term migrant worker as compared to a long-term migrant worker. In comparison to the working-age population at large, a larger proportion of short-term migrant workers are single (i.e. have never married). Moreover, divorced or widowed women constitute a substantial proportion of female short-term migrant workers, raising concerns over children left behind, especially as women are more likely to become long-term migrant workers than short-term migrant workers, which implies being absent from home for extended periods of time. Place of residence was also found to have an effect on the decision to migrate, with the risk of labour migration considerably higher for individuals from rural areas and from the West of the country. However, these variables are generally not statistically significant when it comes to determining the form labour migration takes, hence the probability of becoming a short-term migrant worker as compared to a long-term migrant worker is similar regardless of place of residence.

48 38 Short-Term Migrant Workers: The Case of Ukraine Analyses of the labour-market outcomes of migrant workers in host countries indicate that only half of all migrant workers have a work permit. Almost all short-term migrant workers are employed in host countries, predominantly as wage earners in a narrow range of occupations and industries. Nearly 70 per cent of male short-term migrant workers are employed in the construction sector in occupations such as painter, repairer, welder and plasterer, whereas female short-term migrant workers are primarily engaged in private households as caregivers, servants, cleaners and domestics. The majority of short-term migrant workers hold jobs where they are unable to make use of their skills. Working long hours of around 55 hours per week on average is the norm among short-term migrant workers, nearly half of whom earn 500 1,000 USD/ Euros per month. Not all migrant workers remit money home, and the proportion of those who do remit is smaller (55.3%) among short-term migrant workers than among long-term migrant workers (78.5%). The average amount remitted in 2011 is estimated at approximately 1,700 1,900 Euros. Multivariate analysis found no association between the pre-migration labour-market outcomes of migrant workers and how long they remain abroad for work. Rather, differences in the types of economic activities they engage in while in host countries are more likely to play a role in determining how long migrant workers remain abroad for work. In fact, the highly seasonal nature of the jobs in which male migrant workers engage in abroad also explains their greater concentration among short-term migrant workers. Although the SLM is rich in detail and has produced a unique data set that can be used to examine the demographic and socio-economic characteristics of migrant workers, there are a number of ways in which it can be improved. First, the lack of information on the return date of returned migrant workers represents a major drawback, as this information is particularly important for assessing the labour-market outcomes of this group of migrants. For example, if the return date were known, it would be possible to answer questions such as, How soon do migrant workers find employment in their home country upon their return? A second major challenge stemming from limitations to the existing data set is related to difficulties in identifying whether or not each trip home marks the end of a specific migration episode. As discussed in detail in this report, there is evidence that some returnees maintain ties to their job abroad, which they may return to after a brief trip home to Ukraine. If this is indeed the case, then the information provided to the EAPS relating to their labour-market outcomes may in fact be referring to their jobs held outside of Ukraine, which would distort not only the data on migrant labour, but the labour-market statistics of Ukraine in general. Another challenge stems from the fact that the SLM and EAPS use different questions to establish employment and unemployment. In studying the effects of the migration experience, the ability to compare pre-migration and post-migration labour-market outcomes would help answer questions such as, Does the migration experience increase the employability of migrant workers? or, Does migration allow workers to accumulate human and financial capital needed to start a business? However, because the wording, sequence and details of the questions used to establish employment and unemployment status differ between the SLM and EAPS, making comparisons across surveys becomes quite difficult. Difficulties in comparing labour-market outcomes before and after migration are compounded by the lack of clarity regarding whether or not returned migrant workers are still attached to their jobs abroad. Indeed, it appears that upon their return to Ukraine, a smaller proportion of migrant workers are employed, and when they are employed, a larger proportion are in subsistence agriculture, which supports the conjecture that they do not intend to stay in Ukraine for long. Although the migration experience may not contribute to the future employability of migrant workers, especially when they are engaged in jobs that do not provide them with additional skills, a short migration experience is not likely to hamper their employability, either. In short, arriving at a firm conclusion about the effects of migration becomes extremely difficult when the data sets obtained from different sources cannot be compared with certainty, as is the case with the SLM and EAPS data. In situations such as this, in which a labour migration survey is conducted as a module of a labour force survey, potentially two sets of micro data become available, and every effort needs to be expended to harmonize these data sets in order to

49 5. Conclusion 39 make the most of both of them. Another worthwhile effort would entail including questions in one of the two surveys to identify individuals who migrate internally within Ukraine for work, which would make it possible to examine differences between internal and external migrants for policy purposes. Overall, a more comprehensive treatment of labour migration will certainly contribute to more sound policymaking.

50

51 References ILO (2013), Report on the Methodology, Organization and Results of a Modular Sample Survey on Labour Migration in Ukraine, Ukraine. UN (1998), Recommendations on Statistics of International Migration (Revision 1), Statistical Papers Series M, No. 58, Rev. 1, New York.

52

53 Appendix A Definitions of Schooling Variables Level of education Educational institutions and level of education Code Complete higher Basic higher Incomplete higher Complete general secondary Basic general secondary Graduated from academy, university, institute, conservatory, religious academy or other higher educational institutions equal to them, which provide educationalqualification degree of specialist or master Graduated from college or continue studying at the academy, university, institute, conservatory, other higher educational institutions equal to them and gained educational-qualification degree of bachelor (after 1996) Graduated from college, technical school, seminary, professional school (medical, pedagogical, fine arts, housing, choreography, variety and circus, musical, culture school, water transport, school in the system of Ministry of internal affairs and Ministry of Defense of Ukraine), other higher educational institutions equal to them of the first level of accreditation or continue studying in the higher educational institutions and gained educational-qualification degree of junior specialist; by 1996 studied in higher educational institutions half or more of the general term but did not complete studies) Graduated from 11-year (12-year) or 10-year general secondary school (including evening school), gymnasium, lyceum; graduated from professional and technical school on the basis of complete secondary education; graduated from prerevolutionary gymnasium, real or commercial school or another secondary school of general education Graduated basic school: 7-year school or 7 grades in 1961 and earlier, 8-year school or 8, 9 grades of secondary school in ; 9, 10 grades in 1990 and later; studying in 10-11(12) grades; graduated from professional and technical school on the basis of the main school Primary general No primary Graduated from primary school: 3-6 grades in 1961 and earlier; 3-7 grades in ; 3-8 grades in 1990 and later; studying in grades 5-9 Does not have primary general education: did not study at all, has not completed grades 1-3(4), or studying in grades 1-3(4), but can read 6 7 Illiterate Not able to read 8 Child less than 6 years old 9 No response 99

54

55 Appendix B Survey of Labour Migration (Questionnaires)

56

57 Appendix B Labour Force Migration Survey (Questionnaire) 47

58 48 Short-Term Migrant Workers: The Case of Ukraine

59 Appendix B Labour Force Migration Survey (Questionnaire) 49

60 50 Short-Term Migrant Workers: The Case of Ukraine

61 Appendix B Labour Force Migration Survey (Questionnaire) 51

62 52 Short-Term Migrant Workers: The Case of Ukraine

63 Appendix B Labour Force Migration Survey (Questionnaire) 53

64 54 Short-Term Migrant Workers: The Case of Ukraine

65 Appendix B Labour Force Migration Survey (Questionnaire) 55

66 56 Short-Term Migrant Workers: The Case of Ukraine

67 TECHNICAL REPORT Short-Term Migrant Workers: The Case of Ukraine In 2012, the State Statistics Service of Ukraine, in collaboration with the International Labour Organisation, conducted a Survey on Labour Migration (SLM) in order to estimate the size of labour migration out of Ukraine and analyse the demographic and socio-economic characteristics of migrant workers. This work was done within the framework of the EU-funded project Effective Governance of Labour Migration and its Skill Dimensions, implemented by the ILO. The present technical report focuses on analysing short-term labour migration out of Ukraine and finds that this group of migrants constitutes 82.7 per cent of all migrant workers and 2.9 per cent of all year-olds in the country. Data on short-term labour migration are often very scarce, which results in difficulties in developing policy responses to cover this growing group of migrant workers. The ILO Migration Modules tries to address this gap. For more information visit the ILO topic portal on Labour Migration Labour Migration Branch Route des Morillons 4 CH-1211 Geneva 22 Switzerland Phone: +41 (0) Fax: +41 (0) I SBN

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