Labour Migration from Myanmar to Thailand: Motivations for Movement

Transcription

1 Labour Migration from Myanmar to Thailand: Motivations for Movement An estimated 2.5 million migrants are currently working in Thailand, more than one million of whom are irregularly employed and do not adequate receive protection from the state (IOM, 2011). The large majority of these migrants originate from Myanmar. There are many push and pull factors which act as motivators for labour migration, with economic theories traditionally dominating academic discussions. In fact, labour migration can be grouped into a number of theories of migration, specifically, economic, sociological, cultural, legal and political theories. This paper will explore the many reasons for individuals pursuing migration in the form of leaving Myanmar and seeking economic opportunities in Thailand in relation to the aforementioned theories. It was possible to ascertain motivations for migration by interviewing migrant worker returnees in Dawei, Myanmar in late April and early May 2014, and by reviewing the available recent literature on the subject. Cross border migration between Myanmar and Thailand has occurred for centuries due to the long and porous border shared between the two countries. Currently, predominantly unskilled irregular and regular migrants from Myanmar, Lao PDR, Vietnam, and Cambodia are taking advantage of the vast employment opportunities available. While migrants from Myanmar are also employed in Malaysia and Singapore, the large majority are working in Thailand. Thailand is a receiving, sending and transit country for migrants, who have a considerable impact on the country s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and work in vital sectors where job opportunities for immigrants are plentiful, specifically within industries commonly classed as holding 3D jobs (dirty, dangerous and difficult). While there is a demand for labour in Myanmar and citizens receive higher wages now than compared with previous years, wages remain comparatively low, they have less access to resources than other South East Asian countries, and their incomes are predominantly spent on food, causing workers to migrate. As a destination country, migrants working in Thailand are not fully concentrated in the border provinces, nor in the capital city of Bangkok, but are instead distributed throughout the country. The top ten provinces where migrants are employed consist of Bangkok, Samut Sakon, Tak Samut Prakan, Ranong, Pathum Thani, Surat Thai, Songkhla, Phuket and Chon Buri (Chantavanich & Vungsiriphisal, 2012) where migrants are typically employed in agriculture and husbandry, construction, manufacturing, fishery related industries- especially seafood processing- garment production and sales, plastic factory work, domestic work, retail 1

2 trade and vendor and trading, and other services including housekeeping, office work, babysitting and health personnel. Before exploring the motivations for labour migration, it is necessary to define the term labour migrant. Here, it will refer to an individual who leaves their country of residence for the purpose of employment in another state. However, the real motivations for this form of migration may also include forced migration, such as development-induced displacement and fleeing from human made or natural disasters, with the differences between the classifications of migrants becoming increasingly hard to distinguish between. In the case of migration to Thailand, the distinctions between labour migrants, internally displaced people (IDPs), refugees, and those fleeing from environmental degradation and disasters such as droughts and floods, are blurred. Indeed, according to Castles (2009) hypothesis, distinctions between types of migration are becoming increasingly meaningless. Moreover, it is also important to note that the divisions between the many push and pull factors are also blurred, with each labour migrant choosing to leave their home country for a unique combination of reasons. Reliable data concerning Myanmar s GDP growth and poverty rates are not available due to the country s closed nature, and therefore estimates concerning net migration also vary widely. According to the World Bank, in 2012, 67 per cent of the population lived in rural areas, where unemployed and landless farmers facing financial insecurity consider migration to Thailand in order to earn an income. While Thailand has one of the world s lowest unemployment rates with just 0.7 per cent of the total available labour force out of work, 4.1 per cent of Myanmar s population are unemployed (World Bank, 2013), a conservative estimate considering the informal nature of much of the country s employment and the fact that a quarter of the population live below the national poverty line (ADB, 2013). The outflow of migrants dramatically increased following the 1988 political unrest in Myanmar, with many people fleeing violence and choosing to reside in the ten refugee camps along Thailand s border with Myanmar, and others seeking employment throughout the country. Presently, migrants who enter Thailand still express dissatisfaction with the social and political situation in Myanmar. The presence of ethnic migrant workers from Myanmar in Thailand, including those from the Karen, Mon and Shan ethnic groups, somewhat attests to this. A 2010 report by the Karen Human Rights Group found that forced labour, extortion, looting by the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) and the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), movement restrictions, arbitrary taxation, arbitrary arrest, 2

3 executions, intimidation, landmines, torture, and scorched earth tactics 1 all contributed to the outflows of the Karen to Thailand. Attracted by economic growth and labour shortages in Thailand, these ethnic migrants, along with Burman migrants, have been able to integrate, to an extent, into their local communities, with many able to speak the Thai language and, some, regardless of the documentation they hold, now consider Thailand as their home. The intercountry relations, as demonstrated by the 2003 Memorandum of Understanding on labour hiring between Thailand and Myanmar can also aid an individual s decision to migrate, as can government policy such as the National Verification procedure. If migrants feel that the migration process is safe, simple and efficient, and that there is a possibility to obtain legal recognition by the government in the host country, this can further influence the decision to migrate. While Thailand s provision of rights for migrants are not comprehensive, there is a lack of regard for greater labour rights in Myanmar and so this is unlikely to influence migrants considering migrating to Thailand. Theoretically, GDP is an indicator of labor migration (Chantavanich & Vungsiriphisal, 2012) for those migrating with the purpose of seeking paid employment. In terms of economic theories of migration, neo classical economic theory states that migrants are primarily concerned with obtaining a higher wage and therefore migrate with the intention of financial gain. In Thailand, the minimum wage of THB300 per day is available to regular migrants and comparatively higher average wages are available to irregular migrants considering the salaries for unskilled work in Myanmar, where there is no provision for a decent working wage. Introduced in late 2011, the increased minimum wage is provided in provinces such as Bangkok and Samut Sakhon, where large numbers of Burmese labour migrants are situated. Therefore, Thailand provides an economic incentive for migration with the country s established minimum wage. While the migrants interviewed migrated before the introduction of the minimum wage in Thailand, they cited high earnings as a motive for migrating. The theory therefore assumes that migration occurs from an area with high unemployment to areas with low unemployment, or labour shortages, as is the current situation in Thailand. The cost of transportation to, and entry into, the country varies dramatically between each migrant, due to the risks of high fees charged by brokers, smugglers or facilitators and the official expenses of visas, passports, insurance and associated formal costs. Despite these costs, low transportation fees and easy border crossings can suggest an easy migration route, 1 Such as razing whole villages, farm fields and food sores and killing livestock 3

4 thus acting as a reason for the migration process to occur. Likewise, the dual labour market theory emphasizes the pull factors of the host country, which have been discussed above. The Burmese migrant returnees interviewed all stated that their time in Thailand allowed them to gather considerable savings and improve the financial situation of their families, and their situation therefore falls in line with these economic theories. The new economics of migration theory states that the decision for an individual to migrate is taken by the entire household and that family linkages and social networks are used to migrate. It also presumes that the primary reason for migration is to provide remittances and income transfers to the family who can be characterized as relatively poor rather than suffering from absolute poverty. Remittances, both informal and formal, are an important source of income, but cannot be accurately estimated due to the vast amount of money and goods that are not transferred through official banks. Therefore, the impact of remittances on the nation cannot be estimated, yet the huge contributions that remittances provide for individual families and households are undeniable and much easier to assess. All of the migrants returnees interviewed stated that they often sent money home, usually through ingenious methods such as placing gold hidden in soap due to the risk of money being stolen. Such transnational movement can help to diversify risks that the family may face (Massey et al, 1993) and provide a survival strategy for the family as a whole rather than solely for the migrant. In order for the remittances to make a lasting financial impact, the migrant will be employed for a fairly long duration. Similarly, the relative deprivation theory states that those that migrate are not living in absolute poverty, but can instead be classified in relation to relative poverty, whereby the household s financial resources are below the average income threshold in the area, and the family therefore do not have items such as white goods, for example, that their neighbours may have. In the case of Thailand, the segmented labour market theory is particularly relevant since the assumption that the immigrants are filling the employment sectors that the native population reject is true. Indeed, many migrants from Myanmar are employed in the construction sector, whereas few Thai nationals would enter into such employment. Additionally, the idea of the creation of ethnic enclaves is further established by the Burmese community in Mahachai, also known as Samut Sakhon, where economic activities are generally isolated from outsiders. This established community can provide a network in the host country which can aid the migration process and help migrants solve any problems they encounter while 4

5 undertaking employment. Indeed, established diaspora communities can reduce the risks associated with migration and ease any problems with adjustment that the migrant may face (Castles, S., 2000). Having relatives and friends already in Thailand can also persuade migrants to seek employment in Thailand, as they hear about positive labour migration experiences, as can family members accompanying each other during the migration process. The World Systems Theory is less relevant within South East Asia, although the feminization of labour is taking place within certain sectors of employment in Thailand, such as domestic work and factory production, although this phenomenon is far from unique to Thailand. This can also be viewed as a move towards the feminization of migration. The idea of international cities may be relevant to the United Kingdom and Singapore, yet, despite the large numbers of expatriates employed in Bangkok, the city should instead be viewed as a hub for labour migrants from the countries surrounding Thailand, and therefore particularly those within the Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS). A 2013 study by IOM and ARCM found that the majority (74.9 per cent) of migrants migrated primarily due to economic reasons, especially earning a higher income and the better employment opportunities available in Thailand, while 13.4 per cent cited personal reasons, such as following family and friends, 4 per cent mentioned better living conditions, and an additional 7 per cent cited security or safety-related reasons. The latter was especially prominent among the Shan ethnic group, accounting for 22.5 per cent of all migrants of this ethnicity. This study therefore found that the sociological, cultural, legal and political theories often discussed in relation to reasons for migration, are not particularly relevant in this context of migration from Myanmar. Living conditions arguably have a greater importance than research might suggest. Less than half of the population have access to electricity and only 1.1 out of 100 people have access to internet usage through the wideworld network, compared with Thailand where more than a quarter of the population are internet users and 99 per cent of the population have access to electricity (World Bank, 2013). Furthermore, the prominence of seeking adventure or migrating for an exciting new life is also overlooked within the theories and academic studies concerning the reasons for migration. Indeed, the crisis of youth, the frustration of a lack of future in the society, the belief that emigration is the only possibility (Steinberg, 2010) is perhaps the overarching motivator for labour migration, with as much importance as the economic motivations. The 5

6 fact that the migrant returnees interviewed all migrated at a young age, of 18 years old or below, further attests to this. For example, one villager at Mayin Gyi spoke positively of his experience of working in a glass factory in Thailand for 18 years and related how he viewed his Thai employer as family since he was especially well treated and content during his time in employment. He was able to enter Thailand at the age of 16 for a fee of US$10 with the assistance of the Thai police, and cited excitement as a reason to migrate, therefore not purely with the intention of seeking employment. He did not return to Myanmar during the period and finally returned in order to spend time with his elderly father. Despite the numerous challenges, the possibility of issues such as debt bondage, and the likelihood of being penalized upon return to Myanmar, men and women still seek employment in Thailand, and therefore their motives and reasons for migrating are strong enough to overcome these problems. While the 2015 ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) will allow migrants from certain, largely highly skilled, labour sectors to enter other countries with the purpose of employment, and will thus shape labour migration flows throughout the region, there are also likely to be specific future changes to the migration patterns of Myanmar (ARCM & IOM, 2013), particularly as the country has become open to development and therefore holds the potential to provide greater job opportunities, which may result in the reasons for migration changing. In conclusion, it can be noted that the economic theories discussed within the paper are the most important drivers of migration from Myanmar to Thailand, while social and political theories are also relevant to an extent, and the personal reasons relating to excitement and adventure are often overlooked. Every migrant chooses to enter into, and seek employment in, Thailand for a unique combination of reasons. As discussed throughout the paper, such drivers of migration can include demography, particularly the age of the migrant, demand, especially whether due to labour shortages in the host country or a labour surplus in the sending country, or social and economic disparities between the two countries, and a dream of living with dignity and prosperity, or a combination of all, or some of, these motivations. 6

7 References Asian Development Bank (ADB). (2014). Asian Development Bank and Myanmar: Fact Sheet. Available from: Castles, S. (2000). Ethnicity and Globalization. SAGE Publications. Castles S. & Miller, M.J. (2009). The Age of Migration: International Population Movements in the Modern World (4th edition). Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan. Chantavanich, S. and Vungsiriphisal, P. (2012). Myanmar Migrants to Thailand: Economic Analysis and Implications to Myanmar Development in Lim, H. & Yamada, Y. (eds.) Economic Reforms in Myanmar: Pathways and Prospects, BRC Research Report No.10, Bangkok Research Center, IDE-JETRO, Bangkok, Thailand. IOM, (2011). Thailand Migration Report Migration for Development in Thailand: Overview and Tools for Policymakers. IOM & ARCM (2013). Assessing Potential Changes in the Migration Patterns of Myanmar Migrants and their Impacts on Thailand. Bangkok: IOM. Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG), (2009). Abuse, Poverty and Migration: Investigating migrants motivations to leave home in Burma. Massey, D., Arango, J., Hugo, G., Kouaouci, A., Pellegrino, A., & Taylor, J. (1993). Theories of International Migration: A Review and Appraisal. Population and Development Review. 19: Steinberg, D. (2010). Burma/Myanmar: What Everyone Needs to Know. Oxford: Oxford University Press. UNESCAP. (2006). Perspectives on Gender and Migration. From the Regional Seminar on Strengthening the Capacity of National Machineries for Gender Equality to Shape Migration Policies and Protect Migrant Women, Bangkok, November World Bank (2014). 7