THE BRAHIMI REPORT: FOUR YEARS ON PROCEEDINGS OF A WORKSHOP HELD AT THE GENEVA CENTRE FOR SECURITY POLICY THIERRY TARDY GCSP FACULTY MEMBER

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1 20-21 June 2004 THE BRAHIMI REPORT: FOUR YEARS ON PROCEEDINGS OF A WORKSHOP HELD AT THE GENEVA CENTRE FOR SECURITY POLICY THIERRY TARDY GCSP FACULTY MEMBER Geneva Centre for Security Policy Centre de Politique de Sécurité,Genève Genfer Zentrum für Sicherheitspolitik

2 In 2002, the Geneva Centre for Security Policy (GCSP) initiated a series of seminars on the broad range of peacekeeping activities. Every year, these seminars bring together around 30 academics, experts, policymakers and military to look into a particular aspect of peacekeeping. The 2002 seminar addressed the issue of peace operations in a post-911 context, and led to a book (Thierry Tardy, ed., Peace Operations after 11 September 2001, Frank Cass, London, 2004). The 2003 seminar dealt with the European Union and peace operations (proceedings available at In 2004, the conference was dedicated to the implementation of the Brahimi Report on Peace Operations, four years after its release. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The GCSP and myself are grateful to Nicole Pinter-Krainer (Research Officer), who was in charge of the administrative aspects of the seminar, and to Jonathan Hepburn and Bethany Webster (Faculty Assistants), who contributed to the elaboration of the proceedings. Thierry Tardy Design by Damla Süar, Geneva, info@damlasuear.ch Geneva Centre for Security Policy Centre de Politique de Sécurité,Genève Genfer Zentrum für Sicherheitspolitik

3 TABLE OF CONTENTS Executive Summary Introduction Box: The Brahimi Report on Peace Operations The Political Context States Policies and the Brahimi Report The Reform of the UN Secretariat Peace Operations in Africa Key Challenges for Future Peace Operations ANNEXES ANNEX I: Programme of the Workshop ANNEX II: List of Participants

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5 THE BRAHIMI REPORT: FOUR YEARS ON - GCSP EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The United Nations has reached, in 2003/04, a level of commitment in peace operations that has not been seen since the mid-1990s with, as of June 2004, 16 operations and over 55,000 military personnel and civilian police being deployed in operations which include a wide variety of activities. In this context, the implementation of the Brahimi Report on Peace Operations is examined on four levels of analysis. THE POLITICAL CONTEXT In 2004, the international environment is no doubt slightly different from the 2000 environment, when the Brahimi Report was released. The current situation combines grounds for optimism and worrying trends for the United Nations. The events of 11 September 2001 have fundamentally altered threat perceptions at least in the West which in turn further weakened Western countries eagerness to support the United Nations as the main peacekeeping implementer. Besides, the Iraq crisis and then war once again raised the question of the relevance of the United Nations as the organisation in charge of international peace. Those events have indeed further weakened the centrality of the United Nations, both as a normative and as an operational actor. Yet, in this critical environment, the United Nations displays an astonishing ability to continually rise from its ashes. Besides its key role as a legitimizing body, the United Nations has remained extremely active on the peacekeeping front, with the creation and conduct of four major operations since the spring 2003 relevance crisis (Liberia, Ivory Coast, Haiti, and Burundi). At the same time, the dramatic growth in UN operations pushes the Organisation to the limits of its capacities. Besides, UN operations continue to suffer from a lack of support from Western states, which persistently refuse to place their military under UN command. The commitment gap between developing and developed states is a matter of great concern, as it questions the ability of the United Nations to conduct robust peacekeeping, one of the key objectives of the Brahimi Report. THE UN REFORM The reform of the UN structure mainly concerns its rapid deployment capacity and its planning and support structure. Progress has been observed on both levels. As for rapid deployment capacities, the authorization given to the Secretary-General to commit funds prior to the creation of a mission ( Pre-Mandate Commitment Authority ), the creation of the Strategic Deployment Stocks, aimed at facilitating the rapid deployment of materials to the field, and the establishment of groups of pre-identified personnel which are supposed to support an operation in its first 90 days (Rapid Deployment Teams) have all been valuable implementations of the Brahimi Report, despite the remaining difficulties to deploy a complex operation within 90 days. 1

6 Concerning headquarters resources, the Department for Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO) has been significantly strengthened, while communication between headquarters and the field has been improved. Yet persistent difficulties remain for the United Nations to plan and conduct peace operations in a strategic and integrated way. More generally, the question centered around whether a reinforced DPKO is in a better position to plan and run peace operations today than it was four years ago. Some participants expressed some doubts about the link between structure and performance. While it was acknowledged that the improvements observed are valuable, they may not be sufficient to enable the United Nations to perform at the upper-level of the peacekeeping spectrum (robust peacekeeping). PEACEKEEPING IN AFRICA Seven out of sixteen UN operations take place in Africa, with 85.3% of UN personnel in peace operations being deployed on that continent. As far as the implementation of the Brahimi Report is concerned, two levels of analysis can be distinguished: a strategic level, dealing with the UN role in Africa and the place of the Brahimi Report in this context; and a more practical level, dealing with the implementation, specifically within operations deployed in Africa, of the technical recommendations of the Report. Insofar as the practical level is concerned, most of the recommendations of the Brahimi panel that have been implemented have found applications in Africa. The already mentioned Rapid Deployment Teams mechanism, Pre-Mandate Commitment Authority, Strategic Deployment Stocks, and Integrated Mission Task Force were all somehow implemented in the case of the UN Mission in Liberia (UNMIL), which was the first major UN operation since the release of the Brahimi Report. Concerning the strategic level, the Brahimi Report was criticised for not being sufficiently focused on the security needs of Africa in general and for having neglected the relations between the United Nations and regional/sub-regional organisations in particular. The linkage between the implementation of the Brahimi Report (in particular its technical aspects) and an increased ability of the United Nations to do peacekeeping in Africa was also questioned, as the politics of peacekeeping in Africa often seem to be more important than technical and logistical constraints. Furthermore, the already discussed commitment gap is particularly acute in Africa, where the Western reluctance to intervene creates some resentment. At the same time, Western military involvement in Africa, especially on the part of France or the UK, is often suspected of resulting from self-interest. It was however stressed in the workshop that what was feared in Africa was Western indifference rather than Western self-interest. This ambivalence is also reflected in the debate on the extent to which African conflicts should be handled by Africans rather than by external actors. This, in turn, leads to the issue of the role of regional powers (Nigeria and South Africa) in conflict management. While their involvement conditions the strength of regional organisations, it also implies regional power politics that may have counter-productive effects. 2

7 THE BRAHIMI REPORT: FOUR YEARS ON - GCSP KEY CHALLENGES FOR FUTURE PEACE OPERATIONS The demand for peacekeeping will continue. The persisting existence of UN peace operations as a way to deal with conflicts was widely acknowledged. This was however challenged by two kinds of arguments. First, it was contended that through peace operations, the international community was spending too much energy on the management of the consequences of the conflict, while overlooking the politics of it. Second, one might witness a decrease in the number of peacekeeping operations in the near future, as the number of conflicts is also decreasing. UN reform is a limited reality. It was clear during the seminar that the reform of the United Nations had become a reality, and that the United Nations is today better able to conduct peacekeeping operations. However, the ability of the United Nations to manage robust peacekeeping is still questioned, and will remain so. Furthermore, the reform process is only one element of a coherent UN peacekeeping policy. State support is another determining factor that is unlikely to be much stronger in the near future. The position of the United States was particularly stressed here. Strategies / Integration of operations. The need for the United Nations to look at peacekeeping in a strategic way was presented as a generally overlooked topic, but one of key importance. In particular, the need for an integrated approach to peace operations at the UN level was stressed. The very nature of contemporary peace operations that combine a wide range of interrelated civilian and military activities makes an integrated and coordinated approach a condition of coherence and success. Division of labour and regional cooperation. The question concerning the function of the United Nations in peace operations raises the issue of the role of other actors involved in peacekeeping. In Africa in particular, the issue of the division of labour between the United Nations and regional organisations needs to be clarified. This clarification has to deal with legal issues (mandates, use of Chapter VIII of the UN Charter), operational issues (which organisation is in charge of which activities?), as well as sequencing (which organisation should go first?). Simultaneously, the fact that a regional approach to conflicts should be favoured whenever possible was widely accepted. Two issues are to be distinguished here: one is the need to empower regional organisations so as to enable them to deal by themselves with the conflicts of their region; the other is to adopt a regional approach to conflicts that are closely inter-related, and the resolution of which cannot be completed individually (case of West African conflicts). 3

8 INTRODUCTION In 2002, the Geneva Centre for Security Policy (GCSP) initiated a series of seminars on the broad range of peacekeeping activities. Every year, these seminars bring together around 30 academics, experts, policy-makers and military to look into a particular aspect of peacekeeping. The 2002 seminar addressed the issue of peace operations in a post-911 context, and led to a book (Thierry Tardy, ed., Peace Operations after 11 September 2001, Frank Cass, London, 2004). The 2003 seminar dealt with the European Union and peace operations (proceedings available at In 2004, the conference was dedicated to the implementation of the Report of the Panel on United Nations Peace Operations (known as the Brahimi Report on Peace Operations), 1 four years after its release in August The United Nations has reached, in 2003/04, a level of commitment in peace operations that had not been seen since the mid-1990s with, as of June 2004, 16 operations and over 55,000 military personnel and civilian police being deployed in operations including a wide variety of activities. Such a commitment leads to a series of questions, as the United Nations is, once again, confronted with a situation that puts it at the very limits of its own capacities. It is in this context that the implementation of the Brahimi Report on Peace Operations is looked at, with four levels of analysis. The political context. The international environment has always had a direct impact on the propensity and ability of the United Nations to conduct peace operations. Many important events have taken place since the summer 2000, therefore it was indispensable to look at the UN performance in light of the new environment. In particular, the issue of state policies vis-à-vis the United Nations remains at the centre of any process of reform, as well as it heavily impacts on success or failure of UN operations. The UN reform. The UN Department for Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO) is in charge of planning and conducting operations, and was, as such, the main administrative target of the Brahimi Report. To what extent has it been reformed, and to what extent is it today structured to deploy over 55,000 troops in 16 multidimensional and often complex operations? Peacekeeping in Africa. Seven out of sixteen UN operations take place in Africa, with 85.3% of UN personnel in peace operations being deployed on that continent (in addition, roughly one third of peacekeepers come from Africa); How has the Brahimi Report been implemented in Africa? The way forward: key challenges for future peacekeeping. The examination of the above-mentioned questions leads to a few queries as to the main challenges to which UN peacekeeping will be confronted in the coming years: What are the likely trends? How is UN peacekeeping likely to evolve? This report summarizes the key issues discussed at the seminar. It is organised around several broad themes that emerged in the discussions. 1 Report of the Panel on United Nations Peace Operations, A/55/305, S/2000/809, 21 August

9 THE BRAHIMI REPORT: FOUR YEARS ON - GCSP THE BRAHIMI REPORT ON PEACE OPERATIONS AUGUST 2000 The Report of the Panel on United Nations Peace Operations was written in 2000 (A/55/305, 21 August 2000) at the request of Secretary-General Kofi Annan. The panel was chaired by the former Foreign Minister of Algeria, Mr. Lakhdar Brahimi. The primary objective of the panel was to undertake a thorough review of the peace and security activities, and to present a clear set of specific, concrete and practical recommendations to assist the United Nations in conducting such activities better in the future. The initiative and the process that followed came as a response to the political, military, and organisational difficulties encountered by the United Nations in conducting peace operations in the 1990s, especially in the former Yugoslavia, Somalia, and Rwanda. The Report focused on peacekeeping issues (rather than on conflict prevention or peacebuilding), and identified four areas of analysis: Doctrine, strategy and decision-making for peace operations; UN capacities to deploy operations rapidly and effectively; Headquarters resources and structure for planning and supporting peacekeeping operations; and Peace operations and the information age. Each section led to practical recommendations (57 in total), that were later to be approved or rejected at different levels of the UN structure (Security Council, General Assembly, Special Committee on Peacekeeping Operations, Advisory Committee on Administrative and Budgetary Questions, etc.). The Report was also followed by implementation reports, issued by the Special Committee on Peacekeeping Operations. One of the key recommendations of the Brahimi Report was the absolute necessity to get clear and achievable mandates for UN operations. Simultaneously, the United Nations should be able to conduct robust peacekeeping; the United Nations does not wage war, but once deployed, UN forces should be in a position to confront the lingering forces of war and violence with the ability and determination to defeat them. Most importantly, UN operations have to be backed by the states. The issue of political support of states is central to the Report, as it fundamentally affects the chances of success of an operation. The Report also advocates for a restructuring and strengthening of the UN secretariat, in particular the Department for Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO). The Brahimi Report was described as being frank yet fair by the UN Secretary-General, and was rather well received by states, despite some reserves from developing states. Four years after its release, many recommendations have been or are being implemented. However, the ability of the United Nations to deploy rapidly and efficiently in complex operations remains uncertain, while the willingness of many states developed states in particular to support the implementation of the Report as well as UN operations is still being questioned. 5

10 1. THE POLITICAL CONTEXT The international context of the implementation of the Brahimi Report is, in 2004, no doubt slightly different from the 2000 context. The current situation combines grounds for optimism and worrying trends for the United Nations, a combination that has always characterised the environment in which the United Nations operates. The events of 11 September 2001 have fundamentally altered threat perceptions at least in the West which in turn further weakened Western countries eagerness to support the United Nations as the main peacekeeping implementer. The Iraq crisis and subsequent war did, once again, raise the question of the relevance of the United Nations as the organisation in charge of international peace and security. As a matter of fact, the question of the UN relevance, as posed by the Bush administration in the spring 2003, was about the relevance of its Security Council, and in this case its propensity to legalise/legitimise a US decision to go to war against Iraq. Those events have indeed largely weakened (or confirmed the weakening of) the centrality of the United Nations, both as a normative and as an operational actor. At the normative level, UN Charter regulations proscribing the use of force have been regularly circumvented, while the ones defining the right of self-defence are questioned by the unilaterally-defined concept of pre-emptive action, which assumes that, in a post-11 September world, states can no longer wait for an attack to occur to invoke their right of self-defence. 2 In the same vein, while the UN Charter made sovereignty one of its sacrosanct principles, the Charter does not appear to remain an efficient guarantee against the attacks on sovereignty. Beyond the highly controversial cases where states invoke humanitarian grounds to interfere in internal affairs of third states, it is the multi-centric and globalised world itself that constitutes, per nature, a threat to sovereignty. At the operational level, if a multilateral approach to transnational threats seems to be the only way that allows states to combine legitimacy and efficiency in their response, the United Nations is yet rarely seen as the most appropriate tool to tackle such threats. In brief, in the post-11 September and post-iraq world, the inadequacy of the United Nations as a tool in the current environment seems to be increasingly visible. It is this inadequacy that led to the creation in November 2003, by the UN Secretary-General, of the High-Level Panel on Threats, Challenges, and Change. Yet in this critical environment, the United Nations displays an astonishing ability to rise again from its ashes. Indeed, a few months after the end of the Iraq war, the persistence of the utility of the United Nations is as striking as the questioning of its raison d être was during spring In Iraq itself, where the United Nations had been violently set aside during the 2003 war, it progressively appeared as a key element of the transition between the US authority and a sovereign Iraqi state. And indeed the United Nations played an increasingly important political role during the US- UK occupation period, and was seen by the United States in the spring 2004 in a fundamentally different way from the approach one year before. As an indication of this change, for one participant of the workshop, the UN Special Adviser for Iraq, Lakhdar Brahimi, was even seen as having eclipsed Paul Bremer in importance in the preparation of the hand over of authority on 1 July It is here that the political role of the United Nations in war-torn societies is acknowledged. 2 As stated in article 51 of the UN Charter. 6

11 THE BRAHIMI REPORT: FOUR YEARS ON - GCSP By extension, despite all grievances expressed about the United Nations, the organisation is still perceived as playing a custodial role 3 to defend the UN Charter s key principles. In this respect, the United Nations remains the only universal source of legitimacy; the UN Security Council continues to embody internationally recognised rules that are regularly challenged, but never fully invalidated. One participant noted that going through the Security Council remains the norm and that by-passing it remains the exception. In the same vein, the United Nations appears to be of evident usefulness 4 to states, the permanent members of the Security Council in particular, partly because the United Nations serves to legitimise various processes. 5 Insofar as peace operations are concerned, the United Nations has remained extremely active, with the creation and conduct of four major operations since the spring 2003 relevance crisis and despite tensions among some of the key permanent members of the Security Council: the UN Mission in Liberia (UNMIL) created in September 2003; the UN Operation in Ivory Coast (UNOCI) created in April 2004; 6 the UN Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH), created in June 2004; and the UN Operation in Burundi (ONUB) created in June Those operations, combined with already demanding ones, such as the UN Mission in Sierra Leone (UNAMSIL), the UN Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUC), and the UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), demonstrate the remaining central role of the United Nations in peacekeeping and peacebuilding activities, despite tensions at the political level and critiques about the UN performance on the ground. A parallel was made with the European Union which created two military operations (in Macedonia and in the DRC) in 2003, at a time when the European Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) was largely shaken by the Iraq episode. At the same time, the dramatic growth in UN operations puts the Organisation at a level of deployment that has not been seen since the mid-1990s, and that pushes the United Nations at the limits of its capacities. This is particularly the case of UN missions in Africa that require large-scale logistical and political support for mandates that are complex and ambitious. Such a situation, largely seen as being of great concern, has made the question of the implementation of the Brahimi Report even more acute. 2. STATES POLICIES AND THE BRAHIMI REPORT The issue of states policies was largely debated throughout the seminar. One of the key aspects of the Brahimi Report was the close connection established between UN peacekeeping activities and the political support of states. The Report states at its very beginning that Without renewed commitment on the part of Member States, significant institutional change and increased financial support, the United Nations will not be capable of executing the critical peacekeeping and peacebuilding tasks that the Member States assign to it in coming months and years. 7 The role of the state in enabling the United Nations to fulfil its role of guarantor of international peace and security is part of the intrinsic nature of the Organisation. As an inter-governmental organisation, the United Nations is heavily dependent on states ability and willingness to empower 3 Expression of a participant. 4 Expression of a participant. 5 Expression of a participant. 6 The creation of UNOCI was delayed due to Franco-American tensions following the Iraq war. 7 Report of the Panel on UN Peace Operations, Executive Summary, first paragraph; and first paragraph of the Report itself. 7

12 the Organisation. And what is true for the UN performance in peacekeeping is also true for the implementation of the recommendations of the Brahimi Report. Given the nature of the current US administration and the Iraq context, the US policy and its evolution in the coming years were presented as particularly important for the United Nations. Insofar as states policies vis-à-vis peace operations are concerned, the Brahimi Report deplored the weak presence of developed states in UN operations, 8 and UN officials have since then regularly asked for an increased involvement of Western states in UN-led operations. Despite this request, UN operations are still largely composed of developing states four years later. As of 31 May 2004, the first ten troop contributors are Pakistan (7,997), Bangladesh (6,753), Nigeria (3,424), Ghana (3,259), India (2,925), Nepal (2,301), Uruguay (1,910), Jordan (1,829), Kenya (1,824), and Ethiopia (1,820), which together represent 61.4% of UN troops. 9 As of the same date, the contribution of Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries to UN operations was 12.5% (6,941 out of 55,470), 10 a percentage that is even lower in African operations (1.61% in the MONUC in the DRC; 0.74% in UNAMSIL in Sierra Leone; 5.25% in UNMIL in Liberia). Furthermore, there is no sign that developed countries would reconsider their no troops under UN flag policies. To the degree that one associates political support with troop contribution, which is indeed a tangible way to support UN operations, one can observe that the support of developed states has not been modified since the release of the Brahimi Report. This commitment gap between developed and developing countries is particularly interesting in the analysis of the implementation of the Brahimi Report because it raises the question of the feasibility of such an implementation in the absence of a sustained backing from a significant part of the community of states. As one participant noted, assessing the implementation of the Brahimi Report by looking at the current UN performance in peace operations (in Africa for example) is partially misleading, since one of the key conditions of the implementation of the Report the support of states is often lacking. Another interesting aspect is illustrated in the fact that the link between the reform of the United Nations and the propensity of developed states to go through the United Nations in order to conduct peacekeeping is weak. One key element of states eagerness to go through the United Nations is the trust that they have vis-à-vis the institution. Such a trust had been severely damaged with the operations in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Somalia, and Rwanda, and one objective of the Brahimi Report was to restore lost trust by inciting the United Nations to have clearer strategies ( achievable mandates ) and by strengthening political-military capacities (reform of the DPKO mainly). One underlying idea was that a more rational and better-equipped tool would lead to a higher confidence, and therefore to a higher disposition to use the tool. Yet the on-going reform of the Secretariat has had no tangible impact on the trust that states put in the United Nations, which clearly poses a limit to the implementation of the Brahimi Report. The commitment gap leads to two other issues. First, it poses the question of the ability of the United Nations to do robust peacekeeping as defined in the Brahimi Report 11 without the support and capacities of developed countries. One participant defined robust peacekeeping as the ability to defeat spoilers, the ability to implement the mandate when the local consent is broken, and the ability to protect civilians whenever it is in the mandate of an operation. Yet, those activi- 8 It noted ( 103) that In contrast to the long tradition of developed countries providing the bulk of the troops for United Nations peacekeeping operations during the Organisation s first 50 years, in the last few years 77 per cent of the troops in formed military units deployed in United Nations peacekeeping operations, as of end-june 2000, were contributed by developing countries. 9 Monthly Summary of Contributions (Military Observers, Civilian Police and Troops) as of 31 May 2004, UN Website. 10 Ibid. 11 The Report says ( 55) that once deployed, United Nations peacekeepers must be able to carry out their mandates professionally and successfully and be capable of defending themselves, other mission components and the mission s mandate, with robust rules of engagement, against those who renege on their commitments to a peace accord or otherwise seek to undermine it by violence. 8

13 THE BRAHIMI REPORT: FOUR YEARS ON - GCSP ties require means (specialised units and a rapid reaction capacity) that are mostly available in developed countries. Without such capacities, the ability of the United Nations to do robust peacekeeping will remain questionable. It is partly with those issues in mind that the United Nations and the European Union have conducted discussions on possibilities for the United Nations to take advantage of the newly-created and allegedly-operational EU capacities. Drawing on what it did in operation Artemis in the DRC in the summer 2003, the European Union has developed the concept of the battle group (with a clear reference to Africa), consisting of highly trained and robust units that would deploy rapidly (within 15 days) and for a short period of time (up to 120 days) under a UN mandate, to prepare the ground before UN forces take over. While the concept was welcomed, such an option was presented in the seminar as being insufficient to remedy UN deficiencies in Africa. Second, Western resistance to commit troops to UN operations creates a lot of frustrations within non-western/developing countries where the commitment gap is seen as an extremely negative development. Those grievances are reinforced when comparing the attention given by the West to the Balkans and to African conflicts; when comparing means made available to the United Nations and to NATO or budgets of UN-led operations with budgets of NATO-led or coalition-of-the-willing operations. Finally, states policies have a direct impact on the implementation of the doctrine/strategy dimension of the Brahimi Report, a field where progress has been very limited. The recommendation that said that a Security Council resolution be left in draft form until troops are actually committed has not been implemented. 12 Most importantly, in contradiction with the expressed necessity to define realistic and achievable mandates, mandates continue to suffer from a lack of clarity and coherence. This is especially the case when mandates imply robust peacekeeping. The whole approach to a robust impartiality, which is what the United Nations aspires to be able to do, is yet to be implemented. Drawing on these weaknesses, one participant expressed doubts as to the ability of the United Nations, as it is (re-)structured today, to prevent events such as the fall of Srebrenica or the Rwanda genocide, in case a UN presence were to face similar situations in the future. As far as conflict prevention is concerned, the situation in Darfur (Sudan) was interpreted differently by participants: while some argued that the United Nations played well its role of whistle-blower (through the UN Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator and the Secretary-General), others contended that once again, the United Nations was unable to prevent an on-going slaughter. 3. THE REFORM OF THE UN SECRETARIAT The UN capacities to deploy operations rapidly and effectively and the Headquarters resources and structure for planning and supporting peacekeeping operations are the two areas where the implementation of the Brahimi Report is the most apparent. As far as rapid deployment capacities are concerned, tangible progress has been observed. As one participant put it, the United Nations is now better able to move money, things, and people rapidly. Firstly, the authorisation given to the Secretary-General to commit funds 13 prior to the Security Council resolution establishing a mission ( Pre-Mandate Commitment Authority PMCA) was used 12 The Report says ( 60) that the Security Council should leave in draft form a resolution that contemplated sizeable force levels for a new peace keeping operation until such time as the Secretary-General could confirm that the necessary troop commitments had been received from Member States. 13 Up to $50 million. 9

14 in the two cases of the MINUCI in Ivory Coast and UNMIL in Liberia and proved to be valuable, despite identified shortcomings. 14 Secondly, the UN Logistics Base at Brindisi, Italy, has been upgraded with the creation of the Strategic Deployment Stocks (SDS), aimed at facilitating the rapid deployment of materials to the field. The SDS seems to have helped, though the simultaneous conduct of major operations in Africa has led to a rapid depletion of the stocks. Thirdly, the rapid deployment of civilian personnel has been improved by the establishment of the Rapid Deployment Teams (RDTs), groups of pre-identified personnel which are supposed to support an operation in its first 90 days. That mechanism was used for the first time in Liberia with relatively good results. Yet, the objective set in the Brahimi Report of being able to deploy a traditional operation within 30 days and a complex operation within 90 days is generally unlikely to be met in the latter case. In Liberia for example, 180 days were necessary for the operation to be fully deployed. 15 In the near future, it was said that around 120 days would be required to deploy a force of 15,000. In this context, the UN Stand-by Arrangement System (UNSAS) continues to suffer from state negligence. The call for states to create brigade-size forces within the UNSAS framework did not get any answer. Similarly, the constitution of on-call lists of military officers for rapid deployment was not met with the most enthusiastic response from member states who have promised some assistance rather than identified persons. Concerning headquarters resources, the DPKO has been significantly strengthened. Its overall size was increased from approximately 400 to 600 persons. This growth initially led to an increased field/headquarters ratio, 16 which was strongly recommended by the Brahimi panel. However, the simultaneous increase in UN personnel being deployed in 2003 and 2004 put back the ratio roughly at the same level as in Communication between headquarters and the field has been improved. The concept of the Integrated Mission Task Force (IMTF), recommended by the Brahimi Report to facilitate joint planning and decision-making across UN departments, is also a mechanism that has found some implementation (for UNAMA in Afghanistan; UNMIL in Liberia; in addition an IMTF has also been created for Sudan). However, the assessment is uneven. While IMTFs have improved communication between UN departments and agencies, they have not operated as true decision-making bodies, due partly to structural and cultural reasons 17 and partly to the number of people represented in each IMTF. 18 Those difficulties illustrate the persistent obstacles for the United Nations to plan and conduct peace operations in a strategic and integrated way, a point that was underlined by several participants. The conflicting relations between DPA and DPKO were also discussed. By extension, it is the lack of strategic direction of the United Nations itself that was stigmatised. On issues that were not implemented, the case of a strategic analysis capacity was discussed during the seminar. For some participants, the absence of such a capacity following the rejection of the proposal for an Information and Strategic Analysis Secretariat continues to be problematic but has somehow been partly compensated by the joint work of the Department of Political Affairs, the Situation Centre (DPKO), and the Best Practices Unit (DPKO), as well as by a greater openness towards 14 See MINUCI : Use of Pre-mandate Commitment Authority for Rapid Deployment, After Action Report, Peacekeeping Best Practices Unit, UNDPKO, 5 June See Lessons Learned Study on the Start-up Phase of the UN Mission in Liberia, Peacekeeping Best Practices Unit, UNDPKO, April 2004, p The Report on the implementation of the Brahimi Report written by William Durch says that the field/headquarters ratios for military personnel and for civilian police were respectively 0.1 and 0.1% in mid-2000 (32 persons for 27,365 military personnel ; 9 for 8,641 for civilian police), but 0.2 and 0.4% in September William Durch, Victoria Holt, Caroline Earle, Moira Shanahan, The Brahimi Report and the Future of UN Peace Operations, The Henry L. Stimson Center, Washington, DC, 2003, p See on this William Durch, op.cit., pp. xix-xxii, and pp Initially, the IMTF constituted for Liberia counted more than 50 people. 10

15 THE BRAHIMI REPORT: FOUR YEARS ON - GCSP the policy community. As for information issues, several points were discussed. One was the need to distinguish, when talking about information at the United Nations, between what would be a genuine intelligence capacity which is hardly conceivable and a structure that would work mainly on open sources which may draw less suspicion. A second point was the distinction between information gathering at the strategic level (Secretariat) and at the tactical level (in the field); the two levels require different means and respond to different needs. The third item was the linkage established between guaranteeing a certain level of security for UN personnel, which is a growing concern following the August 2003 Baghdad attack, and having access to some sort of information. One participant said that the resistance expressed on those different issues by developed countries four years ago was not as strong today. In brief, the fact that DPKO is now better-equipped and structured than it was in 2000 was largely acknowledged. Yet, the question to know whether a reinforced DPKO was in a better position to plan and run peace operations than it was four years ago was also raised, with some participants expressing certain doubts as to the link between structure and performance. Here again, the assessment of UN potential varies depending upon the level of complexity of the operations. If the improvements observed are undoubtedly valuable, they may not be sufficient to enable the United Nations to perform at the upper-level of the peacekeeping spectrum (robust peacekeeping), or to run as many as 16 operations involving more than 55,000 personnel. By the same token, if the ability of the United Nations to deploy troops rapidly depends on the existence and effectiveness of mechanisms, such an ability will remain conditional upon the readiness of states to make assets and troops available rapidly. Again, the inability or unwillingness of states to commit troops (illustrated by the difficulties to improve the UN Stand-by Arrangement System UNSAS) poses the limits to the implementation of the Brahimi Report, regardless of the degree to which mechanisms have been improved. 4. PEACE OPERATIONS IN AFRICA The Brahimi Report came about partly as a response to the failure of the United Nations in Somalia and in Rwanda. It was also released at a time when the United Nations was becoming increasingly involved in operations on the African continent (with UNAMSIL in Sierra Leone, MONUC in the DRC and UNMEE 19 in Ethiopia/Eritrea being created in 1999/2000) and when it was becoming apparent that Africa would become the main theatre for different kinds of peace support activities (not only UN-led). Indeed, the many conflicts that have touched Africa since the end of the Cold War have led to an important UN involvement at different levels of the crisis management spectrum and by different UN bodies. In recent years, the Security Council spent between 35% and 42% of its meetings discussing African issues. 20 In 2001, 20 out of 52 (38%) Security Council resolutions dealt with Africa, in 2002, 26 out of 68 (38%), and in 2003, 35 out of 67 (52%). On the ground, besides the significant and longstanding implication of UN agencies, the United Nations has been involved in Africa through the creation of three operations (In Liberia, Ivory Coast and Burundi) out of five operations created in total 19 UNMEE : UN Mission in Ethiopia and Eritrea. 20 In 2001, 81 of 191 Security Council meetings were on African issues (42%); in 2002, 84 out of 237 (35%); in 2003, 75 out of 207 (36%). Figures given by Jane Boulden in The Role of the Security Council and Regional Organisations in Peace Consolidation, Working paper of the Consolidation of Peace in Africa Project, Oxford: Centre for International Studies,

16 since the release of the Brahimi Report. As of June 2004, seven out of the 16 UN-led operations are in Africa, 21 with 47,315 out of the 55,457 military personnel and civilian police deployed 22 being stationed on the continent, yielding a percentage of 85.3%. However, such an activity does not inform about the quality of the UN involvement and about the implementation, specifically in Africa, of the Brahimi Report. Two levels of analysis can be distinguished here: a strategic level, dealing with the UN role in Africa and the place of the Brahimi Report in this context; and a more practical level, dealing with the implementation, within operations deployed in Africa, of the technical recommendations of the Report. As far as the practical level is concerned, given the importance of Africa for UN operations, most of the recommendations of the Brahimi panel that have been implemented have found applications in Africa. The already mentioned Rapid Deployment Teams (RDT) mechanism, Pre-Mandate Commitment Authority (PMCA), Strategic Deployment Stocks (SDS), and Integrated Mission Task Force (IMTF) 23 were all somehow implemented in the case of UNMIL in Liberia, which was the first major UN operation since the release of the Brahimi Report. 24 The MINUCI and then the UNOCI in Ivory Coast have also resorted to those newly-created mechanisms. Concerning the strategic level, the Brahimi Report was criticised during the seminar for not being sufficiently focused on the security needs of Africa in general and for having neglected the relations between the United Nations and regional/sub-regional organisations in particular, 25 which stands in contrast to the mandate of the High-Level Panel. Most importantly, the insistence of the Report regarding the fact that the United Nations should perhaps not launch missions where the chances of success are too low instead of undertaking missions doomed to fail was sometimes perceived in Africa as further evidence of a UN reluctance to get involved in African conflicts. The linkage between the implementation of the Brahimi Report (in particular its technical aspects) and an increased ability of the United Nations to do peacekeeping in Africa was also questioned, as the politics of peacekeeping in Africa often seem to be more important than technical and logistical constraints. 26 As an example, the need to deploy more troops in the DRC, advocated by some participants, was challenged by others who, given the size of the country, stressed instead the necessity to address the problem at the political level. Six factors were identified as having contributed to success in UN operations in Africa: the willingness of local parties to cooperate; the existence of strategies to deal with spoilers ; the absence of conflict-fuelling economic resources ; the cooperation of regional players; the cessation of support to local parties by external actors; and the good quality leadership of UN missions. 27 In West Africa, the pre-eminent role of ECOWAS 28 since the early 1990s but noticeably in setting up operations before the United Nations took over in the three cases of Sierra Leone, Liberia and Ivory Coast, was presented as an illustration of the division of labour between the United Nations and a regional organisation as much as evidence of a failure of the United Nations to intervene in the first place. Furthermore, the already discussed commitment gap is particularly acute in Africa, where the Western reluctance to commit troops under a UN command is reinforced by the mere idea to be military in- 21 There are also plans for an operation in Sudan. 22 UN Website, June In Liberia, after an IMTF was created and proved to be of little added-value, a Liberia Working Group was created by DPKO. 24 On Liberia, see Lessons Learned Study on the Start-up Phase of the UN Mission in Liberia, Peacekeeping Best Practices Unit, UNDPKO, April The word Africa appears only twice in the Brahimi Report. 26 Argument developed by Adekeye Adebajo in a paper distributed for the conference. 27 Argument developed by Adekeye Adebajo in a paper distributed for the conference. 28 Economic Community of West African States. 12

17 THE BRAHIMI REPORT: FOUR YEARS ON - GCSP volved in Africa. At best, Western states are ready to commit troops for short periods of time and under a national or quasi-national command (UK in Sierra Leone in 2000; France and the EU in the DRC in the summer 2003), an approach that is easily associated with some sort of neo-colonial policy. This situation reveals a certain ambivalence in some African positions. On the one hand, the commitment gap is severely deplored, i.e. Western indifference to African conflicts is stigmatised. On the other hand, Western military involvement in Africa, especially on the part of France or the UK, is very often suspected of resulting from self-interest. It was however stressed in the workshop that what was feared in Africa was Western indifference rather than Western self-interest. This ambivalence is also reflected in the debate on the extent to which African conflicts should be handled by Africans rather than by external powers or institutions. This, in turn, leads to the issue of the role of regional hegemons, 29 mainly Nigeria in West Africa and South Africa in Southern Africa, in conflict management. While their involvement conditions the strength of regional organisations (respectively ECOWAS and SADC 30 ), it also implies regional power politics that may have counter-productive effects. By and large, a UN presence guarantees a certain degree of impartiality that is harder to get with regional actors. In any case, the issue of how intervening states or institutions are perceived was said to be of paramount importance. As it is unrealistic to rule out self-interested interventions, one key aspect is to ensure the highest degree of legitimacy. 5. KEY CHALLENGES FOR FUTURE PEACE OPERATIONS The issue of the role of peace operations in the management of security in future missions was largely discussed during the seminar. The following points were given particular attention. The demand for peacekeeping will continue. The persisting existence of peace operations as a way to deal with conflicts was widely acknowledged, as was the role of the United Nations in this respect. One participant said that UN peace operations are enduring features of international order. This was however challenged by two kinds of arguments. First, one participant deplored that, through peace operations, the international community was spending too much time and energy on the management of the consequences of the conflict, while overlooking the politics of the conflict. The case of the DRC was taken as an illuminating example where, given the size of the country, the international community would be better off dealing with the countries that pull the strings in Eastern Congo rather than increasing the UN military presence. Second, one participant noticed that one might witness a decrease in the number of peacekeeping operations in the near future, as the number of conflicts is also decreasing. UN reform is a limited reality. It was clear during the seminar that the reform of the United Nations had become a reality in the sense that many of the Brahimi Report recommendations have been or are being implemented and that this process has had a valuable impact on the ability of the United Nations to plan and conduct peace operations. However, the United Nations is still very much constrained by two sets of realities, one conjunctural, one structural: the conjunctural one is the current level of deployment of troops, which places the United Nations in a situation of overstretch and sheds new light on the implementation of the Brahi- 29 Expression of a participant. 30 Southern African Development Community. 13

18 mi Report; the structural one is the level of state support, which is a sine qua non to effective UN peacekeeping while remaining too weak in the developed world. Linked with these two constraints is the fact that the reform process is only one element of a coherent UN peacekeeping policy. One participant noted that the intrinsic nature of the Organisation and of the activity of peacekeeping implied that one has to accept that some operations will fail. Such an assumption should lead to the greatest caution, not to retrenchment. In any event, one key challenge for the United Nations will remain to be able to conduct robust peacekeeping, i.e. to use force in some circumstances; it is largely on this ability that the United Nations will be judged. State support and national interest. The implementation of the Brahimi Report will remain limited by the extent to which states are disposed to support the process. In addition to the key role of Western states in supporting UN operations politically, financially, logistically, and militarily, the Security Council remains at the centre of the process. The implication of the Security Council in actually dealing with a conflict at the political level before it decides to create an operation remains instrumental. The role of the United States was particularly stressed here. By the same token, once an operation is established, sustained attention by the Security Council is crucial, though rarely observed. However, looking at a UN operation as the result of a compromise within the Security Council and looking at it as an answer to a particular conflict are two different issues. In other words, the politics of the Security Council may be different from the peacekeeping needs of a given country. No doubt that this has an impact on the implementation of the Brahimi Report. More generally, while it is assumed that peace operations are being launched out of self-interests, and that power politics will remain a key feature of international relations, the very notion of interest is to be reviewed as a dynamic concept that integrates many different elements, of an objective and subjective, rational and irrational nature. Consequently, it is the concept of intervention that is slowly evolving, along with the evolution of the concept of interest. This evolution makes for example that the protection of civilians in peace operations will be increasingly difficult to exclude from mandates. In this context, the question of how one can enhance the political attention of key states for conflict situations is of paramount importance. Strategies / Integration of operations. The need for the United Nations to look at peacekeeping in a strategic way, integrating short-term and long-term parameters and involving the wide range of actors of peace support activities, was presented as generally missing but of key importance. In addition to troop contributing countries and the other actors involved, the Security Council has an important role to play in this respect. Concurrently, the need for an integrated approach to peace operations at the UN level was stressed. The very nature of contemporary peace operations, that combine a wide range of interrelated civilian and military activities (interposition; disarmament, demobilisation, and reintegration (DDR); rule of law; institution building; humanitarian aid; economic reconstruction; etc.), makes an integrated and coordinated approach a condition of coherence and success. Nevertheless, the meaning of integrated was not always clear, while the implied definition may not be acceptable for all actors participating in a peace operation. One participant warned against the risk of a humanitarian rebellion from some humanitarian actors in case the confusion about their role and their politicisation further developed. At the UN Secretariat, inter-departmental coordination remains problematic, as tensions between DPKO and DPA attest. 14

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