SUSTAINABLE TOURISM ~ ELIMINATING POVERTY (ST~EP)

Transcription

1 SUSTAINABLE TOURISM ~ ELIMINATING POVERTY (ST~EP) An Overview By Trevor Sofield, Terry De Lacy, Geoffrey Lipman & Sean Daugherty

2 Copyright CRC for Sustainable Tourism Pty Ltd 2004 All rights reserved. Apart from fair dealing for the purposes of study, research, criticism or review as permitted under the Copyright Act, no part of this book may be reproduced by any process without written permission from the publisher. National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication Data Sofield, Trevor. Sustainable tourism - eliminating poverty : an overview. Bibliography. ISBN Tourism - Economic aspects. 2. Tourism Environmental aspects. 3. Sustainable development. I. De Lacy, Terry. II. Lipman, Geoffrey. III. Daugherty, Sean. IV. Cooperative Research Centre for Sustainable Tourism Contact information For further information please contact Prof Trevor Sofield, University of Tasmania [Ph: or Trevor.Sofield@utas.edu.au] ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This report has been undertaken by the Australian Cooperative Research Centre for Sustainable Tourism, supported by funding from AusAID. ii

3 CONTENTS Abstract v Chapter 1INTRODUCTION 1 Outline 2 Chapter 2 KEY ISSUES AND PRINCIPLES OF SUSTAINABLE TOURISM AS A TOOL FOR ELIMINATING POVERTY (ST~EP) 4 Definition 4 Strategies for ST~EP 4 Expanding economic benefits and opportunities 4 Managing non-economic aspects 5 Developing pro-poor policies/processes/partnerships 5 Potential Benefits and Disbenefits of ST~EP 5 Economic benefits 5 Non-Economic benefits 5 Potential disbenefits 6 Chapter 3 TOURISM AS A COMPLEX DYNAMIC SYSTEM 8 Chapter 4 HOLISTIC APPROACH TO COMMUNITY-BASED TOURISM DEVELOPMENT FOR POVERTY ALLEVIATION 11 Chapter 5 THE NECESSITY FOR AN INTEGRATED INSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK AND EMPOWERMENT 14 Empowerment 14 Chapter 6 THE ROLE OF THE WORLD TOURISM ORGANIZATION (WTO) AND UNCTAD IN SPONSORING AND PROMOTING ST~EP 17 WTO 17 UN Conference on Trade And Development (UNCTAD) 18 Chapter 7 ACTIVITIES OF OTHER INSTITUTIONS AND AGENCIES IN TOURISM AND POVERTY ALLEVIATION DEVELOPMENT 19 Tourism Organisations 19 United Nations Agencies 20 UN Environment Programme (UNEP) World Ecotourism Summit 20 Government Development Assistance Agencies 20 Overseas Development Institute, UK 20 Netherlands 20 New Zealand, Canada and the Nordic States 21 Germany 21 International Financial Institutions 21 Asian Development Bank 21 The World Bank 22 International/Non-Governmental Organisations (I/NGOs) 22 Chapter 8 LEAST DEVELOPED COUNTRIES (LDCs) IN EAST ASIA AND THE SOUTH PACIFIC 24 Chapter 9 TOURISM IN THE SOUTH PACIFIC 25 The Status and Role of Tourism 25 Constraints regarding tourism and development assistance 26 Issues of Contention 28 Traditional values and culture 28 Natural disaster capabilities 28 Leakage 29 Decentralisation 29 Chapter 10 TOURISM IN EAST ASIA 31 The Status and Role of Tourism 31 East Asia s LDCs 32 Nam Ha Ecotourism Project, Luang Namtha 33 China 35 Chapter 11 GOVERNANCE, TOURISM AND POVERTY ALLEVIATION 36 iii

4 Governance and the South Pacific 36 Issues of Land Tenure in the South Pacific 36 Law and Order 38 Legislative Impediments to Indigenous Tourism Ventures 39 Engaging Governments 40 Engaging the Private Sector 40 Chapter 12 THE ENVIRONMENT, TOURISM AND POVERTY ALLEVIATION 41 Chapter 13 GENDER, TOURISM AND POVERTY ALLEVIATION 43 Women s Employment and Participation in Tourism 43 Chapter 14 CONCLUSIONS 45 Appendix I Summaries of Pro Poor Tourism Case Studies from Overseas Development Institute (ODI) 47 Appendix II UN Millennium Development Goals 54 Appendix III Koroyanitu National Heritage Park, Fiji 55 Appendix IV Mana Island Resort, Fiji 57 Appendix V Legislative impediments to indigenous tourism ventures 58 Appendix VI Green Globe 59 REFERENCES 65 iv

5 Abstract For more than fifty of the world s poorest countries tourism is ranked first, second or third in terms of their economies, and tourism is the only service industry to show a positive balance of trade with flows from first world countries to developing countries exceeding those in the opposite direction by US$66 million (World Tourism Organization 2000). Yet tourism has only very recently been recognised by some aid donors, some international funding agencies, and some segments of the industry as an appropriate instrument for poverty reduction. At the World Summit on Sustainable Development held in Johannesburg, South Africa in August 2002, the World Tourism Organization (WTO), supported by UNCTAD, took a global lead in this field, launching the concept of Sustainable Tourism as an effective tool for Eliminating Poverty (ST~EP), and beginning the process of putting a program in place to implement the concept. This initiative linked the longstanding WTO pursuit of Sustainable Tourism with the United Nations leadership on Poverty Alleviation that was the focus of the WSSD in Johannesburg. ST~EP may be seen as a response by the global tourism industry under the leadership of WTO to the United Nations Millennium Development Goal to halve extreme poverty by This report explores the development of what has been termed Pro Poor Tourism in other quarters, up to the launching of the WTO initiative on ST~EP. The UK Department for International Development (DFID) has played a significant role over the past five years in exploring ways to harness tourism for poverty reduction, for which it coined the phrase Pro Poor Tourism (PPT). However this term has negative connotations for the industry and ST~EP is a more acceptable acronym. PPT/ST~EP is not a new form of tourism. It is not a new kind of tourism product. It is an approach to tourism in which the tourism cake is tilted so that benefits are specifically directed towards the poor. As a new field of endeavour for development assistance bureaux and international funding agencies there is no established track record on which they can draw to consider implementing their own policies. Hence a major component of the WTO program on ST~EP is to facilitate research and identification of best practice models. Because tourism is often seen in narrow terms as purely a private sector undertaking, its constellation of backward and forward linkages into all other areas of economic activity, into society and culture, into the environment and into Government, are often ignored. However, once tourism is understood as a complex system its capacity to work as a positive tool for poverty reduction is enhanced. In this context, the role of Government is crucial because without pro-active Government intervention empowerment of impoverished and disadvantaged segments of populations will be difficult to achieve. It is argued that for empowerment to succeed, measures to improve the lot of the poorest segments of a population must be backed by legislation for without a supportive legal framework vested interests will always be able to challenge affirmative action towards the poor and any pro poor activity will not be sustainable. v

6 Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION Endemic poverty, unemployment, regional imbalances and economic and social deprivation have been the focus of significant development assistance in the countries of Asia and the Island Pacific for almost five decades. Since the largest numbers of poor, depressed and discriminated people live in rural areas those sectors which deliver benefits to rural areas have been designated as priorities for development action. Decentralisation is therefore often a major plank in the armoury to tackle poverty alleviation in many of the Asian and Island Pacific countries. While dramatic advances have been made in many countries, major problems remain especially in remote and rural areas. In Nepal, for example, despite targeted programs in such areas as agriculture, forestry, health and education, the numbers living below the poverty line have increased from 30% twenty years ago to more than 42% now (UNDP Report 1998). Poverty is increasing in countries such as Solomon Islands as political instability has led to economic dislocation and deteriorating living standards despite more than 25 years of Australian and other development assistance directed towards rural and community development. In African countries, poverty has become increasingly prevalent in marginal regions such as mountains or pastoral land (semi-desert) and areas of deforestation. Paradoxically the successful designation of protected areas (by 1998 some 30,000 such areas had been established, covering almost 9% of the world s terrestrial surface) has created new poverty in some places because of restrictions placed on traditional land use systems - often of indigenous minorities - without conventional development alternatives, as areas previously open to them have become closed/protected. Tourism has rarely been recognised as an effective agent of change for poverty alleviation and has been largely ignored in the development assistance programs of most donor countries, international aid agencies and nongovernmental organisations. While green tourism, eco-tourism and community tourism have some acceptance among decision-makers, practitioners and advocates as appropriate developmental activities, the focus has been on the need to ensure that tourism does not erode the environmental and cultural base on which it depends rather than consider the full range of impacts on the livelihoods of the poor. The lack of conventional links to development agencies such as FAO, UNDP and conservation agencies (e.g. WWF, IUCN) has been compounded because such organisations, while increasingly important in the international environmental agenda, have often viewed tourism in a hostile light either as a competitive land use or as a threat to ecosystems and the conservation ethic. There is also the issue that without a traditional science and research background such as forestry and agriculture, the tourism industry has been handicapped in positioning itself intellectually. This situation is gradually changing as scientists and academics become engaged in tourism research. And as research into sustainable tourism expands, the potential for tourism to make a contribution to poverty alleviation is becoming better understood. According to the World Tourism Organization (WTO), tourism is one of the three largest industries in the world, rivalling the petroleum industry and automobiles and automobile products. A reduction in world poverty is an internationally agreed priority and targets have been set to halve poverty by the year 2015 (UN Millennium Development Goals 2000). Achieving poverty reduction requires actions on a variety of complementary fronts and scales, but a prerequisite of significant progress is pro-poor growth growth which benefits the poor. As an industry that is clearly important in many poor countries, can tourism be one source of such growth? 1

7 BOX 1: A GLOBAL PICTURE OF TOURISM & WORLD POVERTY Tourism accounts for 11% of the World s GDP and employs 200 million people. It is the world s fastest growing industry according to the World Tourism Organization. In developing countries, international tourism is increasing by 9.5% a year compared to 4.6% worldwide. Tourism is the only service industry where there is a positive balance of trade flowing from First World to Third World countries - from US$4.6 billion in 1980 to US$6.6 billion surplus in 1996 (WTO 2000). In 1997 developing countries received 30.5% of world international tourist arrivals (177.6 million), compared with 24% in 1988 (Goodwin, 1998). International tourism accounts for 36% of trade in commercial services in advanced economies and 66% in developing countries. Tourism accounts for 3% -10% of GDP in advanced economies and up to 40% in developing countries. International tourism is one of the top 5 exports for 83% of countries and the main source of foreign currency for at least 38% of countries. International tourism is significant (over 2% of GDP or 5% of exports) and growing (i.e. by at least 50% in ) in almost half of the 48 low-income countries, and in virtually all the 53 low income and middle income countries. Among the 12 countries that are home to 80% of the world s poor, tourism is significant or growing in all but one (WTO 1998). There has been a global slow-down in international travel following the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks on the USA, compounded by the Bali bombings, the war in Iraq, and most recently the SARS virus which has crippled tourism flows from and into many Asian destinations. Domestic tourism in some countries demonstrated an increase in the period since September 11 as internal visitation was substituted for overseas destinations. As these shocks subside international tourist flows are expected to recover within one to two years. (Source: WTO Annual Reports ) Outline This study commences with a definition of Sustainable Tourism as an effective tool for Eliminating Poverty (ST~EP) or so-called Pro Poor Tourism (PPT). In chapter 2 it then examines in some detail key characteristics, issues and principles underlying the concept. Chapters 3-5 position ST~EP in the context of the need to understand tourism as a complex, dynamic system; the need to design interventions for whole-of-community participation and involvement; and the crucial role that governments must play in assisting societal change and providing legislative support if empowerment is to prove durable and thus able to contribute to sustainable tourism that can alleviate poverty. The initiative by the WTO in association with UNCTAD to place ST~EP on the global agenda for an ethicsdriven approach to tourism development and poverty alleviation is then outlined in Chapter 6. This is followed by a description of the ST~EP program to be introduced by WTO at its 15 th world conference in Beijing in October 2003, and describes the WTO s global Code of Ethics by which principles ST~EP will be guided. Chapter 7 provides a survey of concurrent activity in this field, identifying aid donors such as Britain and the Netherlands, international finance agencies such as the Asian Development Bank and the World Bank, nongovernmental organisations, and other UN technical agencies. Chapter 8 then moves onto an outline of the issues of poverty confronting Lesser Developed Countries in East Asia and the South Pacific, to set the scene for the next two chapters. Chapter 9 examines tourism development and poverty alleviation in the South Pacific, noting that there has been an almost total neglect of the tourism sector in these countries by aid donor countries, despite the fact that in ten of them tourism is the largest industry and the greatest generator of jobs and foreign exchange. Chapter ten focuses on 2

8 tourism and poverty alleviation in East Asia. These two regions are chosen simply to broaden the scope of case studies from the focus on Africa, not in terms of any downgrading of the massive needs that Africa faces in trying to alleviate the poverty which is endemic to much of that continent but rather to assist in understanding the global spread of poverty and the role that tourism can play in alleviating human misery and poverty through programs such as ST~EP. The next three chapters take three themes out of many that could be examined for the relevance of ST~EP. Chapter 11 appraises Governance, tourism and poverty alleviation. Chapter 12 considers issues of the Environment, tourism and poverty alleviation. And Chapter 13 scrutinises Gender, tourism and poverty alleviation, particularly in the context of opportunities for employment of women. Finally, Chapter 14 draws a number of conclusions about tourism, poverty alleviation and WTO s global initiative, ST~EP. 3

9 Chapter 2 KEY ISSUES AND PRINCIPLES OF SUSTAINABLE TOURISM AS A TOOL FOR ELIMINATING POVERTY (ST~EP) While tourism development has a long history of engaging communities, it is only very recently that a focus has emerged on the potential and capacities of tourism to be a tool for poverty alleviation. This focus has emerged as part of a much larger and broader commitment by development assistance agencies and donor governments worldwide over the past decade to apply their efforts more sharply to poverty alleviation as a foundational aspect of their development interventions. Pro-poor tourism is a term that arose out of a DFID-commissioned review of the links between tourism and poverty reduction and, as a result, was successfully placed by DFID on the agenda of the 7 th meeting of the United Nations Commission on Sustainable Development in 1999 (Ashley & Roe 2002). While the idea of harnessing tourism more effectively for poverty reduction had been developed by the start of the new millennium there was no documented experience specifically on Pro Poor Tourism (PPT). Understanding of PPT was advanced in a significant way by the establishment in of an ODI-funded research project designed to underpin the theoretical basis of PPT and related experience in fields of community tourism, ecotourism, ethical tourism, etc., with reference to a series of six case studies. The aim was to move the PPT discussion down to practical analysis of actual work in the field. But at the same time, it needed to draw the analysis and findings back up to the level of generalisations and policy level, to develop international analysis of PPT (Ashley 2002:3). The six case studies selected for analysis (see Appendix I, Summaries of the Case Studies) were not specifically designed as PPT initiatives but they were identified as having a major orientation towards, and objectives designed to assist in, alleviating poverty. The ODI project has to date generated more than 20 studies into PPT and this body of work has informed the discussion which follows. While the emergent literature from aid agencies tend to use the term pro-poor tourism, it is also refers to tourism as a tool for poverty reduction or poverty alleviation, and Sustainable Tourism as an effective tool for Eliminating Poverty (ST-EP). Industry sources prefer these less pejorative terms as Pro Poor Tourism tends to alienate tourism managers, investors and most importantly tourists (WTO June 2002; Pacific Asia Travel Association conference May 2002). A survey by Meyer (2003) for the Overseas Development Institute of aid personnel involved in the six PPT case study projects indicated a very strong preference for PPT to be discarded. Increasingly the WTO s term, ST~EP, is becoming widely accepted and it has been adopted by UNCTAD among others. We will use this term in preference to PPT (unless quoting directly from sources that use PPT ). Definition Following the ODI lead, ST~EP is defined as tourism that generates net benefits for the poor. ST~EP strategies aim to unlock opportunities for the poor, rather than to expand the overall size of the tourism sector. As the overall tourism sector of a country grows, ST~EP interventions attempt to involve the poorest sections of a nation in the industry in ways which will alleviate their poverty. It is not a form of tourism. It is not a tourism product, although new products may be initiated. It is an approach to tourism which accepts that the so-called trickle-down effect is often minimal or non-existent and that more direct action is required if the most disadvantaged sections of a population are to realise benefits from tourism growth. ST~EP focuses on tilting the cake at the micro, meso and macro levels towards the poor rather than expanding the cake. ST~EP opportunities may extend beyond purely economic ones and encompass other livelihood benefits or engagement in decision-making (Roe & Urquhart, describing PPT, 2001). Strategies for ST~EP A review of PPT/ST~EP literature over the past 3-4 years, following the work of authors such as Ashley, Goodwin, Holland, Meyer, Roe, Urquhart and others (see reference list) provides a set of twelve main strategies (nine identified in the ODI literature) in three main categories defined by Ashley, Roe and Goodwin (2001) which have been utilised in attempts to harness tourism for poverty alleviation. They are as follows: Expanding economic benefits and opportunities through: Introducing new business opportunities (including micro-enterprises); Expanding existing business opportunities; Expanding employment opportunities; and Enhancing collective benefits. 4

10 Managing non-economic aspects through: Capacity building and training; Empowerment (eg through increased capacity for decision making, land ownership); Enhancing benefits to infrastructure and environment and on the other hand; Mitigating environmental impacts that affect poor people; and Addressing socio-cultural effects of tourism. Developing pro-poor policies/processes/partnerships through: Building a more supportive policy and planning framework; Promoting participation in the tourism system; and Partnerships with the private sector. Potential Benefits and Disbenefits of ST~EP One of the difficulties in dealing with tourism and poverty reduction is the lack of a set of indicators with which to measure impacts. ST~EP is as much about improving the quality of life of individuals as it is about economic performance and the need is therefore to move beyond measuring national GDP or other macro-economic indicators to focus on the impacts at the local level: on individuals, families and communities. Opportunities may extend beyond the purely economic to encompass other livelihood benefits, or engagement in decision-making. Emerging though limited indications of the impacts of current ST~EP initiatives suggest that for the poor, where it happens, such interventions are invaluable (Ashley, Roe & Goodwin 2001). A few people are lifted out of income-poverty while many more earn critical gap-fillers, especially in those circumstances where the seasonality of agriculture is complemented by opportunities to earn tourism-generated income in non-planting, non-harvest times. More still are affected by the nonfinancial livelihood benefits that emerge as very significant though highly varied, such as improved access to information and infrastructure, cultural reinforcement and pride in their identity (Ashley et al. 2001). A wide range of actions are needed to increase benefits to the poor from tourism. These go well beyond simply promoting community tourism - although work at the grass-roots level to develop enterprises and local capacity is one key component. Efforts are also needed on marketing, employment opportunities, linkages with the established private sector, policy and regulation, and participation in decision-making. This involves working across levels and with all stakeholders and, importantly, recognising that poor communities are stakeholders who need to be engaged and brought into decision-making processes where tourism development impinges spatially upon their socio-cultural and physical assets. An examination of a range of ST~EP case studies (again distilled mainly from ODI-sponsored research but including others summarised from listings on the PPT Web site, and others from the CRC for Sustainable Tourism research) provides up to 16 potential benefits which can flow from PPT/ST~EP intervention. The first five are economic while the remaining 11 are non-economic impacts. The ODI research from its six case studies suggests that while the latter may be less tangible they are just as important and usually of greater significance to more people than the earnings. Economic benefits Aggregate increased income from e.g. Lease payments to communities (though funds are not always well used and may be small per person, odi research suggests that they are valued as one of the few sources of community income to spend on shared investments (infrastructure, drought-coping, etc.) Employment: wage income for individuals (employment in the tourism sector and opportunities for training are generally highly valued even when regarded as menial cleaning jobs by westerners, according to Roe et al. 2002). Casual income, micro-enterprise earnings, informal sector activities Financial capital (credit which may be extended by a tourism support program, or a staff credit scheme, and collective investment from community payments for e.g. Leasing land). Non-Economic benefits Distribution of non-monetary benefits, e.g. clean water supply and electricity extended to adjacent village communities by a tourism development. Human resource development (skills, education and training). 5

11 Access to health services (e.g. In Solomon islands, the anuha island resort, tambea resort and vulelua island resort all provided anti-malarial clinics for staff and families in surrounding villages; resort radio links provided communications in medical emergencies). Physical capital (access to new infrastructure such as roads, transport services provided in the first instance to service tourism ventures but available for shared local use. This emerged as a particularly valued outcome from the six odi case studies, even though it had not been an explicit pro-poor strategy of operators or governments). Donations for community welfare e.g. a community centre, a new school, a new church (as in wakaya island in Fiji, sunset island resort off nuku alofa in Tonga), etc. Social capital and community organisations where social mobilisation occurs and incentives for community action are provided. Improvements to natural capital in those instances where ecologically sustainable practices, protection and conservation of the environment are introduced by tourism operations. Influence over policy making through community involvement in decision-making (empowerment by this means can be very important to the poor, who by definition are often marginalised and without a voice. Where tenure or ownership rights lie with the poor, the control they gain over tourism operations is invaluable Fiji s native lands trust board exercises a key role in this context. See Appendix IV on mana island resort). Access to market opportunities and new livelihood options. Enhanced traditional values. Access to information not previously available. Optimism, pride and participation (related especially to empowerment). Support for traditional cultural elements such as festivals, singing and dancing, arts and crafts. Support for protection and conservation of the environment. Physical security (may be enhanced for locals as well, when measures are introduced for tourists and tourism operations). Potential disbenefits There are also potential disbenefits (most identified by the ODI researchers) which need to be taken into account, some of which are: Exposure to risk and exploitation poor communities invariably lack the education and sometimes the worldly knowledge to avoid exploitation by tourism interests Adverse impacts on traditional structures resulting in community instability (e.g. intergenerational conflict between young skilled members and untrained elders in a community; between women and men) Adverse impacts on cultural elements (e.g. mass production of artefacts, changes in festivals, song and dance to cater to visitors rather than remaining anchored in traditional values, resulting in facile spectacle with deeper meaning pushed aside), commoditisation Materialism and individualism replacing collective community-based organisation capacities and values. Loss of access to natural resources such as coastlines and lagoons, water, forests where poor communities are dependent upon these for survival they may be particularly threatened by inappropriate tourism development (but equally by mining, agricultural development or urban expansion) Physical security may be weakened by tourism development which leads to an increase in outsiders taking up residence, increases in crime, and drugs and prostitution. It should be noted however, that such impacts are not restricted to tourism intervention but are in fact a common accompaniment to modernisation in all its forms, modernisation which often has pre-dated the arrival of tourism by decades (for example, western style education which for five days a week divorces young people from the traditional forms of apprenticeship associated with family activity in many societies; the rural-urban drift as the attraction s of towns and cities prove irresistible; and the impact of television and the Information Technology and Communications (ITC) revolution). Tourism can in fact be utilised to counter some of the adverse impacts, e.g. through revival of traditional festivals, arts and crafts. As mentioned above, an acknowledged difficulty in assessing the benefits or otherwise of ST~EP projects is the lack of effective tools to measure impacts. A study of six ST~EP initiatives were assessed by Meyer (2003:15) and the 14 respondents who had worked on the six projects were reserved in identifying impacts on the poor. While all were enthusiastic about the value of the approach, few could identify actual measurable impacts and replied that a longer time frame would ideally be required. This is such a relatively new field that there is no real pro-poor tourism program which could be subjected to detailed assessment and all commentators agree that because of the need to 6

12 individualise interventions to construct an appropriate project there is no common blueprint which could be followed. However, there is general consensus that ST~EP interventions should focus on human capital, training and empowerment as key areas of need and opportunity for aid agency involvement. Engaging the private sector is also a fundamental need if commercially attractive and viable products are to be created (Ashley & Roe 2002; de Jong 2003). Over-arching these areas is the need for a supportive public policy framework which involves intervention at the macro level in contrast to specific community involvement at the micro level. As the DFID noted the current challenge for governments and donors in tourism development is to respond to changes in broader development thinking, by formulating strategies to enhance impacts of tourism on the poor (ODI 2001). The first step is to place tourism-forpoverty-alleviation on the development assistance agenda, recognising that enhancing poverty impacts of tourism is different from commercial, environmental, or ethical concerns. These issues will be explored in greater detail below. 7

13 Chapter 3 TOURISM AS A COMPLEX DYNAMIC SYSTEM In pursuing the aim of utilising tourism as a tool for poverty reduction it is essential to move away from a narrow definition of tourism as an industry composed only of enterprises in areas such as accommodation, natural and cultural attractions, built attractions (museums, art galleries, heritage buildings, theme parks and casinos), tour operators, travel agencies, airlines, coach companies and cruise ships and the images of destinations created by marketeers. It is necessary to understand tourism as a system (Gunn & Var 2002; Leiper 1995; Mill & Morrison 2001) and to explore its multiplicity of backward and forward linkages into community (stakeholder participation, social and cultural impacts), the bio-physical environment, the wider economic milieu (local, regional, national and international levels) and government (policy and planning, regulatory, and provision of infrastructure such as transport and communications, facilitation of domestic and international visitation, etc). Looking further into tourism as a system, it is integrated not only into the private sector as businesses but as a service industry linked into more sectors of the economy than virtually any other area of economic activity. The support services sector is often invisible in terms of tourism because these providers of goods and services to the front line operators do not deal directly with tourists (e.g. architectural services for resorts; communications systems for global reservations; aluminium production for aircraft, tour coaches, window frames, etc). Treating tourism as a complex system illuminates the way in which backward and forward linkages could provide opportunities for poorer sections of communities and for intervention in enterprises not always recognised as part of tourism but which are nevertheless tourism-dependent in whole or in part for their sustainability and economic viability. By working in the area of backward linkages in activities not automatically regarded as 'tourism' it is possible to identify points of ingress for development assistance aimed at alleviating poverty. In some countries it is feasible to work with the frontline sector (those ventures which deal directly with visitors, such as trekking lodges), but in others more opportunities may exist in the support services sector (e.g. growing orchids at the village level for Thai Airways). A simple example drawn from the western world is the role of boarding kennels for cats and dogs: without such a facility many people would be unable to take a holiday because there would be nowhere to leave their pets. The proprietors of boarding kennels do not recognise that they are in the business of tourism although their venture may be entirely dependent upon tourism. If tourism is not understood as a system composed of a large number of inter-related businesses and support services, then it is all too easy to focus on trying to identify opportunities for development assistance only in those activities instantly recognised as being 'in tourism'. When introducing ST~EP into developing countries it is necessary to look outside the square and identify opportunities associated with tourism which are not necessarily frontline tourism businesses. Tourism as a system extends well beyond the delivery of tourism products and is a significant economic factor in traditional aid sectors like agriculture, where tourism can increase productivity through the sale of local products to tourism businesses and/or tourists. It also encompasses the informal sector where opportunities for poorer segments of populations (women, lower castes, indigenous minorities) may exist. Rather than leading to a 'static standpoint' the systems approach when combined with complexity theory provides a dynamic way to proceed to understand how tourism functions. A conventional dissection of systems into their component parts results in seeing the world in terms of static clockwork mechanisms, with mechanistic clockwork like relationships being assumed. But this conventional approach can obscure the fact that the whole is greater than the sum of the parts and that there is a dynamic life-like emergent complexity in many systems (Faulkner & Russell 2003:209). In the Cartesian/Newtonian paradigm, the effect of disturbance are ameliorated by negative feedback mechanisms and the system constantly returns to equilibrium; but complexity theory asserts that in self-organising, lifelike systems, positive feedback and non linear relationships are more prevalent, the effects of even minor disturbances can be accentuated and we can end up with the so-called butterfly effect where a small change can precipitate a chain reaction that results in a fundamental shift on the structure of a system. The chaos-complexity perspective provides a much deeper approach to many aspects of tourism-as-a-system such as the analysis of host-guest relationships and community involvement in tourism, the competitive relationships between providers of similar services/products, or cooperative relationships between vertically integrated providers, or terrorist activities in one part of the world and a boost to tourism arrivals in safe destinations and so on (Faulkner & Russell 2003:215). 8

14 Figure 1: Tourism as a System Component Parts: the Framework VISITOR GENERATING REGIONS DEMAND SIDE: FRONT LINE SECTOR SUPPORT SERVICES SECTOR COMMUNITY TRANSIT REGION BIO-PHYSICAL ENVIRONMENT DESTINATION - SUPPLY SIDE FRONT LINE SECTOR TRANSIT REGION GOVERNMENT Figure 2: Tourism as a System Inter-relationships: the Clockwork VISITOR GENERATING REGIONS DEMAND SIDE - Front Line Sector SUPPORT SERVICES SECTOR COMMUNITY TRANSIT REGION DESTINATION SUPPLY SIDE Front Line Sector TRANSIT REGION BIO-PHYSICAL ENVIRONMENT GOVERNMENT 9

15 Because tourism is a system of many hundreds of inter-related industries encompasses a large number of sectors it contributes significantly to broad based growth where it becomes a major generator of income and employment. By tilting the tourism cake ST~EP initiatives can diversify livelihood strategies for the poor. The ODI commissioned a report (Ashley et al. 2001) that examined fitting Tourism into Pro-poor growth factors and its major conclusions were as follows: Pro Poor Growth increases demand for the goods and services of the poor, reduces the costs paid by the poor in meeting their basic needs, increases the asset base of the poor, decreases their exposure to vulnerability and risk, and results in increased government revenues which can be used to provide goods and services to the poor. Tourism can contribute to these factors in Pro Poor growth in various ways. Tourism is a labour intensive sector and has the potential to reduce poverty through employment. Tourism often causes local inflation but can also reduce costs and access to health care or transport infrastructure. Tourism can be negative to the Poor s asset base but can improve the Poor s access to assets. Tourism can in some circumstances exacerbate the vulnerability of the poor, but it can also reduce vulnerability and diversify livelihood strategies, for example by diversifying rural economies based on agriculture. Tourism may not be directly involved in government spending but may stimulate government to spend monies in this way. Tourism s Pro Poor growth potential derives from it being a diverse industry where the customer comes to the product which provides considerable opportunities for linkages. It is highly dependent on natural capital and can be more labour dependent than manufacturing. A higher proportion of tourism benefits go to women. 10

16 Chapter 4 HOLISTIC APPROACH TO COMMUNITY-BASED TOURISM DEVELOPMENT FOR POVERTY ALLEVIATION Conceptually, and as a corollary to incorporation of tourism as a complex system, it is necessary to integrate tourism development into community development holistically for poverty alleviation. If tourism is used as a tool in isolation from other aspects of village development it will not be able to maximise the linkages necessary to ensure its sustainability. To be sustainable tourism projects must be linked to wider village needs and be constructed through local institutions which have the support of the majority of the community (Sofield & Bhandari 1998). In conceptual terms perhaps the major point to emerge from the lessons of rural village tourism projects in Nepal is that tourism development cannot be pursued in isolation from integrated community development and local institution building: a total approach must be adopted. Without holistic integration there is a risk that tourism development may be viewed as an end in itself instead of as one vehicle to reduce poverty and assist in attitudinal change, especially with reference to the environment and conservation. A tourism project may be utilised as the entry point for social mobilisation within village communities but it must be a systems approach which guides that intervention. Allied to an integrated approach is the need to take great care in engaging the local community in appropriate institution building. There needs to be comprehensive consultations with communities, who must be empowered to set the agenda for their own development. Bottom-up rather than top-down decision-making is to be encouraged. As part of an integrated approach built around tourism development, attention would automatically be able to be given to the issue of high leakages from and weak linkages with the productive sectors of the local economy. For example, an awareness training component would assist local farmers to maximise income generation from increased tourism through the growing of new crops or the sale of better quality produce for import substitution ( import substitution covering not just goods from outside the country, but outside the local region). With an integrated approach attention would also be paid to relating tourism development to alternative technologies and environmental effects and impacts. These might include solar power to replace wood and charcoal for some forms of energy, and pressure cookers to reduce the need for heating energy. Re-afforestation could be part of the same approach resulting in improved resource conservation and consumption. In the context of backward linkages the capacity for tourism to create new economic inter-relationships among and between community members, and with households in the immediate geographical vicinity of participating settlements (activities, ventures and services which are required to support tourism) need to be identified. In the context of forward linkages new mutually beneficial partnerships are essential if village based tourism is to succeed e.g. keying into tour companies at the national level in order to market village destinations and products both domestically and internationally. Without such linkages village based tourism enterprises would remain invisible in the market place and unable to realise their potential. In focusing on the poor, gender inequity, the disadvantaged, the discriminated and oppressed sections of the population (lower classes, lower castes), including indigenous minorities in some countries, communities as a whole would need to receive assistance. Experience suggests that if a project is centred exclusively on a target group within a community, it may raise opposition or even hostility from others within that community who perceive that their interests are threatened or that one segment of the community is receiving favoured treatment and benefits not available to others. There is a risk that the target group and its project may be marginalised (this has been the experience of some women s only projects). It is suggested that without a carefully planned integrated community development approach, tourism development of itself cannot lead to poverty alleviation, environmental regeneration and the empowerment of local communities, which in many developing countries, for example Nepal, are three of the most crucial development concerns. Any assessment of tourism potential must take into account the location of the site in terms of ALL parts of the system, for the presence of a break in the chain could result in an inability to precede no matter how great the scenic or other attraction resource at the local level. A factor that is absolutely critical to the development of pro poor tourism is the role of the community as hosts to tourists, their interactions and relationships. Self-development, education, training and awareness of greater human potential for involvement in tourism development to reduce poverty are an integral component of the host community factor. Assessment of an area or site should also therefore incorporate assessment of Community, its social capital, its ownership of or access to resources (including land, traditional culture, social cohesion, local leadership, entrepreneurial capabilities, and so forth). 11

17 International LINKAGES INTERNATIONAL LINKAGES with national interests and the national economy NATIONAL LINKAGES with District and Regional economy REGIONAL THE COMMUNITY FORWARD LINKAGES LINKAGES WITHIN and BETWEEN community members (local economy) BACKWARD LINKAGES LOCAL LINKAGES with area in immediate vicinity of project community Figure 3: COMMUNITY BASED TOURISM DEVELOPMENT: backward and forward linkages 12

18 BOX 2: HIGH HIMALAYAN VILLAGE TOURISM DEVELOPMENT An assessment of a major UNDP tourism initiative in Nepal found that in villages where lodge owners on Himalayan trekking routes were the only sections of the communities to receive major benefits from tourism assistance projects, a new class was created and major divisions in the villages developed within a short period of time. Inadvertently the UNDP project contributed to a differentiated class structure because increasingly the lodge owners were seen as the haves and the rest of the villagers as the have-nots by the villagers themselves. Improvements rendered to the lodge owners under the UNDP project were visible and tangible. Spin-off benefits to others were less direct and intangible, and there was scepticism that increased tourism and returns for lodge owners would result in growing markets for farm produce and handicrafts from other villagers (backward linkages into other sectors of the village economy). On the other hand, where communities as a whole had received benefits (e.g. every household provided with running water and a hygienic toilet, the whole village paved rather than only those paths where lodges were located), and when a village-wide committee rather than one composed only of lodge owners had been set up, then community harmony was much higher. The major lesson to emerge from these Nepalese rural village pilot projects was that tourism development should not be pursued in isolation from integrated community development and local institution building: a holistic approach must be adopted if discord and socio-economic differentiation within village society was to be avoided. (Sofield & Bhandari 1998) 13

19 Chapter 5 THE NECESSITY FOR AN INTEGRATED INSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK AND EMPOWERMENT Hand in hand with managing the issue of pro poor tourism from a systems approach and holistic community development is the need to construct a multi-faceted institutional framework. This framework should extend vertically and horizontally through the encompassing environment of Society (attitudes) and Government (public policy formulation) which control how (or indeed if) poverty is addressed formally and informally. Vertically it would embrace a range of players and stakeholders commencing from the household level (functional groups), extending to the community level (e.g. village development committees), through the district level to the provincial level and finally to the national level (involving for example Ministries of Local/Regional Development, Ministries of Planning and Development, Ministries of Tourism). The framework would extend laterally to include linkages with line ministries such as Public Works, tourism industry associations such as a Trekking Agencies Association or a Hotels Association (the private sector), to NGOs (the domestic civil sector) INGOs and foreign governments (the international aid donor sector). It would be aimed at building a multiplicity of partnerships and support services all capable of contributing to the alleviation of poverty through tourism. It rests firmly on good governance. Its outcome is empowerment of impoverished communities. Empowerment Empowerment has entered the popular vernacular as a generic term denoting a capacity by individuals or a group to determine their own affairs. However the lack of a clear definition has resulted in a proliferation of usage where different authors define the term in the context of their personal experience or a particular situation. The Concise Oxford Dictionary (Sykes 1987:339) defines empower as: to authorise, license (person to do); give power to, make able, enable, to commission The concept of empowerment currently has much wider application than its original roots in political science. It has been 'discovered' as relevant to all kinds of situations in many disciplines. For example, in education, empowering teachers in the management of schools and universities, and/or empowering students (eg. Apple 1995; Fagan 1989), is seen as relevant to improved quality of staff teaching and student learning. It is regarded as an important concept in sociology and anthropology, where empowerment of minorities and marginalised groups is viewed as a prerequisite for their successful adjustment to the dominant society or their capacity to withstand mainstream values (Hokansen Hawks 1992; Kymlicka 1995; Pettman 1992; Ross 1992). Criminologists, in analysing the generally significantly higher rates of criminal activity by, and jail populations of, disadvantaged ethnic minorities also draw upon empowerment as a solution to part of the problem (e.g. Cuneen 1990, 1992; Hazlehurst 1987, 1993, 1995; Smandych, Lincoln & Wilson 1995). Other areas of minorities studies, such as the women's movement (Minkler & Cox 1980; Wheeler & Chinn 1989), the Black Power movement (Minkler & Cox 1980), gay rights and people with AIDS (Haney 1988; Epstein & Coser 1981), the aged and the disabled (Rose & Black 1985), have adopted empowerment advocacy to counter perceived discrimination and advance their perceived rights. Business management has adopted empowerment in terms of devolution of authority and decision-making from top-level executives to workers on the factory floor (Jones & Davies 1991). The Shangri-la Hotel chain has adopted elements of this form of empowerment in their operational approach to management. 14

20 Figure 4: Vertical and Horizontal Integration Political science views empowerment in terms of a re-assignment of power to a group or community or nation whose power had been alienated by force (e.g. Boldt 1993; Lijphart 1995). This element of a return of power because of prior disempowerment-empowerment is lacking in most other disciplines' consideration of the concept. For them (i.e. other disciplines) the conferring of power or granting of rights to groups that may never have experienced real authority previously (eg. factory workers, hotel staff, patients, pupils, impoverished communities) is seen as empowerment. Simmons & Parsons (1983:199) have a summary definition of empowerment as the process of enabling persons to master their environment and achieve self-determination. They consider that empowerment may occur through individual change, interpersonal or interactional change, or change of social structures, that have an impact on the individual. Onyx and Benton (1995:50) define empowerment as the taking on of power at both the individual and social levels and when it it located within the discourse of community development (it is) connected to concepts of self-help, participation, networking and equity. They consider participation is a vital part of empowerment since such involvement in decision-making affecting peoples' lives opens the door to confidence, self-esteem, knowledge and (the development of) new skills. The question that much of the discussion on empowerment leaves ambiguous is the degree of self-reliance or self-sufficiency necessary for empowerment to have occurred. At one end of the spectrum are those writers who consider that it is essential for self-help to be total, with minimal outside intervention or assistance. At the other end of the spectrum are those who consider that involvement in decision-making is sufficient (e.g. McArdle 1989). An immediate problem with the purist's approach is that often it is those most in need who have the least resources and capacity to help themselves. This has proved the case in many community development programs in Third World countries. There has been a high failure rate of such programs because of the fallacious assumption that communities in poverty had the capability to help themselves once the opportunity was presented to them: external assistance was to be occasional or 'one-off' lest the community become dependent upon that outside source of support (Kotze 1987). There is also the problem that such impoverished communities may lack even the basic knowledge to set an agenda for discussion of appropriate development and in a sense be disempowered prior to any consideration of the issues because of their inability to control the agenda. 15

21 The difficulty with accepting the other extreme view is that except for involvement in decision-making, everything else is left to the experts and the professionals. It can be criticised as tokenism, particularly because it fails to recognise the fundamental proposition that as long as the process is controlled by others who have access to the resources then the process is actually one of disempowerment (Rose & Black 1985). Because empowerment is a process that involves relationships between individuals and/or communities and others, it is a transactional concept nurtured by the effects of collaborative effort (Kieffer 1984). To be effective, empowerment requires more than actions to increase self-esteem, or one's efficacy, or promoting positive behaviour of different kinds: it will normally require environmental change as well (Wallerstein & Bernstein 1988). Put another way, there will be intrinsic and extrinsic connections between those ostensibly being empowered, those 'doing' the empowering, and a range of economic, political and social forces that shape situations (Butterfield 1990). For empowerment to be effective there must be accompanying change in one or others of these areas since empowerment is a multi-dimensional concept (Kieffer 1984). In order for empowerment to succeed as a process of sharing of power, both parties (i.e. the one that empowers and the one that is empowered) must share a common purpose. If indigenous participation by impoverished communities in tourism development is the goal, then it must be a vision shared equally by those who define the parameters of development and the village communities themselves. Mutual goal setting and decision-making will be present. Both parties must exhibit commitment to the process: the party that has power must be willing to devolve authority, provide choices and encourage involvement in decision-making; and the party being empowered must be prepared to assume responsibility and participate in goal-setting and decision-making (Hokansen Hawks 1992). In a case of genuine empowerment the lines distinguishing the 'empowerer' from the empowered will be somewhat blurred because the emphasis will be on achieving the common purpose, not on control over others. The result is one in which the empowered community will have an increased ability to set and reach goals for its own ends. The clear conclusion to be drawn is that if tourism is to be an agent for change with target programs to alleviate poverty then it must become engaged at both the political and social levels to empower impoverished communities. It is contended that empowerment of and by communities cannot occur without social forces at some point in time combining with political forces of the state to arrive at a new balance of power relations. A detailed analysis of five case studies in the South Pacific at the regional, national and community levels revealed that unless legislation was put in place to support improvements to the lot of the poorest segments of populations, any action/gains could be successfully challenged by more powerful interests able to access the legal process: as a result empowerment was ephemeral and illusory: achievements could not be sustained. The role of positive discrimination intervention by governments supported with an appropriate legislative framework is therefore crucial if empowerment and sustainable tourism development is to occur (Sofield 2003). 16

22 Chapter 6 THE ROLE OF THE WORLD TOURISM ORGANIZATION (WTO) AND UNCTAD IN SPONSORING AND PROMOTING ST~EP WTO The concept of a program to link the longstanding WTO pursuit of Sustainable Tourism with the global leadership initiative of Poverty Alleviation emerged in the run-up to the August 2002 World Summit on Sustainable Development (WSSD) in Johannesburg. The WTO Secretary General mandated his Special Advisor, Trade in Tourism Services, to create a broad strategy for WTO, embracing ongoing program work on Sustainability: Trade and Poverty subsequently termed Liberalisation with a Human Face. ST~EP was conceived as a model implementation initiative to capture the spirit and the attention of the Johannesburg Assembly, as well as provide a leadership program for the sector (Lipman, personal correspondence, 2002). A key element was the linking of WTO with the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), the technical agency which specialises in channelling assistance to the Least Developed Countries (LDCs). The partnership with UNCTAD is designed to deliver a tripartite framework consisting of: 1. A Foundation to raise funds from new sources; 2. A Research Network to link sustainable tourism with poverty elimination; and 3. An Operational Mechanism to seed fund model projects (Report to WTO 15 th Global Conference, Beijing, 2003). Figure 5: ST~EP Framework S T E P ST~EP Framework Foundation Fund Building Disbursement Guidelines Awards / Promotion Research Linkages Principles Good Practice Operations Application Monitoring LDC Models ST~EP was launched by WTO with UNCTAD at the Johannesburg World Summit and is a manifestation of the UN Millennium Development Goal to halve extreme poverty by 2015 and also of WTO s Global Code of Ethics. The WTO Global Code of Ethics was developed with the input of members and associates of the WTO. Developed after extensive research and several years of consultation it reflects general declarations of the UN system on society, interdependence, social inclusion and human rights, as well as the mandate given to the World Tourism Organization (WTO) by the UN Commission on Sustainable Development to lead the sector's sustainable development crusade. It sets out broad principles for responsive and responsible development of sustainable tourism (Frangialli 1999). With reference to ST-EP, the ten Articles of the Code of Ethics incorporate 48 clauses which provide an underpinning of the principles to guide the way in which research into ST~EP and operations of sustainable tourism may constitute the access point for alleviating poverty. The ten articles cover the following broad topics: Tourism's contribution to mutual understanding and respect between peoples and societies 17

23 Tourism as a vehicle for individual and collective fulfilment Tourism, a factor of sustainable development Tourism, a user of the cultural heritage of mankind and contributor to its enhancement Tourism, a beneficial activity for host countries and communities Obligations of stakeholders in tourism development Right to tourism Liberty of tourist movements Rights of the workers and entrepreneurs in the tourism industry Implementation of the principles of the Global Code of Ethics for Tourism. ( The ST~EP Foundation is designed to achieve inter alia the following objectives: To support research and tourism projects that meet ethical standards, in accordance with the UN Millennium Development Goals and the WTO Global Code of Ethics and which link sustainable tourism with poverty elimination; To inform public opinion on the importance of sustainable tourism projects in developing countries generally and the world s poorest countries specifically; To analyse sustainable tourism needs and opportunities in countries with developing economies, that might be addressed to accomplish the Foundation s aims; To co-operate with other international organisations working towards similar goals; To publish a Progress Report, to be presented at an annual ST-EP Forum organised by WTO with UNCTAD; and To host an annual Global Leader s Lecture on ST-EP and the Millennium Development Goals, in conjunction with a related Awards Ceremony. During the start up phase, pro bono support is being provided from various sources covering Foundation development, sponsorship approaches and research criteria development. It is anticipated that the Foundation will be formally activated on commitment of an initial funding level of US$2 million which will initiate 10 research projects and 20 model projects as well as adequate funds for start-up implementation (Lipman, personal correspondence, 2003). UN Conference on Trade And Development (UNCTAD) UNCTAD moved into a new phase in support of tourism with the Third United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries held in Las Palmas, Canary Islands, Spain, March 2001, the theme of which was Tourism and Development in the Least Developed Countries. UNCTAD concluded at the conference that tourism had a catalytic impact on the economic development and efficiency of the LDCs (UNCTAD 2001). This conference resulted in UNCTAD seeking a partnership with WTO to pursue its tourism-specific objectives, and the outcome, as delineated above, was the ST~EP initiative launched at the WSSD in Johannesburg. Since 1971, the Least Developed Countries (LDCs) have been officially designated by the United Nations as a category of countries suffering from structural handicaps in their socio-economic development and regarded by the international community as deserving special treatment in support of their efforts to overcome these handicaps. The list of LDCs is reviewed by the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations every three years. In the last triennial review (2000), the criteria used were as follows: A low national income (measured through the gross domestic product per capita, with a $900 ceiling for newly admitted countries); A low level of human capital development (measured through a composite index based on health, nutrition and education indicators); and A high degree of economic vulnerability (measured through a composite index based on indicators of economic instability, insufficient diversification, and the handicap of smallness). After the admission of Senegal as a result of the 2000 review, the category currently includes 49 countries, 34 of which are in Africa, 9 in Asia, 5 in the Pacific, and one in the Caribbean. In chapter 8 of this report we shall examine the situation in the eight LDCs in the South Pacific and East Asia: Kiribati, Samoa, Solomon Islands, Tuvalu and Vanuatu; and Cambodia, the Lao Republic and Myanmar. This focus is not to gainsay that Africa and other parts of the world do not need more research and all the effort which can be mustered to implement ST~EP in those countries: rather it should simply be seen as a modest attempt to broaden the scope of case studies beyond the emphasis thus far on Africa. 18

24 Chapter 7 ACTIVITIES OF OTHER INSTITUTIONS AND AGENCIES IN TOURISM AND POVERTY ALLEVIATION DEVELOPMENT This section reviews the involvement of some major actors currently engaged in PPT/ST~EP. Figure 6: ST~EP Institutions and Agencies Tourism Organisations In addition to WTO, the Pacific Asia Travel Association (PATA) has become active in supporting efforts to utilise tourism for poverty alleviation. PATA is the peak tourism industry association for the Asia Pacific region and following the Johannesburg World Summit on Sustainable Development it enunciated its own policy on sustainable tourism and pledged to assist in the task of poverty alleviation. At the Second Global Summit on Peace through Tourism, Geneva, February 2003, the President of PATA, Peter de Jong, announced its policy which drew on the WTO/UNCTAD formula and the ODI experience. PATA s research into tourism and poverty alleviation identified one area not highlighted by others the importance for poverty alleviation of targeting backpackers, budget travellers and young travellers. These segments should be targeted, PATA argues, because of their particular travel characteristics: their propensity, as adventure travellers, to pioneer new areas their documented substantial spending in locally-owned outlets there is thus less economic leakage total spend is often more than other segments because they stay longer they are content with basic infrastructure and modest creature comforts so large capital expenditure on facilities and infrastructure is not necessary their expenditure contributes to development of regions where there may be few if any other possibilities of economic activity; they prepare the way for two and three-star hotels there is a significant percentage of repeat visitations in these segments, especially young travellers (de Jong 2003). The PATA report also stressed that tourism should be regarded by development agencies as an ally in alleviating poverty because of its potential to contribute to: education land reform provision of health services information technology access to credit and empowerment of women (de Jong 2003). 19

25 United Nations Agencies Multilateral agencies such as the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and the UN International Labour Organisation (ILO) have been active in policy and planning for tourism in a range of countries, and underwriting tourism training to enhance social capital. Utilising tourism development to reduce poverty has not been on their agendas until very recently, but in 1999 the UN Commission on Sustainable Development urged governments to: maximise the potential of tourism for eradicating poverty by developing appropriate strategies in co-operation with all major groups, indigenous and local communities. ST~EP is designed to do this, putting poor people and poverty at the centre of the sustainability debate. In 2000 the UNDP became a pioneer in PPT/ST~EP with a major project in Nepal termed Tourism for Rural Poverty Alleviation Programme (TRPAP), designed by Sofield et al. (1999). This is a fiveyear, US$5 million project aimed specifically at a range of target communities occupying the lower socio-economic levels and castes in Nepal, involving 5 districts with 14 micro ventures. It is however too early as yet to assess the impacts arising from this initiative. However, work in Nepal on ST~EP development assistance suggested that a national program for poverty alleviation through tourism would need three inter-related objectives: 1. The first is to develop an appropriate institutional framework at different levels to sustain the program in both the short term and the long term. In this context Ashley et al. (2001) also stress the need for a governmental role to underpin any strategy because of the disempowerment of the poor and the fact that by definition they are out of the loop in decision making: only governments have the capacity to bring them into the process in the long term. The Nepal Government s Ninth Development Plan provided his framework with its entire thrust focused on alleviating poverty. 2. The second is rural community tourism development activities which address the socio-economic concerns of the poor, the emphasis being as much on the social and cultural as the economic. 3. The third would be to initiate, improve and/or strengthen backward and forward linkages of tourism activities and ventures. While the thrust of the exercise would be the second objective, it could only be achieved on the back of the first objective (Sofield & Bhandari 1998; Sofield, Gurung, Hummel, Dhamala & Shrestha 1999). UN Environment Programme (UNEP) World Ecotourism Summit In the framework of the UN International Year of Ecotourism, 2002, under the aegis of the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) and the World Tourism Organization (WTO), over one thousand participants from 132 countries, from the public, private and non-governmental sectors met at the World Ecotourism Summit, Québec, between 19 and 22 May The Québec Summit represented the culmination of 18 preparatory meetings held in 2001 and 2002, involving over 3,000 representatives from national and local governments including the tourism, environment and other administrations, private ecotourism businesses and their trade associations, non-governmental organisations, academic institutions and consultants, intergovernmental organisations, and indigenous and local communities. Its main purpose was the setting of an agenda and a set of recommendations for the development of ecotourism activities in the context of sustainable development, to be pursued through the World Summit on Sustainable Development (WSSD) held in Johannesburg, August/September 2002, as the ground-setting event for international policy in the next 10 years. The Quebec Communique emphasised that, as a leading industry, the sustainability of tourism should be a priority at WSSD due to its potential contribution to poverty alleviation and environmental protection in endangered ecosystems. It recognised that many such areas (endangered ecosystems) are home to peoples often living in poverty, who frequently lack adequate health care, education facilities, communications systems, and other infrastructure required for genuine development opportunity, and that ecotourism if managed in a sustainable manner can represent a valuable economic opportunity for local and indigenous populations and their cultures and contribute significantly to their well-being. The Quebec Communiqué appealed to inter-governmental organisations, international financial institutions and development assistance agencies to assist in the implementation of national and local policy and planning guidelines and evaluation frameworks for ecotourism and its relationships with biodiversity conservation, socio-economic development, respect of human rights, poverty alleviation, nature conservation and other objectives of sustainable development. (Quebec Communique 2002:5). Government Development Assistance Agencies Overseas Development Institute, UK As noted, the ODI has been involved in researching and understanding ways in which tourism can be applied as a tool for poverty alleviation for the past five years, with a view to incorporating what it has termed Pro Poor Tourism into its overseas aid programs, particularly in the poorer countries of Africa (see Appendix I, case studies). Netherlands The Dutch aid agency, SNV, is one of the few agencies in addition to ODI to place ST~EP on its agenda and it has been undertaking projects in tourism for poorer communities for the past five years in countries as varied as Albania, Laos 20

26 and Nepal. SNV was appointed by the UNDP as the Project Director for its five-year pro poor tourism program in Nepal (Tourism for Rural Alleviation of Poverty Programme, ). SNV recognises that reducing poverty through tourism development asks for gender equitable, pro-active and strategic interventions to support poorer people to participate and benefit from tourism development and to distribute tourism income or revenues to more people in remoter districts outside capital cities and urban concentrations. Its focus is on strengthening the capacity of key national organisations (good governance) supported by interventions in districts and destinations which emphasise: social mobilisation of poor people into community-based organisations (CBOs); support for small and micro enterprise development; and support for policy implementation and district planning through partnerships (mainly at meso and macro level), including improved access to potential tourist destination, resource management and alternative energy. (J. Hummell, SNV project coordinator, Nepal and Laos, personal correspondence, June 2002) New Zealand, Canada and the Nordic States New Zealand is active in ecotourism community-based ventures in the South Pacific island countries, but conservation rather than poverty alleviation has been the major focus of its interventions. A number of other countries such as Canada and the Nordic states (Denmark in particular) have also delivered some assistance for tourism development in Third World countries, but such expenditure has been a minor component of their aid programs and has not been specifically directed towards poverty alleviation. Germany Germany s government development assistance agency, GTZ, has recently indicated that while tourism is not currently a priority issue in German development co-operation activities, it could be a meaningful development policy option especially where regional rural development and nature conservation are concerned, and acknowledges that the development potential of tourism has been unsatisfactorily exploited. International Financial Institutions The key global and regional financial institutions responsible for development assistance such as the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank have moved recently to include ST~EP in their investment and assistance portfolios. Asian Development Bank In April 2002 the Asian Development Bank (ADB) signalled a major shift in its funding policies for tourism development, away from international tourism planning workshops and marketing events to reposition its assistance to tourism as a poverty-alleviator rather than just a job-creator or foreign exchange earner (Muqbil 2002, p.1). At the seventh Greater Mekong Sub-Region Tourism Forum held in Bangkok, Arjun Thapan, ADB Director, Social Sectors Section, Mekong Department, noted that the ADB, as Asia's leading development institution, had redirected its strategies to the eradication of poverty in the world's most populous continent, partly as a response to the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks in the United States. In this context ADB assistance for pro poor tourism would favour pro-poor policies that led to genuine social, cultural and environmental benefits. The Bank had become much more wary of past policies that may have inadvertently set tourism off on an anti-poor course via unguided development, poor planning, environmental destruction and the inevitable decline of destinations. In future the bank will focus on expanding business and job opportunities for the poor; retention of benefits at the local level; integration of tourism into local development plans and appropriate benefit sharing systems; development of conservation ethics and promotion of local products; ensuring sustainable development; infrastructure, capacity building and training; and participation and empowerment (Muqbil 2002:1). In the ADB funded a Strategic Environmental Analysis of the current Fiji Tourism Development Plan as a joint exercise between WWF and the ADB. One of the outcomes was the recommendation that further tourism development focus on enhancing the distribution of the economic benefits to the outer regions/outer islands with a focus on poverty alleviation. Also in May 2003, the ADB released its policy document on Technical Assistance For NGO Partnerships For Poverty Reduction (ADB 2003). Financed by its Poverty Reduction Cooperation Fund with an initial allocation of US$0.5 million, this initiative is designed to implement the Bank s 1998 policy on cooperation between ADB and NGOs to integrate NGO experience, knowledge, and expertise into the Bank s operations so that ADB-supported activities could more effectively address poverty alleviation issues. From June to November 2002, ADB s NGO Centre conducted a series of 14 participatory workshops throughout the Asia and Pacific region that involved about 500 representatives from the ADB s major stakeholders: governments, NGOs, the private sector, and ADB resident mission and headquarters staff. The consultation process culminated in a one- week write shop that produced a report entitled ADB-Government-NGO Cooperation: A Framework for Action , and which laid the base for the May

27 report cited above. Regional and rural development was identified as a key area for assistance and community-based tourism project proposals from eligible NGOs may be considered for funding. The World Bank The World Bank also announced a major re-orientation of its policies to encompass poverty alleviation. In its World Development Report (2001) it identified its move from the old framework which pursued labour-intensive economic growth and the broad provision of social services to a new framework for action entitled Attacking Poverty. The WB noted that poverty and its causes were multidimensional and required a multi-dimensional response. Its new framework has three pillars opportunity; empowerment; and security. These are not ranked in any particular order, are all different but inter-related, each is important, and together they constitute a single integrated poverty reduction strategy (World Bank 2001). Opportunity is characterised by: Implementing market reforms for growth, where design sequencing should take into account the institutional context and poverty effects even if reforms do not contribute to a systematic decrease in inequality; Making markets (and sectors) work for poor people, particularly at the micro level by simplifying licensing and tax systems and reducing minimum capital requirements for thrift institutions and rural banks; and by Expanding poor people s assets and tackling structural inequalities, using the redistributive power of the state through expenditures, developing synergies across sectors, engaging multiple agents in the process - the public sector, the private sector and communities, and introducing market-based land reforms and land titling (World Bank 2001). The application of these policies to tourism, and to PPT in particular, are obvious. Empowerment, the second pillar, is characterised by: Making Institutions work for poor people, with inter alia public actions focused on social priorities, legal systems that promote legal equity and are accessible to poor people, the curbing of corruption, bureaucratic obstruction and bureaucratic harassment, and promotion of decentralisation with broad participation by the poorer sections of a population; and by Building Social Capital and removing social barriers through support for membership-based organisations and cooperatives, and reducing discriminatory norms and practices (World Bank 2001). Security, the third pillar, acknowledges that poorer sections of a population will suffer disproportionately in times of natural disasters, and political and economic crises. World Bank assistance is therefore predicated on preventive action and better management of such disasters and crises to mitigate the impacts on the poor (World Bank 2001). The World Bank strategy proposes a series of global actions to promote all three pillars: market-opening by developed countries; promotion of global financial stability; financing of international public good; facilitating participation of poor countries and poor people in global forums; and increased aid and debt relief targeted at poverty reduction (World Bank 2001). ST~EP fits squarely into this over-arching strategy. International/Non-Governmental Organisations (I/NGOs) While there are many I/NGO s active in various forms of tourism development in developing countries, and some make a contribution to poverty reduction, their main focus tends to be on conservation of natural resources, biodiversity, or environmental issues, e.g. Nepal s Annapurna Conservation Area Programme (Adikhari & Lama 1966), Tanzania s Ngorongoro Ma asai Land Use Project, and Samoa s ecotourism program. They have not attempted to measure poverty and apply the reduction of poverty to the tourism activities of their programmes. There is a weather change under way, however, because last year the World Ecotourism Summit (Quebec, June 2002) recognised that tourism has significant potential to contribute to poverty alleviation. As noted above, its Communiqué acknowledged the World Summit on Sustainable Development (WSSD) in Johannesburg as the ground-setting event for international policy on sustainability in the next 10 years and recommended that tourism as a tool for poverty alleviation be a priority topic for discussion. The International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED), a UK-based INGO, prepared a policy paper for the Johannesburg WSSD in association with ODI in which it argued that in all Pro Poor Tourism approaches there are a number of stakeholders needed at various levels and to varying degrees depending on the individual project needs. In order to tilt the cake to the poor these stakeholders need to take on various roles in Pro Poor Tourism 22

28 initiatives at the micro, meso, and macro levels. Government, the private sector, non-governmental organisations, community organisations and the poor themselves all have critical and very different roles to play in PPT. There is much that only governments can do, so a leading role for government in PPT is a great advantage. At a minimum, there needs to be a public policy environment that facilitates PPT. Donor governments, through their aid agencies role in supporting tourism plans and the sustainable tourism agenda, can also promote PPT. The private sector can be directly involved in pro-poor partnerships. At a minimum, private operators should participate in product and market development to ensure commercial realism. The poor themselves are critical to PPT, but they often also need to be organised at the community level in order to engage effectively in tourism. It is often invaluable to have a fourth party to act as a catalyst and support PPT efforts of others this is often, though not always, a role for a non-governmental organisation. Early experience shows that PPT strategies do appear able to tilt the industry, at the margin, to expand opportunities for the poor and have potentially wide application across the industry. Poverty reduction through PPT can therefore be significant at a local or district level. National impacts would require a shift across the sector, and would vary with location and the relative size of tourism (Roe & Urqhuart 2002). 23

29 Chapter 8 LEAST DEVELOPED COUNTRIES (LDCs) IN EAST ASIA AND THE SOUTH PACIFIC It is appropriate in the context of ST~EP to focus on the role of tourism in the eight LDCs which are located among the countries of East Asia and the Pacific. In terms of the importance of international tourism for the economies of LDCs although only 0.5 percent of the world s exports of services originate from LDCs, international services are an important part of their economies. In 1998, services accounted for 20 percent of the total exports of goods and services of the LDCs. However, in 13 of the 49 LDCs, services export receipts exceeded merchandise export receipts and in all but three of those, the share of tourism services exports in total foreign exchange earnings was more than twice the percentage of merchandise exports. The share of the LDCs in the world s exports of international tourism services was 0.6 percent in 1988 (with 2.4 million international tourist arrivals) and 0.8 percent in 1998 (5.1 million). Throughout the 1990s, tourist flows toward the LDCs increased more rapidly than tourist inflows to the rest of the world. This growth was particularly strong in seven countries (Cambodia, Mali, Lao People's Democratic Republic, Myanmar, Samoa, Uganda, Tanzania), which hosted over 1.2 million visitors in 1998, in comparison with 0.4 million in During the 1990s, tourism growth was much slower in several LDCs, while a decrease was observed in a number of countries that suffered socio-political and economic instability (UNCTAD 2001). The growth of international tourism receipts in LDCs was significant during the 1990s: total receipts more than doubled between 1992 and 1998 (from $1 billion to $2.2 billion). Particularly strong over the decade was the growth in international tourists expenditure in Cambodia, Tanzania, Myanmar, Bangladesh, Samoa, Uganda and Haiti. In 1998, tourism was among the five leading export sectors of goods or services in nearly two thirds of the LDCs (31 out of 49); it was among the three top export industries in 22 LDCs; and it was the largest source of foreign exchange earnings in seven of them (UNCTAD 2001). The LDCs face a number of constraints affecting the development of their tourism sectors. These include: Vulnerability to natural external shocks (Solomon Islands suffered from 14 earthquakes and 5 cyclones between ; Vanuatu had 14 earthquakes and 11 cyclones in the same period). Vulnerability to non-natural external shocks of a political or economic nature which may disadvantage the tourism sector the 1991 Gulf War, the Asian economic melt-down, the September 11 (2001) terrorist attacks on New York; the Bali bombings, the invasion of Iraq 2002; the SARS epidemic Structural handicaps that hinder tourism development. The LDCs are not only influenced by geographical constraints and external shocks beyond their control, they also incur structural handicaps that are closely associated with their general situation of under-development. Most of these handicaps could be overcome or reduced through the implementation of appropriate policies. The main structural handicaps affecting tourism development in the LDCs relate to weaknesses in physical infrastructure (transport, accommodation); communications infrastructure; human resources; and in density and quality of intersectoral linkages Island-ness, smallness and remoteness may adversely affect tourism development (as in the case of Tuvalu and Kiribati). Transport costs may be a real deterrent. But in other instances these factors may serve to enhance the appeal of a destination in terms of its romance and exclusivity. Weaknesses related to the policy environment. Coherent domestic policies are key determinants of an enabling environment for the tourism sector. Their absence or inadequacies severely affect the performance of tourism operations in most LDCs. Therefore, the internal policy environment is equally as important as factor endowment (UNCTAD 2001). 24

30 Chapter 9 TOURISM IN THE SOUTH PACIFIC The micro-nations of the Pacific region are notable for their cultural, physical, and political diversity. However, their remoteness from global markets, narrow economic and natural resource bases, and vulnerability to natural disasters constitute a daunting challenge in maintaining positive development paths in a dynamic global environment. Pacific island economies tend to be characterised by a large and inefficient public sector, contrasting sharply with a weak and under-developed private sector. In many countries the majority of the population still derive their livelihood primarily from the informal sector. High population growth coupled with sub-standard infrastructure means that many governments face difficulty in providing adequate levels of services to their people, with health and education systems often stretched beyond capacity. More broadly, key positions across the public and private sectors suffer from severe shortages of trained personnel. Capacity constraints in key governance institutions, particularly those dealing with law and order issues, may also contribute to political instability (AusAID 2003). The Status and Role of Tourism From a very small beginning tourism has, over the past three decades, become the single largest generator of foreign exchange for seven South Pacific countries. They are the Cook Islands, Fiji (before the attempted coup in 2000 tourism annual receipts were more than twice those of sugar, and have very quickly regained that level), Niue, Micronesia (FSM), Palau, Samoa, Tonga, and Vanuatu. Tourism is very important in the micro economies of Kiribati and Tuvalu despite the miniscule number of annual visitors (less than 4000 p.a. to Kiribati and about 1000 p.a. to Tuvalu). It was of lesser importance in Solomon Islands and visitation has virtually ceased following the destabilisation of government in that country in 1999 following the inter-island conflict between Guadalcanal and Malaita. In PNG perceptions of endemic inter-tribal conflict and associated dangers for visitors have meant that its enormous potential for tourism development has never been realised. Nauru has never attempted to develop any tourism, although for more than twenty-five years until its virtual demise five years ago Air Nauru played a major role in providing air services for tourism between many of its island neighbours. For dependent entities such as French Polynesia, American Samoa, Guam and the Marianas tourism has been their major industry for several decades, and in New Caledonia it has ranked second only to nickel. In terms of the five LDCS in the South Pacific, for Vanuatu the tourism and international business services industries now account for more than half of the entire export economy. The number of international visitors increased substantially over the 1990s, after a period of instability in the performance of its tourism sector (UNCTAD 2001). In Tuvalu, where international services now largely dominate the economy, tourism has remained the primary foreignexchange earner, even though the performance of this sector has remained static over the last decade and a half, at an annual rate of 1,000 international visitors per year (UNCTAD 2001). In Samoa, the tourism sector has overtaken the coconut products industry as the main source of income. In 1998, the tourism sector accounted for almost half of the total foreign exchange earnings. As a result of the steady growth observed in tourism services and in international business services, the service export receipts of Samoa are now more than three times greater than its merchandise export earnings (UNCTAD 2001). In Kiribati, where the contribution of tourism to the export economy has always remained under 10 percent, it stood at only 6 percent in The structural handicaps of extreme smallness and remoteness are the overriding factors explaining the stagnation of tourism performance (3,000 visitors in 1985; 4,000 in 1998) and the modest ranking of the sector among sources of foreign-exchange earnings. That copra exports were three times greater than tourism services exports in 1998 (nearly four times in 1985) (UNCTAD 2001), is a clear indication that modern economic activities can find severe obstacles in overtaking the traditional economy when faced with insuperable structural disadvantages of islandness (van Trease 1993). In the Solomon Islands, where political instability crippled the tourism sector in 2000, the performance of the sector demonstrated little growth (with a gain of only 4,000 visitors per year) between 1985 and The country, however, possesses cultural and environmental assets that are conducive to stimulating tourism development and could in theory achieve a tourism performance equal to that of Vanuatu. Prior to 2000, Solomon Islands tourism accounted for only 3 percent of total exports (UNCTAD 2001). Despite the over-riding importance of tourism to the island economies it has attracted very little development assistance from aid donors. On the other hand hundreds of millions of dollars have been expended over the past thirty years by aid donors in attempts to develop other sectors, especially agriculture, which has been in constant decline. When the value of major crops such as copra (all Island countries), palm oil (PNG and Solomon Islands), sugar (Fiji), coffee (PNG and Vanuatu), cocoa (PNG, Solomon Islands, Samoa), vanilla (Tonga), bananas (Tonga), squash (Tonga), oranges (Cook Islands, Fiji), and passionfruit (Niue) is contrasted with tourism receipts for the period 1970 to 2000, in 25

31 every case the value of these primary products in real terms has declined and the only sector to demonstrate a continuous upward trend has been tourism (Sofield 2003). In some instances, despite injections of millions of dollars, production has ceased completely. For example, Samoa and Solomon Islands have ceased cocoa production despite millions of aid dollars. The Cook Islands and Fiji have ceased orange growing other than for the local markets. Passionfruit ceased in Niue in the early 1980s. Banana production for export ceased in Tonga in the late 1970s, tomatoes soon after, and copra oil in the mid-1980s. Cattle projects in Fiji and Solomon Islands funded by Australia failed to be sustainable. Even fisheries, which would seem to have particular relevance and potential given the known tuna resources of the region, has experienced mixed success in terms of donor assistance. FAO provided Solomon Islands with a fleet of ten pole-and-line tuna boats in the 1970s, which ceased operations more than 12 years ago. The donor-funded tuna fishing industries in Fiji and Kiribati are floundering. The Forum Fisheries Agency, funded largely by aid donors since 1978 when it was established per a decision of the Niue South Pacific Forum summit meeting, has had little success in developing Island tuna industries, although it has been successful in monitoring and exacting fees from Distant Water Fishing Nations such as USA and Japan. It is of interest that with the exception of the European Community, which provided more than US$12 million to establish and then provide project funding for the Tourism Council of the South Pacific between 1986 to 2001, (TCSP Annual Reports) aid donors have mainly ignored the most vibrant sector and indeed the only really successful sector, tourism - in their development assistance programs. It could be argued that this is reason enough for aid donors to focus on other sectors: but to do so ignores the imbalance of benefits from such tourism development which in some of the recipient countries has a high percentage of foreign investor interests with often limited benefits for local communities. Much more could be undertaken for the benefit of indigenous communities. In the past five years New Zealand has provided approximately AUD$1.5 million for small ecotourism projects, although the project documentation indicates that environmental conservation rather than tourism per se has been the major motivational factor in the provision of such assistance. Australia has funded a national tourism development plan for regional Tonga ( ) for $3 million, but again the emphasis has not been on poverty reduction but rather national development planning per se. Constraints regarding tourism and development assistance In some ways tourism has been the forgotten sector of development assistance. A number of reasons may be deduced for the reluctance of aid donors to direct development assistance to the only really successful sector in some of the South Pacific countries. While the following reasons have been listed numerically they are not in any particular order of priority. The first is that tourism is a relatively new sector in most developing countries and has no embedded history of receiving assistance, unlike for example, agriculture, education and health. While the Tourism Council of the South Pacific (whose title was changed to South Pacific Tourism Organization in 2001) received significant support from the European Community only eight of the countries were eligible for such assistance. Much of this support was limited to marketing rather than development per se although several projects were undertaken (In 1981 a meeting was held between the European Community and former colonies of its members (the so-called ACP Group, or African- Caribbean-Pacific countries) in Lome to discuss development needs. The Pacific group (Fiji, Kiribati, Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, Tonga, Tuvalu, Vanuatu and Western Samoa), accepted a European Community suggestion that financial assistance be made available for regional tourism under the Lome II Trade Facility. This limited funding to ACP member states so other Forum Island countries such as Cook Islands, Federated States of Micronesia, Niue, Marshall Islands, Nauru, and Palau were unable to access such assistance (Arndell 1989:83). A second reason is that without a long history behind it tourism education has lagged far behind other disciplines so that many countries lack trained tourism-specific expertise able to assess, analyse or evaluate the merits of tourism as a sector for development assistance. A 1994 study of Cook Islands by the Asia Productivity Organization, for example, found that there were more than 300 experts in the Ministry of Agriculture overseeing in that year NZ$120,000 worth of primary exports, while the Cook Islands Tourist Bureau struggled with just ten staff (only two with a degree, in economics) to oversee a tourism industry which brought in NZ$55 million in that year (APO 1994). The Cook Islands displayed great capacity to design and submit agricultural projects for donor assistance, but the overworked tourism staff simply had no time for project submissions although arguably their need was substantial. By the same token many development agencies lack in-house expertise in tourism so that from both ends of the equation (i.e. donor/recipient) it is not uncommon for tourism to be overlooked. The Cook Islands situation typifies the imbalance in allocation of resources to tourism compared to other sectors and the time lag and bureaucratic inertia evident in many countries concerning re-allocation of resources to meet new needs when national development planning is considered. A third reason is that in most countries (Australia included) tourism has grown exponentially and so not only is there an imbalance in resources devoted to this sector vis-à-vis other sectors but in many cases its actual contribution to national development and its economic weight is under-estimated. Only in 1999 did Australia introduce satellite accounting and for the first time the Australian Bureau of Statistics was able to place a definitive value on tourism 26

32 activities - AUD$69 billion for f.y.1998 with international tourism contributing $17 billion of the total (ABS 1999). A fourth reason is that tourism as commonly understood (i.e. consisting only of front line operations such as resorts, hotels, attractions, tour companies, travel agents, theme parks, airlines, etc) is regarded as the province of the private sector and that development assistance is: inappropriate and not required in any case, the argument being that if there is a dollar to be made the private sector would have done it; if not then obviously it is unviable and cannot therefore be justified as a recipient for donor aid. In the context of the widely-held perception that tourism as a private sector area is inappropriate for receiving donor assistance it is of interest that the same reservations have not applied to other private sector areas such as sugar, cocoa, coffee, cattle, airlines, shipping services, fisheries, etc, all of which have received very significant injections of development assistance in the South Pacific. This is why it is considered vital that tourism be approached as a system rather than a narrowly-defined economic sector. As Sinclair, Blake and Sugiyato (2003:30) note, tourism is best regarded not as an industry but as a composite product, a collection of numerous interrelated industries and markets. Its real capacity for contributions to national development and community welfare and as a tool for poverty alleviation can only be fully understood when the broader approach is taken, encompassing a range of activities not readily associated with tourism. A fifth reason is that tourism in the region has attracted a hostile press from many academics and other commentators for a number of years. Jafari (1990) labelled these writings as the cautionary platform with attacks launched against tourism in terms of environmental impacts, adverse socio-cultural effects, high leakage factors in many developing countries, foreign ownership exploitative of local interests, etc. This anti-tourism voice has been as vociferous in the South Pacific as it has been in the Caribbean and in parts of Asia and Australia. Most of these studies have looked at tourism in isolation however and have not compared it with other sectors such as agriculture, mining or manufacturing in the same terms. Some forms of tourism have indeed been less than beneficial: and they have generated serious adverse impacts. But such impacts are of course relative. To provide but one example, all tourism plant in Solomon Islands (prior to the outbreak of internecine warfare in 1999) occupied less than 100 hectares with far less environmental impact than just one Australian agricultural aid project, Kolombangara Cattle Under Trees. That project resulted in the clear-felling of 5000 acres of rainforest, major pollution of 55 streams, and the resultant pollution of more than 20 kilometres of coastline and degradation of coral reefs, before it was terminated after ten years and $6 million as a failure/disaster. The well-documented environmental degradation caused by the Ok Tedi gold mine in PNG is another case in point, with donors providing millions of dollars to allow the PNG Government to become a major shareholder in the venture. The point is that in some instances tourism can be more benign environmentally, culturally and socially than other alternative forms of development, and also make a greater contribution economically to national, regional or community welfare (Cooper 2003; Faulkner 2003; Gunn 2002; Hall 1999; Poon 1989; etc). The need is to put polemics aside and undertake rigorous research to determine where the balance of advantage lies. The introduction of a tourism studies program at the University of the South Pacific in the past five years has tempered some of this criticism and led to sounder research-based findings. A sixth reason is that because tourism in the minds of many is linked with a hedonistic lifestyle and frivolous activities, historically it has not always been not regarded as real development and suggestions that it could be an appropriate tool for economic development, especially for poor rural communities, has been given scant regard (Crocombe & Rajotte 1980). Despite evidence of the economic contributions which tourism has made and continues to make to many economies, including South Pacific island economies, there remains a negative perception in some quarters which can militate against it being given a priority in terms of development assistance by both donors and recipients alike. Its potential to make even greater contributions can therefore be neutralised by disapproving attitudes among some key decision makers. In Tonga, for example, by royal decree Sunday is a day of worship and rest and virtually all forms of commerce are banned; the frivolity of tourism is regarded as inappropriate. Resorts, hotels and guest houses on the main island of Nuku alofa provide a bare minimum of service with no active entertainment. Flights in and out of the country are forbidden. No tours operate with the exception of a ferry to Sunset Island resort; beach bathing and barbecues are banned. This policy affects the entire economy and all commercial activity of course, but Sunday observance effectively reduces Tonga s tourism industry to six days a week. These conservative attitudes found expression in early discussions of the South Pacific Forum and its Secretariat. Although tourism was written into the Secretariat s functions (with trade, transport and economic development) in the very first Communique issued by the Forum countries in 1971 (South Pacific Forum, 1971), it was not until 15 years later that government leaders agreed to establish a regional tourism development program (Tuvalu Forum Communique, 1984). The reasons for this lengthy delay are complex but a key factor was an initial reluctance by Island prime ministers and presidents to accept tourism as an appropriate sector for development. The first four Forum summits ( ) all record doubts about tourism expressed by Island leaders such as Ratu Mara (then Prime Minister of Fiji), Sir Albert Henry (then Premier of the Cook Islands) and Tupua Tamasese Lealofi (then Prime Minister of Samoa) - despite the fact that these same leaders all supported tourism when they approved the charter of the Bureau for Economic Cooperation at the fourth Forum summit meeting held in Apia, Samoa in April Subsequently as other islands became independent, they added their voices of caution e.g. the prime ministers of Solomon Islands (Sir 27

33 Peter Kenilorea, 1979), and Vanuatu (Father Walter Lini, 1981), both of them ordained Anglican priests (Piddington, 1986). General Rabuka with the support of the Methodist Church imposed a Tonga-like Sunday observance on Fiji for the first two years after his coup in 1987; and again in 2000 the Methodist Church attempted to assert such control when a disaffected national, George Speight, held the country s parliamentarians hostage for almost two months. In the past decade as economic realities have asserted their dominance and the generation of foreign exchange and employment by tourism have become apparent, such opposition to tourism has dissipated to a significant extent; all of the Island countries now have tourism development plans. But the legacy of anti-tourism sentiment lingers in segments of most Island country populations. It is a factor which needs to be taken into account in considering development assistance to this sector and underlines the fundamental importance of engaging in broad government and community consultations. Issues of Contention With reference to the South Pacific this anti-tourism sentiment has been expressed in terms of tourism providing only low-paid itinerant employment, degrading and debasing Islanders by reducing them to servants for insensitive, hedonistic playboys/girls, is highly seasonable, is responsible for de-agriculturisation (a version of the rural/urban drift, with resorts replacing the city as the magnet), is largely foreign-owned with high leakage, is highly centralised holding back regional development and destroys traditional values and cultures (Baines 1987; Britton 1987; Crocombe 1987; Clarke 1987; Rajotte 1982; Prasad 1987). All of these claims have been challenged and a brief overview of the contrary evidence is presented here. Traditional values and culture Regarding traditional values and culture, tourism has been an agent of change for only forty years, in contrast to the missionary influence (150 years); modernisation ever since the arrival of colonial forces in the region also about 150 years ago and the accompanying monetisation of the economy; modern education which removed generations of islanders from their traditional forms of training and apprenticeships in such areas as canoe building, house construction, artefacts making, and so forth; and the communications and information technology revolution which has exposed even remote villages to global trends and issues (Briguglio et al. 1996; Hall & Page 1997). The socio-cultural impact of tourism by contrast with these other agents of change has been minimal. In the other direction, tourism has been responsible for the revival of some traditions and customs, e.g. fire walking in Fiji which was banned by missionaries in the 1850s but re-emerged in the 1960s in response to cruise ship visits to Suva ( Stymeist 1996); the Penetecost land divers (ghol) of Vanuatu (de Burlo 1995; Jolly 1994), and the re-emergence of traditional forms of dancing and singing in Samoa, Tonga and Cook Islands which had also been banned by missionaries. In terms of seasonality, a review of the annual reports of the development banks and/or central planning agencies of the Island countries reveals that the one sector to demonstrate steady growth throughout the last thirty years has been tourism, and that agricultural products have been subjected to the vagaries of seasons to a much greater extent. While tourism registers seasonal fluctuations, it retains the capacity to continue generating a cash flow throughout the year. Unlike crops, tourism can maintain income earnings in off-peak periods by specific marketing strategies such as discounted fares and reduced-price accommodation packages. Generally tourism is not affected by drought and indeed the high sunshine hours in the western islands of Fiji which have less than 10 of rain per year are favoured destinations that have attracted the bulk of tourism investment. Some tourism employment may be seasonal, but so is agriculture (and tuna fishing), a point that is often overlooked when tourism is being criticised. While tourism's seasonality may be a disadvantage in terms of a continuing cash income, it is not necessarily so for those who can return to their home villages during the off-season and help in local rural activities including farming and fishing (Tisdell, Aislabie & Stanton 1988). In the South Pacific countries this pattern of a return to the village is a general one for seasonal employment, and is not confined to the tourism industry. Historically, it is difficult to penetrate new markets for agricultural exports. But in the case of tourism, a downturn in the economy of a major source market which might affect tourist inflows, such as recession in Australia, may be countered with a promotional campaign in a new market such as the USA which will mitigate the economic impact quickly and effectively. The agricultural sector does not have the capacity/flexibility to recover either from natural disasters or difficulties with source markets in the same way as tourism. Natural disaster capabilities A case in point is the different capabilities of the two sectors to withstand cyclones. Crops will be wiped out for a year. But the effect on tourism is generally only a few weeks. This is because of the adoption of Australian and New Zealand building codes in most of the Island countries, so that resorts and other tourist facilities can now withstand all but the most destructive cyclones (Favell 1986). News of a cyclone affecting Vanuatu, Fiji or Samoa may act as a short term depressant on visitor numbers (4-6 weeks) while repairs are made; and then arrivals increase again. Fiji has seen its sugar harvests decimated seven times in the last thirty years and its annual production reduced by half on another four 28

34 occasions because of cyclones. Tree crops (coconuts, oil palms) uprooted by a cyclone take six-to-seven years for new plantings to grow and come into production. Copra production in the Solomons, Vanuatu, Fiji, Samoa and Tonga has been disrupted for several years at a time following the devastation of cyclones, Samoa losing virtually all agricultural production for two years following Cyclone Ofa in 1990 for example. Tonga suffered a drought-induced decline of 2% of GDP in 1997/98 because of agricultural failures. Tourism receipts during the same periods recorded significant increases. The record of steady tourism growth in the South Pacific, when contrasted with agricultural production and weather-induced risk factors, forcefully negates the notion that tourism is so seasonal as to be a high risk sector to be avoided. The tourism sector is more resilient than many other sectors and often better able to undertake sound disaster management (Drabek 1995; Faulkner 2001). The case of sugar in Fiji is particularly interesting. This is a commercial crop grown mainly by Indo-Fijians on land leased from the Fijian mataqali (land owning clans) and yet it has attracted more than AUD$30 million in direct and indirect development assistance from a range of aid donors over the thirty year period In the years , tourism outperformed sugar in terms of foreign exchange earnings for 23 years, receipts from the former achieving more than twice those of sugar between 1983 to (the year of Rambuka s two coups) was an exception as visitation dropped from 284,000 in 1986 to only 160,000; but by 1988 the figure had climbed to more than 300,000 and it had again achieved earnings more than twice those of sugar. The attempted coup by Speight in 2000 affected sugar exports almost as much as tourism since India successfully sought to have Fiji excluded from the Commonwealth Sugar Agreement. Leakage Because of narrow economies with few support industries early tourism development in the South Pacific, especially resort tourism, featured high leakage factors (Dwyer 1988). This still remains the case in come countries and for some five star properties However as tourism growth has created demand for new products some of the island countries have been able to respond and backward linkages into the local economy have increased substantially. Fiji illustrates a case of how leakage from tourism has decreased markedly in the past 20 years. Initially, in the 1970s tourism in Fiji had a high leakage factor as few of the goods and services required by the forms of tourism development (mainly expatriate owned and managed resort tourism, supplemented by small boat cruise tourism and scuba dive operations) were available in Fiji. For every dollar earned an estimated 70 cents was expended on imports. By contrast for sugar the leakage factor was estimated at the time at about 49c in the dollar (Sawailau 1989). By 2000 however the situation had changed significantly. Local industries were producing furniture, fabrics, cement and other materials and equipment. A thriving market garden sector had developed in the Sigatoka Valley and around Nadi resulting in import substitution. Beer and soft drinks were being manufactured locally. Fibre glass boats were being made locally. Even production of such exotic products as quail for up-market resorts had been developed locally. A survey of ten resorts in 1994 indicated that the leakage factor had been reduced to an estimated 55 cents in the dollar (Sofield 1998). At the same time a number of new indigenously owned small operators had entered the market in Fiji and their leakage factor was even less: usually below 20 cents in the dollar (Sawailau, personal correspondence, 1994). A study by Milne (1988) of small locally owned guest houses in Niue revealed a leakage factor of only 10 cents in the dollar. Sugar production demonstrated a reverse process. By 2000 many of Fiji s sugar farms had modernised; tractors, trucks and narrow gauge trains had replaced bullocks as the major form of power/transport. The vehicles, associated machinery and spare parts had to be imported and increased fuel also had to be imported. In addition, a decrease in soil fertility due to cropping the same lands for more than 100 years reached critical levels, which requires the importation of fertilisers on a continuing basis. Fiji s refineries were also modernised and it was estimated that the leakage factor for sugar was more than 60 cents in the dollar (National Planning Office, personal correspondence, 2000). Decentralisation Rural-urban drift has been a constant factor in the economic and social development of all Pacific Island countries since colonial regimes replaced the decentralised village-based societies with a centralised administration (Douglas 1996). The consequent changes in demographic patterns were historically present well before the advent of tourism on any scale. Tourism has not played a major role in speeding up this shift, contrary to the view of Rajotte (1982) and others, since the capitals of the South Pacific states are not dominated by tourism activity. There are many other economic and social elements exerting much greater pull in attracting increasing numbers to the urban centres of the South Pacific than tourism (Hall & Page 1997). The capitals do of course serve as obvious locations for the business tourist (only a small percentage of the total number of arrivals for most countries - less than 10%), for international airport entry and customs services, for communications services, for travel agency services and for related activities such as tour operators. They also serve as the fulcrum for policy formulation and implementation, of which strategies for tourism will be but one facet. Backward linkages may be significant. But to the extent that many resorts and community-based facilities and attractions in the South Pacific are located outside the capitals, then tourism has made a positive contribution to decentralisation. 29

35 A case in point is the proliferation of resorts in the Mamanuca Islands chain west of Nadi in Fiji. In 1995 there were 11 island resorts employing more than 1,500 people directly, whose activities provided additional indirect employment and income for another 500 families, and which were largely responsible for maintaining a population of more than 6,000 on the islands. When the resorts of the Coral Coast and Pacific Harbour, Viti Levu, (12), of Denarau, south-west of Nadi (3), of Savu Savu, Vanua Levu and Taveuni (eight) and eastern island resorts (5) were added to the Mamanucas for a total of 39 with 3,014 rooms, and contrasted with the number of hotels and apartments in the Suva/Nausori area (14 with 493 rooms), it could be deduced that in fact tourism had made a significant contribution to decentralisation in Fiji. Even when Nadi (160 km by road from Suva, and location of the international airport) with its 10 hotels and guest houses totalling 595 rooms was combined with Suva for urban tourism plant, the ratio of urban to rural/off-shore islands was still 3:1 (Fiji Hotels Association 1995). However it could be argued that since Nadi's development as an urban centre was tourism-dependent (its growth was predicated on the services which grew incrementally out of its site as the country's international airport) then in fact it is more aptly classified as regional and its figures should not be included with those of Suva. In all South Pacific countries, and in many of the east Asian countries tourism has been a major force for decentralisation with many ventures and activities located in regional and rural areas. None of these arguments should be interpreted as a case against investment in and development assistance to agriculture. After all the majority of the populations of the South Pacific and east Asia are rural farmers/fishermen, many of them existing at subsistence levels. The point is rather that millions of dollars have been expended on a declining sector in every country in the South Pacific, with projects aimed at the export sector rather more than food security, while the most dynamic sector, tourism, has been largely ignored. The allocation of some of the development assistance expended on agricultural projects aimed at the export market for the generation of foreign exchange (vide cocoa in Samoa, coffee in PNG, forestry in Solomon Islands, copra in Tonga, etc) towards tourism may have made more effective contributions to national, regional and community development. Tourism development can share with agriculture a focus on village/community participation, regional development, and a similar capacity to deliver regional and rural infrastructure (roads, power, communications, access to health services, etc). It is tourism which has resulted in the development of the Mamanuca Islands chain in Fiji and the ferry services which link the indigenous villages there; and it is tourism which has justified airports with jumbo jet capabilities in many South Pacific Island Countries. 30

36 Chapter 10 TOURISM IN EAST ASIA The economies of East Asia demonstrate significant variation. Maintaining economic growth and a secure environment conducive to development and poverty reduction will remain a challenge for many East Asian countries in the next five years. Lower growth is likely in Indonesia and the Philippines than in Vietnam and China, and the outbreak of Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome (SARS) impacted adversely on some economies. East Asian countries will need to maintain the openness to global trade and investment that saw dramatic growth in the 1980s and early 1990s, and commit to improving their governance. Most national economies in the region appear more robust now than in 1997, (the year of the so-called Asian melt-down ) but continued reform is essential to weather high levels of risk, attract investment and achieve long-term and sustainable growth. While many regional countries have achieved continuous current account surpluses and improved their foreign reserves since the 1997 financial crisis, public debt levels remain high and, in South-East Asia, private investment remains weak. Corporate and financial sector reform and strengthening law and justice systems will be needed to foster private sector development and investment (AusAID 2003). The Status and Role of Tourism In Asia, especially in the South East Asian countries including Vietnam and Cambodia, tourism is positioned as one of their top five income generating activities. In 2000 (the most recent year for which WTO statistics are available), China received more than 31 million international visitors, Malaysia more than 10 million, and Thailand 9+ million. A number of these countries have received tourism project assistance although in most cases to date the emphasis has been on protected area management, the development of natural and cultural heritage sites, and national planning. Significant funds have also been provided for marketing, but as noted in the summary of the ADB and WB policies on tourism, they are now diverting such assistance in an effort to find a focus on poverty reduction through appropriate tourism. Arrivals for all Asian destinations were showing an increase until September 11, 2001 when as part of the global downturn in tourism their visitor numbers also registered decreases. Arrivals in 2002 remained at a depressed level and just as they began to trend upwards the 12 October 2002 Bali bombing again reduced international demand for travel within the East Asia region. The latter has had a devastating impact on Bali s tourism industry and Indonesia in general. In early 2003 the SARS virus, combined with the war in Iraq, compounded the situation and international tourism suffered one of its most significant declines in recent years (WTO 2003). Domestic tourism increased as people deferred international travel, although in the case of Asian destinations (China excepted) this increase has no capacity to equal revenue generated from international travel and of course has not contributed to foreign exchange earnings. However, tourism has demonstrated resilience to such shocks before and it is anticipated that once the effects of these events diminish numbers will again increase (Drabek 1995; Faulkner 2002). The various externalities are examples of chaos/complexity theory at work in the context not just of tourism but other industries and national economies, where steady-state equilibrium and stability are invariably of a temporary nature and the dynamics of change constantly introduce new phases in the evolution of tourism (Russell & Faulkner 2003). The effect of the pent-up demand syndrome resulting from deferred international travel will likely sharpen the recovery when it occurs: new coherent configurations of supply and demand will emerge in response to changing conditions (Prideaux 2003). East Asian countries all have a focus on poverty alleviation in terms of national development plans, and in recent years they have begun to focus on the potential of tourism to assist in meeting national objectives in this regard. Indonesia has emphasised the role of tourism particularly since its oil production began to decline. Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos have embarked on new tourism development plans to assist rural and regional communities and Thailand s long-standing tourism development program has traditionally involved a commitment to rural development and poverty reduction. The Greater Mekong Sub Region tourism development plan which involves all four countries has poverty reduction as a key goal. Malaysia has a similar tourism development plan emphasising rural tourism and poverty reduction. Political instability and insurgency troubles in the Philippines have limited that country s attempts to harness tourism as effectively as it would wish and its commitment to tourism planning has tended to be inconsistent. Myanmar has attempted to use tourism to legitimise its military regime but despite this politicisation some efforts have advanced rural tourism and the welfare of rural communities. 31

37 Table 1: East Asia Visitor Statistics, [Source: WTO, Annual Report, 2001] East Asia WTO member countries China Hong Kong Indonesia Japan Korea Macau Malaysia Philippines Singapore Taiwan Thailand Vietnam Non WTO countries Brunei Cambodia Lao Republic Myanmar EAST ASIA VISITOR STATISTICS 2000 (000s) 31,299 13,059 5,064 4,757 5,322 6,688 10,272 2,171 6,258 2,624 9,580 2,150 0,984 0,466 0,720 0, % difference 15.50% 15.30% 7.10% 7.20% 14.20% 32.40% 28.90% -8.20% 10.50% 8.80% 10.70% 14.20% China is perhaps the success story globally in terms of utilising tourism for its national development. It listed tourism as one of its four pillars of economic development five years ago and has directed major resources to the sector. It has actively sought external assistance and a range of aid donors are currently involved in major provincial level tourism planning and implementation exercises. Canada has provided funding and experts for tourism planning for five provinces (Wall 2003, personal correspondence). The WTO has coordinated tourism planning for six provinces. The Dutch Government is funding a five-year programme in Yunnan Province which has impoverished rural communities and ecotourism as one of its key objectives (the joint Sino-Dutch Forest Conservation and Community Development Program ). Experts from Australia s CRC for Sutainable Tourism have been engaged as consultants to work on tourism development, ecotourism and poverty reduction projects in the Provinces of Guangdong, Guilin, Hubei, Sha anxi, Sichuan, Outer Mongolia, Tibet and Yunnan, with funding from a range of sources. East Asia s LDCs In terms of the performance of the tourism sector in the three east Asian LDCs, Lao People's Democratic Republic has experienced rapid progress in tourism activities. The number of international visitor arrivals had grown to 260,000 in 1998, from 30,000 in 1992, thereby making tourism the second largest sector of the export economy accounting for 20 percent of total exports in 1998 (UNCTAD 2001). Cambodia enjoyed a three-fold increase in its tourism activities during the waning years of the 1990s. The number of international visitor arrivals grew from 88,000 in 1992 to 220,000 in In 1998, only the timber-related industry (sawn timber and logs), accounting for 43 percent of the export economy, exceeded the tourism sector, which represented almost 10 percent of the total export economy (UNCTAD 2001). In Myanmar, a relatively diversified economy has been developing in spite (or as a result) of the political isolation of the country. In this context, tourism has remained the fourth largest export sector of the economy, still much smaller than the dominant primary and processing industries. However, very strong growth was observed in tourism performance during the 1990s. The number of tourist arrivals multiplied by seven, from 26,000 in 1988 to 194,000 in 32

38 1998. Like Cambodia and the Lao People's Democratic Republic (with comparable cultural assets as a basis for relevant specialisation), Myanmar is rising to become one of the most valued tourist destinations in Asia. Moreover, it has the capacity to make the tourism industry a source of increased prosperity for the benefit of its impoverished people (UNCTAD 2001). The Lao Republic provides an example of a case study involving New Zealand development assistance to the tourism sector. The primary tourist attractions of Laos are natural and cultural heritage. It is home to 47 distinct ethnic groups with a rich variety of traditional built heritage and living cultures. 12% of the land mass is protected in nature reserves. Both the natural and cultural heritage provides significant resources for sustainable community-based ecotourism involving the disadvantaged minorities. The tourism industry is presently one of the few opportunities for Laos to earn significant foreign exchange. UNESCO coordinated a broad range of ecotourism initiatives in the Luang Namtha region of Northwest Laos (part of Laos s 3 rd largest protected area, 222,400 ha) with the Tourism Authority of the Lao PDR as the implementing agency. The Programme attracted a wide range of donors and NGO project funding, including Japan, New Zealand, European Union, Netherlands, US-based NGO s, a US outdoor leadership training school, and Germany. It included: A participatory approach incorporating input from local communities, authorities, and guides for the eight villages (population 2000) in the scheme; A permit system for park entry; Three trekking programs, and a boat trip program; Ethnic minority village home-stays in simple purpose-built traditional lodging; Developing related income generating activities such as handicrafts; Capacity building by training local villagers as eco-guides, in tourism management, interpretation and impact monitoring of resources; Sourcing all goods and services locally; and Integrating tourism as a tool for rural development. (UNESCO 2002) Nam Ha Ecotourism Project, Luang Namtha The Nam Ha Ecotourism Project is a NZODA funded ecotourism project that is focused on conservation. The Nam Ha Ecotourism project earned a UN Award for achievement in Sustainable Development and Poverty Alleviation (Robson Online). The objective of the project was to promote an ecologically sustainable ecotourism project for Laos. The implementing agency is the Laos National Tourism Authority (Schipani & Morris 2002). In 16 months this ecotourism initiative received 2,000 tourists from 38 countries, who went on treks and boat trips. Tourists have mainly been backpackers with an average spend of US$9 per day and an average length of stay for 4 days. According to Schipani and Morris (2002) the benefits of the project include a growing conservation ethos among authorities, local villagers, and local guides. The income received from the ecotourism initiatives is being spent on essential medicines, rice, clothing and household items. All revenue is retained in Luang Namtha. The gross revenue from October 2000 to February 2002 was US$34,400. This amounts to forty percent of all village income in the participating villages for this project during this 16 month period (8 villages, population of 2000). Currently NZODA has provided a Grant to UNESCO for NZ$200,000 to manage the project. NZODA has provided grants totally NZ$838,000 (Robson Online). Figure 7: Main Reasons for Visiting Luang Namtha 70 Ethnic Minorities Nature Culture New Destination Handicrafts 0 Luang Namtha Main Reasons for Visiting (%) (Schipani & Morris 2002) Other Food 33

39 Figure 8: Distribution of Nam Ha Ecoguide Service Gross Revenues The Nam Ha Ecotourism Project, Lao Republic, highlights: Local support for conservation. Tourism products supplying 40% of participating villages income. All goods, services, and staff are sourced locally. Rural tourism development and diversification of rural income generation. Monies received in income are being spent on essential medicines, rice, and clothing. The project is making a significant contribution to poverty reduction although its primary purpose is conservation-oriented. The informal sector is a very important part of tourism throughout East Asia and a study by ODI into Bai Chay in Vietnam demonstrates the way in which it can provide opportunities for women especially. BOX 3: BAI CHAY, HA LONG BAY, VIETNAM Bai Chay, Ha Long Bay, Vietnam provides an example suitable for a detailed case study. According to a recent DFID pilot study about twelve local families run private lodges or small hotels, and restaurants. However, local involvement in tourism spreads far beyond this, to an estimated 70 80% of the Bai Chay population. In addition to those with jobs in the hotels and restaurants, local women share the running of a number of noodle stalls, many women and children are ambulant vendors, and anyone with a boat or motorbike hires them out to tourists. However, the informal sector is often neglected by planners. The Bai Chay project highlights: the importance of the informal sector for income generation and poverty alleviation, especially through - the participation of women. (ODI, 2002) 34

40 China Jiuzhaigou Biosphere Reserve, Sichuan Province, China, also provides a graphic example of how tourism can assist in poverty alleviation. The reserve gained World Heritage Site listing in 1991 because of its outstanding biodiversity and landforms. Its central features are mountain ranges descending from the Tibetan Himalayas and enclosing two high valleys with a series of 108 calciferous lakes and waterfalls which together with the high alpine forests constitute the habitat for endangered species including inter alia the giant panda, the lion monkey and possibly the snow leopard. Its biodiversity (both flora and fauna) is high. There were originally nine Tibetan villages inside the reserve boundaries ( Jiuzhaigou means nine stockaded villages valley) which date back 1200 years, but currently only six remain. They have a population of 200 families totalling about 1,100 people, and before tourism became an approved form of economic development in China in 1984 they were subsistence herders. A fieldtrip to the Reserve in 2001 (De Lacy, Bauer and Sofield) indicated that visitation to the reserve had increased from 100,000 ten years ago to more than 800,000 in 2000 to 1.1 million last year (Zhang, Jiuzhaigou Management, personal correspondence 2002). Of these about 70,000 were overseas visitors, the remaining 1+ million being Chinese domestic tourists. One of the benefits is that the previously impoverished Tibetan communities residing inside the reserve boundaries have, through access to income generated by this level of visitation, set up a cooperative to purchase a fleet of 207 large and 21 mini green buses (gas powered replacing diesel and petrol fuelled vehicles). These are the only means of transport allowed inside the park so the communities have established a virtual monopoly. Each bus has a Tibetan driver and carries its own Tibetan guide, most of them women. Funds for the Green bus cooperative were provided as a loan from the Government-owned China Development Bank. The Government has also regulated to prevent any form of outside tourist accommodation, refreshment stall or souvenir shop other than Tibetan lodges, home-stays and outlets in the Tibetan villages, thus ensuring additional income-generating opportunities are available to the minority communities. Visitor entrance fees generate more than USD$15 million p.a. of which an estimated US$0.5 million flows through to the Tibetan communities directly, who are employed in the reserve management and with the bus company. In addition the provision of sewage systems for the villages to preserve the environment of the park and other infrastructure development (sealed roads, power) constitute indirect flows with direct non-financial benefits. The Tibetan minority has reaped significant benefits and poverty has been virtually eliminated from the Tibetan villages inside the Reserve. The reserve has recently been successfully certified as an international Green Globe destination which ensures it exhibits best practice in environmental and social sustainability. The Jiuzhaigou Biosphere Reserve, China, case study highlights: The role of government in providing supporting policy and planning structures, especially regulations banning all non-tibetan villager accommodation inside the Park; and all transport other than green buses. 35

41 Chapter 11 GOVERNANCE, TOURISM AND POVERTY ALLEVIATION In considering the contribution that tourism can make to poverty alleviation, there are many areas which require a greater research effort in order to understand how best such interventions and contributions could be made. These areas include (but are not restricted to): Sustainable Resource Management: promoting sustainable approaches to the management of the environment, including rural development, and the use of scarce natural resources. Globalisation: assisting developing countries to access and maximise the benefits from trade and new information technologies Human Capital: supporting stability and government legitimacy through improved basic services like health, education, and water and sanitation services Security: strengthening regional security by enhancing partner governments' capacity to prevent conflict, enhance stability and manage trans-boundary challenges It is in the area of Governance however where the tourism industry could build a major partnership with governments, as recognised by the WTO ST~EP initiative. Good governance is the fundamental building block for development because it cuts across all parts of the development agenda and all aspects of private sector and aid investment. Effective governance ensures that sound fiscal, monetary and trade policies are instituted to create an environment for private sector development. A dynamic private sector creates jobs and incomes, generates wealth and ensures resources are used efficiently. ST~EP is designed with the flexibility to operate equally comfortably within government development programs, aid donor assistance programs, and private sector investment. Governance and the South Pacific In this South Pacific there are three key issues related to good governance which need to be confronted when considering the case for utilising tourism and development assistance as a tool for alleviating poverty. They are questions of: Land tenure; Law and order; and Legislative obstacles to indigenous participation in tourism. Issues of Land Tenure in the South Pacific Entire books and many theses have been written about land tenure issues in the South Pacific (Britton & Clarke 1987; Cole 1993; Curry 2000; Hall & Page 1997; Larmour, Crocombe & Taungenga 1981; Routledge 1985; ad infinitum) and it is not the intention to critique that voluminous record in any detail here. Rather, those elements which impinge most directly on tourism are identified and summarised. The island countries of the South Pacific have similar legislation relating to land tenure with some localised variations. There are three main types of land tenure: i) customary ownership; ii) alienated land (often Government urban lands and former foreign-owned plantations) much of which is now leasehold land; and iii) freehold land. Customary land is controlled by land-owning units such as clans, with members of the unit having usufructuary rights. This land cannot be bought or sold: in effect it is held in perpetual trust by the present land-owners for future generations. Alienated land is land for which compensation had been paid, boundaries surveyed and title registered, usually as freehold land, prior to independence. After independence most alienated land (e.g. in Vanuatu, Solomon Islands and Fiji), reverted to a maximum 75 year lease, with customary ownership to be determined at some time in the future. In Samoa it was only 25 years. Leases may be bought and sold by citizens and to approve foreign investors. In Fiji about 7% of the land remains as freehold, some under foreign ownership (e.g. Wakaya Island, site of the most exclusive resort in Fiji) and in the other countries urban land inside town boundaries may be bought by and sold in the same way. The Governments have ultimate control over urban lands. Fiji s land leasing system for foreign investment provides a model which, with appropriate modifications, could usefully be adopted by other South Pacific governments. Fiji has to a large extent avoided clashes between Fijians over land ownership because it registered customary land ownership through the mataqali (clans), detailed the boundaries of land and sea territories as long ago as the 1930s, and established the Native Lands Trust Board to regulate the leasing of native lands for any commercial venture under legislation (Larmour, Crocombe & Taungenga 1981; Routledge 1985). While not perfect this legislation protects the rights of the indigenous owners and simultaneously provides guarantees for investors (Ward 1982; Routledge 1985). Appendix IV provides details of the lease agreement between Fiji s largest resort, the foreign-owned Mana Island Resort, and the landowning mataqali, the success of the 36

42 resort having generated more than F$8 million for the clan since its inception in 1972, completely eliminating poverty in the land-owning community. This case study also indicates that the oft-criticised foreign investor in resort tourism may in fact make a substantial and direct contribution to poverty alleviation provided a partnership with local communities overseen by government is negotiated. By contrast enclave tourism under foreign ownership (or local elite ownership) which excludes and marginalises local communities, as evidenced in some countries, must rely upon the trickle-down effect rather than delivering benefits directly for any influence on poverty levels. It is of interest that in both the World Bank and Asian Development Bank strategies, the role of private sector/local community partnerships is emphasised. Ashley et al (2001) in their review of case studies of PPT in South Africa also emphasise the importance of harnessing the private sector to work with poor communities. They note that ensuring commercial viability must be a priority which will require attention to product quality, marketing, investment in business skills, and inclusion of the private sector (our italics) in PPT ventures to improve prospects of successful intervention. Knowledge of the operational networks of national and international tourism, especially in terms of marketing and accessing global reservations systems and transport systems, are essential for success and obviously communities will in most cases have no knowledge of, or expertise in, these areas. Only governments can provide the legal and regulatory framework necessary for leasehold private sector partnerships to work successfully. The lack of a leasing system like that operating in Fiji - or deficiencies in existing systems, particularly in Melanesian countries - has created major obstacles for tourism development. The (spectacular) failure of Anuha Island Resort in Solomon Islands in 1986 and the inability of that country to attract any significant foreign investment in tourism subsequently was due largely to the absence of a leasehold framework which could ensure equity for both the customary landowners and the investor (note however, that the outbreak of civil unrest in 1999 brought all investment to a complete halt). In the case of Anuha, the traditional landowners were effectively disenfranchised, marginalised and finally barred from access to their own island when the foreign investors took out a court injunction in an attempt to prevent disruption of their resort operations. In retaliation the traditional owners invaded the island on three occasions, dug up the airstrip, held management and tourists hostage on two occasions while they demanded redress for their complaints (inadequate compensation, dismissal of all landowners from employment, low lease payments, destruction of rainforest and a semi-sacred site). They finally burnt the resort and it no longer exists (Sofield 1996). Where the Fiji leasing system empowers the traditional landowners, the Solomon Islands legislation effectively disempowered the Anuha community. Melanesian customary land tenure is also a source of significant endogenous conflict because in many instances there are competing claims to land ownership (Iowa 1989). PNG has more than 700 different tribes (linguistic units) composed of more than 3000 clans with perhaps 150,000 autonomous villages owing allegiance to no other entity. Solomon Islands has more than 90 tribes, over 400 clans and about 2000 autonomous communities. Vanuatu has more than seventy tribes, over 300 clans, and about 1,500 autonomous villages. The potential for intra-clan and intertribal rivalry and conflict is therefore considerable. The possibility of development in an area (not only in terms of tourism) will invariably result in a spate of claims and counter claims as different tribes or even clans within tribes vie for the perceived benefits which will flow from the proposed development. When the resort was planned for Anuha Island in the Solomons, counter claims of ownership by various indigenous interests took two and a half years to proceed through the courts: most investors cannot afford to wait out such a lengthy period of inaction (Butler & Hinch 1996). In Melanesian communities where there are many socially-sanctioned levellers to prevent one individual or clan getting too far ahead of others, intra-clan and inter-clan rivalry may also create major problems for tourism. Ranck (1987) in his case study of autonomous village guest houses in Tufi, Papua New Guinea, catalogued the tensions which tourism development engendered in the area between competing guest house owners. Similarly, Iowa's 1989 study of guest house development in Buna, Papua New Guinea, outlined inter-clan and inter-generational tension which threatened a small community-based resort in Oro Province when rival clans in the same village established competing guest houses. In a not-untypical Melanesian response the men in a Mendi Highlands village burnt a guest house run by their women because they considered its success had made the women difficult to control (Iowa 1989). The major cause of the recent inter-island tribal conflict in the Solomons which has crippled its tourism sector arose from Malaitan settlement and expansion over a fifty year period on Guadalcanal customary tribal lands alienated for expatriate owned plantations (Curry 2000). Throughout the Melanesian Pacific there have been isolated incidents directed against tourism development or tourists by customary owners attempting to assert or re-assert control over their traditional lands which have been alienated (i.e. prior to independence land for which compensation was paid, and the land surveyed and registered, usually for plantations). In Port Vila, Vanuatu, in 1981 (the year after independence) a clash between traditional values and commercial tourism resulted in indigenes stoning tourists snorkelling and diving on their reef which a tour operator (expatriate) had been using for years. Compensation (rent) was demanded as they reasserted their traditional rights suppressed under colonial rule. The conflict was economic not racial (Baines 1987:19). In Solomon Islands and PNG there are numerous recorded instances of traditional land owners blocking access to resorts (often by the simple expedient of cutting down a coconut tree and blocking the road) in attempt to assert their claims for 37

43 ownership/compensation/participation in benefits from tourism. The Polynesian countries (Samoa, Tonga, Cook Islands, Tuvalu, Niue) tend not have the same problem because they are ethnically similar, do not have tribal fragmentation, and their hierarchical chiefly system exercises established authority over their traditional land tenure system. Kiribati as a Micronesian society also does not have the same fragmentation as Melanesia and has thus avoided major disputes of land ownership. Nauru is also a Micronesian society whose land tenure system was codified and registered very systematically when it was a German colony, and the exploitation of its phosphate resources has proceeded smoothly in terms of whose land was being mined at any point in time over the past 100 years. In the context of good governance, consultations with Island Governments on perceived impediments to tourism development arising from land tenure issues with a view to formulating more workable policies would seem to be a useful intervention. However it is an emotive issue and a mind-set accepting of a long process rather than a swift outcome is absolutely fundamental. Law and Order Tourism invariably suffers when there are perceptions of law and order issues and the security of visitors may be at risk. The coups in Fiji in 1987 and the takeover of the Fijian Parliament and the holding of its parliamentarians hostage for more than 50 days in 2000 vividly demonstrated this with Fiji s tourist arrivals plummeting. Visitor safety and security remains a major issue in Papua New Guinea, the Southern Philippines, and Solomon Islands despite concerted attempts by Governments to redress the situation. However, there are various ways in which visitor security can be addressed ranging from tourism police to the flow of benefits into the communities in the area. It is suggested that tourism can have positive impacts on security once the context is identified and addressed. Using Nepal as an example, it seems more than coincidental that after several years of fierce battles between Maoists and Nepal authorities, costing more than 3000 lives, not one tourist has been harmed, not one lodge or hotel burnt down. Maoists have recognised that tourism is Nepal s major contributor to poor people, and many of the rebels have family members benefiting from tourism (Bauer et al. 2002). The opposite is the case in Bali and the Southern Philippines where tourists have been specifically targeted by terrorists and insurgents. However another lesson from Nepal and Fiji, when looking at areas like Papua New Guinea and the Solomon Islands, is that the developers of tourism ventures are advised for security reasons alone to have a firm village (or regional) community base and support (generally based on a flow of benefits). The observations of Filer and Sekhrans (1998), endorsed by CRC for Sustainable Tourism studies (e.g. Sakulas et al. 2001), suggest that there needs to be a network for tourism services, linkages and demand-supply infrastructure which if not present may lead to anti-tourism reaction (Bauer et al. 2002). Daugherty provides an example of the security/flow of benefits nexus from Fiji see Box 4. The challenge for ST~EP in PNG, the Solomon Islands, southern Philippines and other places where there may be law and order issues will be the development of linkages between the public and private sectors with the tourism industry actively fostering community benefits. 38

44 BOX 4: CORRELATION BETWEEN FLOW OF BENEFITS AND SECURITY TO TOURISM OPERATIONS The need for the establishment of a flow of benefits network can be highlighted in the South Pacific, based on experiences in adventure tourism in Fiji. The adventure tours are multi-day (camping based) sea kayaking tours in the Yasawa Islands of Fiji. Where communities have received benefits from the venture there have been few or no security threats to tours. On the other hand, where villagers perceive that there are no benefits for them, instances of petty theft have occurred. With reference to the latter, landfalls were made without payment or other benefits to the locals, one a lunch stop on a remote beach and another for one night remote beach camping on the other side of the island from the villages. Due to recurring petty theft problems from villagers on the two islands over several years, the tour operator was forced to cancel this itinerary for a tenday sea kayaking tour to that particular part of the Yasawas. By contrast, the village of Navotua (2 night village stay on all tours) receives on average $7,500 per year from the sea kayaking operator from camping fees, mekes (Fijian dancing and singing displays), boat charter services, sale of handicrafts, and the purchase of local produce and seafood by the operator. The village has also gained access to transport to the regional centre of Lautoka, and basic health care (i.e. first aid treatment) through the operator; and an education fund was set up for tour members wanting to contribute monies to the village. One of the village members is employed as a local sea kayaking guide, making AUD$50 per day which is then spread among his extended family ($12.50/day FJD is average, though there is scarce employment in the outer islands). With this flow of benefits to the village no theft has ever occurred in the village of Navotua. Tavewa Island residents and villages around the Blue Lagoon rely heavily on tourism and receive a considerable flow of benefits. Villages and individuals in the area who do receive benefits from the sea kayaking tours understand the monetary value of tourists and the kayaking venture has experienced no problem on any tours in these other areas of the Yasawa Islands. In fact, all of the equipment ($100,000 worth) is kept partially unlocked year round on Tavewa Island in the Yasawas (two islands north to recurring petty theft region) and no theft has ever occurred. Security threats to tours, specifically petty theft, correspond to no flow of benefits to villages. If a flow of benefits were established into these communities by the sea kayaking tour operator, then the possibility of petty theft happening would be decreased. (S. Daugherty, ) Legislative Impediments to Indigenous Tourism Ventures The South Pacific provides another example where good governance extends to the need for more appropriate legislation to facilitate indigenous participation in tourism development. Most of the governments have policies designed to achieve this end. However, they also have enshrined in their legislation building codes and standards imported from Australia for cyclone resistance standards and New Zealand for seismic resistance standards. Only buildings designed to comply with the Code and submitted by a registered architect or engineer can be approved. To meet those standards the design must incorporate materials (steel, reinforcing rods, metal bolts, plates, etc) not available locally. Similarly, the construction methods will be foreign to village house builders and in any case registered engineers, plumbers and electricians must be utilised. Without compliance with the Code, a certificate of habitation cannot be gained; hence nor can a business license, nor Third party insurance, and so forth, be obtained. The costs of even a simple building which meets the standards will thus be beyond the financial and technical means of most village communities. When the Tourism Council of the South Pacific built a pilot project of six fales (huts) in Samoa in 1996 the final costs came to US$1 million. They were based on the Bali design principle, that is externally they looked like a traditional dwelling but in fact local materials were placed over the structure and disguised the fact that they had to be made out of concrete, steel, etc. A similar pilot project in the Solomons was costed by the TCSP at more than US$200,000 (and never built). In Fiji a small prefabricated building which meets its building Code has been provided in the last two years to some communities in the western Yasawa Islands group at a cost of F$20,000 each, without any equipment, plumbing or electrical fixtures, a modest sum but beyond the means of the village communities. Other legislative requirements (fire safety, public food preparation, health and hygiene, sanitation, insurance for pubic liability, etc) also cannot be met by traditional buildings. The greater the degree of sophistication or internationalisation of a village-located dwelling, the less capacity there is for participation by traditional landowners, and the less the product is able to satisfy market demand for an authentic village experience. Increasingly, alternative tourism which provides an experiential and educational holiday based on authentic traditional lifestyles, is in global 39

45 terms capturing an ever growing market. But the situation in most of the South Pacific countries militates against such a product being legally developed where their legislation inadvertently acts as a major impediment to local community participation in small scale tourism ventures, in contradiction of their tourism development policies (Appendix V). In some of the Asian countries however, home stay tourism in traditional dwellings is a strong feature of their tourism product with significant international appeal. The trekking lodges throughout Nepal and Thailand, for example, are mainly traditionally constructed buildings. The Indonesian archipelago has many similar examples. But the NZODA-financed Koroyanitu ecotourism project in Fiji included a small 12-bed eco-lodge which had to comply with the Fijian building code and cost more than NZ$100,000. Engaging Governments A solution may be found by emphasising the necessity for positive support from the public sector, working in partnership with communities. The need would be to engage the state and political processes at different levels if community participation and empowerment are to contribute to sustainable tourism development that can help alleviate poverty. To succeed, amendments to existing legislation and regulations would seem to be required which would permit an indigenous tourism project to proceed despite non-compliance with the technical and other standards included in the body of the legislation. Home stay tourism in traditional dwellings for example might be exempted from the normal legislative requirements. It is therefore suggested that an appropriate form of assistance under governance programs would be a detailed study of the legislation affecting traditional construction in the South Pacific (Public Works Act, building codes and standards, health and hygiene, compliance with preparation of food in public places, fire safety standards, etc). This review would be aimed at determining how appropriate amendments might be made to legislative provisions which effectively prevent local communities from constructing tourism plant from traditional dwellings. In association with this, in the context of support for the private sector and poverty alleviation, consideration could be given to support for making credit more accessible to entrepreneurs - particularly the very poor. By providing small amounts of credit to the poor, the majority of whom are women, they can escape poverty through their own efforts and thus enjoy a fuller and more dignified life (AusAID 2003). Engaging the Private Sector Consideration could also be given to emulating the efforts of the ODI s PPT program to engage government, the private sector and I/NGOs in ways to facilitate tourism development to assist poor communities. The ODI experience with two recent projects indicated the need for government to take the lead - the Sustainable Tourism Initiative involving government, business and NGOs concerned with outbound tourism from the UK, and a South African programme: Pro-Poor Tourism: Pilots in Southern Africa (Ashley & Roe 2003). They emphasised the importance of policy in that tangible incentives and less tangible government expectations can strongly influence companies commitment to propoor partnerships. Thus partnerships are easier to establish where government support or leadership is visible (Ashley & Roe 2003:12). These two projects emphasised the fact that different stakeholders had different agendas, different priorities and spoke a different language, and these differences needed to be articulated for partnerships to evolve. For example, governments are driven by national interests that are very different from the profit motive that is the driver for business, while NGOs will tend to be philanthropical and pursue ideals. Even basic language usage will differ: Ashley and Roe found that when government development agencies and NGOs spoke of capacity building it had nothing to do with the tourism sector s understanding of the phrase to mean increasing access, airport runway, frequencies of flights and numbers of beds. Their experience indicated that business was often wary of NGOs, more used to thinking in terms of cash, jobs, or minimising harm, rather than enhancing a range of livelihood impacts: mapping out the links and synergies between core business practice and interests of the poor was a good way to ensure a range of livelihood issues were addressed, and also the full range of business operations. Ashley & Roe concluded that Simply getting communication going between the business and development worlds can be eye opening and useful for both sides (2003:13). 40

46 Chapter 12 THE ENVIRONMENT, TOURISM AND POVERTY ALLEVIATION The WTO has for some years recognised links between environment and poverty, and the role that environmental sustainability will play in truly long-lasting poverty reduction; its ST~EP initiative is constructed on this premise. Appropriate forms of sustainable tourism can address environmental causes of poverty where: Inadequate access to natural resources limits the development of subsistence or cash economies; Land degradation has led to the degradation of natural resources or the protective functions of natural ecosystems, and undermined the ability of people to sustain their livelihoods; and Natural or human-induced air or water contamination results in poor health, which reduces people s ability to generate income. Unlike many other development activities sustainable tourism can create value for local environmental conservation and sustaining local culture. Tourism can shift the focus of the Poor s natural resources from one of exploitation to one of conservation. The poor can gain an understanding of short-term gains from resource exploitation to the value of long term gains of conserving their resources. This may be in small ways such as removing unsanitary rubbish from villages and keeping trails tidy for tourists (the UNDP Quality for Tourism Project in Nepal which equipped trails with rubbish bins and set up village-based Work Groups to maintain them), thus helping to alleviate negative environmental impacts. Or it may be on a larger scale such as a community agreeing not to log its rainforest and setting it up as a protected reserve for ecotourism (Bouma community, Taveuni, Fiji). Tourism businesses can help show villages how to use environmentally sound techniques to deal with human waste (e.g. composting toilets) and also better use of water consumption. In Fiji, the NZODA Abaca and Koroyanitu National Heritage Conservation Project in the Fiji highlands (Appendix III) markets the natural and cultural resources of the western highlands of Fiji to tourists and appears to have played a significant role in changing attitudes from one of exploitation of natural resources to sustainable conservation of those resources. Active promotion by governments of accreditation schemes such as Green Globe, a practical response by the WTO and the WTTC to Agenda 21 to facilitate a much greater environmental responsibility on the part of the tourism industry worldwide is another avenue that could be pursued (see Appendix VI on Green Globe ). Green Globe is a comprehensive scheme designed to tackle such issues as air pollution and the emission of green house gases by tourism operations, reduced solid waste, reduction in use of potable water, reduction in energy consumption, employing and purchasing locally, sensitivity to local culture, and other environmental improvements. One of the components Green Globe encourages is carbon sequestration that is, a mechanism to offset the emission of green house gases by a tourism operation through planting trees to make the operation carbon neutral. Growing forests naturally remove carbon dioxide (CO 2 ) from the atmosphere and convert the carbon into new tree biomass resulting in carbon storage (sequestration) in both wood and soils. The issue is to evaluate the total amount of carbon dioxide (CO 2 ) generated through all the operation's activities and to offset as much as possible through uptake by natural tree growth. Involvement in carbon sequestration can be through large-scale national and international programs, as well as by direct actions in promoting local tree planting schemes and governments could encourage this approach, utilising the Poor as the major labour force or setting up nurseries in poor communities to provide the tourism industry with seedlings, and so forth BOX 5: GREEN GLOBE - KEY ENVIRONMENTAL AND SOCIAL PERFORMANCE AREAS Environmental issues Reducing greenhouse gas emissions Energy efficiency, conservation and management Air quality protection and noise control Management of fresh water resources Ecosystem conservation and management Land use planning and management Management of social and cultural issues* Waste water management Waste minimisation, reuse and recycling Storage & use of environmentally harmful substances Social & Cultural issues Poverty reduction Promoting social equity Raising standards of living Local participation Sensitivity to culture and customs Purchasing locally Employing locally 41

47 Australia (through the CRC for Sustainable Tourism) has been given responsibility for applying Green Globe throughout the Asia Pacific, and has undertaken assessments of tourism ventures in countries as diverse as Sri Lanka, Thailand and China, as well as Australia and New Zealand. 42

48 Chapter 13 GENDER, TOURISM AND POVERTY ALLEVIATION Women s Employment and Participation in Tourism Pro Poor Tourism interventions can make a significant contribution to employment opportunities for women, based on the overall statistics of employment of women in the tourism industry. Women s employment in the tourism workforce is higher than in the total workforce in all industries. These figures are based on a UNED-UK study of the Restaurant, Catering, and Hotel Industry in 73 countries between These sectors were used as a proxy for the tourism industry as whole since they are the largest employers in tourism. The data do not cover the informal sector which plays an important part in terms of income generation through tourism, particularly for women. Women s employment in general can vary greatly per country from 2% to over 80%. The percentages of women employed in the tourism industry also varies greatly. For example the UNED-UK study found that in Bolivia women fill 60% of formal sector positions, while in some Muslim countries only 10% of positions are filled by women. In the 73 countries surveyed by UNED-UK the three sectors of the tourism industry accounted for 46% of their total workforce compared to the overall workforce which was 34-40% women (UNED-UK 1999). Often women are most involved in informal sector activities associated with tourism, particularly hawking, which plays an important income generation role for women (Shah 2000). Figure 9: Gender and Tourism (Source: UNED, UK, 1999) Gender and Tourism: Employment Figures Women's % of Workforce Countries with Mature Tourism Industry: 50% Tourism Industry: 46% Total Workforce: 34-40% Various interrelated factors contribute to women having a higher employment in the tourism sector. Horizontally in the tourism workforce, women and men are placed in different occupations (related to typified gender roles); women are employed as waitresses, chambermaids, cleaners, flight attendants, etc., and men are employed as barmen, gardeners, construction workers, drivers, etc. Vertically the typical gender pyramid is prevalent in the tourism industry with women in lower level positions and fewer career development opportunities and men dominating managerial positions (UNED-UK Report 1999). Typically, women are assigned the tasks of raising children, caring for the elderly, and doing household work. Due to these gender roles women are often forced to choose casual, flexible and seasonal employment. The tourism sector, because of its size, growth and its diverse and dynamic nature, is enormously flexible and caters to employment of women in tourism and makes the tourism workforce a good candidate for engaging in efforts for the advancement of women. There is some argument that seasonality of tourism is good for enabling women to gain employment and accommodate their stereotypical gender roles. Also, women are perceived, through traditional gender roles, as being suited to fill certain positions in tourism: occupations in catering & lodging, as waitresses, bartenders, maids, babysitters, cleaners, housekeeping helpers, launderers, dry-cleaners, and the like are predominately women, 90% according to the UNED-UK report. The service nature of the tourism industry and the high proportion of low-skilled 43

49 domestic-type jobs thus increase accessibility to women (Shah 2000). This perpetuates gender stereotypes, but also allows women to enter the workforce based on their traditionally defined roles (UNED-UK Report 1999). Implementation of Pro Poor Tourism interventions must address and carefully plan for negatives that tourism can bring upon women, including women s rights, stereotypical images portrayed of women in tourism, sex tourism, and sexual objectification of women. Women can suffer discrimination in tourism and ST~EP interventions must address women being denied positions of leadership and responsibility, concentrations of women being employed in low skilled and low paid occupations, and objectified as part of the tourism package/product. Sexual objectification of women in tourism can include women being expected to dress in an attractive manner, look beautiful, and play along with sexual harassment. Sex tourism must be addressed at all levels from policy-making at the national level through to education of women at the community level. Stereotypical images in tourism relates to women being portrayed as part of the tourism product, tourism brochures typifying and selling beautiful women, and/or tourism products conveying images of friendly smiling women waiting on customers (UNED-UK 1999). The UNED-UK study found that tourism has a demonstrated record for creating jobs for women and encouraging income-generating activities of benefit to local communities in destination areas. Participation in tourism contributes to decreasing individual and household poverty. Tourism provides many entry points for women s employment and opportunities for creating self-employment in small and medium sized income generating activities from which women can gain increased standing and esteem within society. It creates paths for the elimination of poverty of women and local communities in developing countries. NGO s, the private sector, governments and intergovernmental organisations can help women realise their full potential, a useful way being support in the form of the provision of training and credit. Gender and tourism should not be divorced from mainstream policy-making and WTO through its ST~EP initiative could take a lead role in developing projects designed to increase the rate of participation by women in sustainable tourism activities contributing to poverty alleviation. 44

50 Chapter 14 CONCLUSIONS The tourism sector is one of the most dynamic industries globally (despite recent shocks such as the Gulf War and SARS which have affected travel) and in many developing countries which lack other resources it is one of the few areas available for development which has a demonstrated track record of growth. As UNCTAD noted (2001:18): When the importance of tourism is recognised all dimensions of the tourism economy should be regarded as an integral part of the development strategy. This has implications in terms of alleviating the structural handicaps that many developing countries suffer from. Accordingly, it is important to stress the catalytic role of tourism development for the entire economy: wherever tourism development is successful, the economy will derive considerable benefit primarily due to the general increase in the density, efficiency and competitiveness of goods and services suppliers. This is a fundamental condition for a wide multiplication of economic linkages and socio-economic benefits. In short, wherever tourism succeeds, other linkage sectors will succeed, e.g. air transport. Recognition by the international community of the importance of tourism as a potential driving force in the socio-economic development of third world countries suggests that tourism development can be an avenue toward a growing sphere of trading opportunities and accordingly, one of the most effective methods to avoid the risk of increased marginalisation from the global economy (which is symptomatic for most LDCs). Through its catalytic role, tourism appears to be one of the few economic sectors able to guide a number of developing countries to higher levels of prosperity and for some, to leave behind their Least Developed Country status. Samoa is one example moving in this direction. Development assistance agencies and donor governments world wide over the past decade have focused more sharply on poverty alleviation as a central pillar of their activities and tourism has been subjected to close scrutiny by some of them as a potential area to realise this objective. A key element in this consideration is that in some instances poor people have ownership of resources (such as cultural festivals and natural capital e.g. wildlife, forests, lagoons, scenery) which may be utilised for tourism. Hence the emergence of pro poor tourism or ST~EP. While ST~EP is relatively untried and untested, the pervasiveness of the tourism industry has impelled an increasing number of agencies to develop policies designed to use tourism as a tool to alleviate poverty in these countries. These include notably the WTO, the Asian Development Bank, the World Bank, the British DFID/ODI, the Netherlands SNV, a range of UN technical agencies such as UNCTAD, UNEP, and WCED, other international tourism organisations such as PATA and many I/NGOs. It is problematic to leave tourism development, especially in the context of poverty alleviation, to the private sector in many developing countries because of the existing financial constraints and weak institutional capacity of the private sector in such countries (UNCTAD 2001). This situation requires that a partnership between the private sector and national tourism authorities (responsible for the organisation, development and operation of countries tourism industries) be strengthened in order to design and implement an effective ST~EP strategy. Assistance from agencies with expertise not available locally becomes vital to achieve this objective. A review of existing literature and limited existing examples of ventures which are built around tourism as a tool for poverty alleviation, point to a number of conclusions about the nature of PPT/ST~EP and the types of intervention needed: There is no single blue-print that can be applied universally. The need is for flexibility due to widely divergent situations among impoverished groups; A diversity of actions across levels is needed at the micro, meso, and macro level on several fronts, including planning, policy, and investment; There is a clear need to engage a wide variety of stakeholders. In this context tourism is better approached and conceptualised as the tourism system not the tourism industry, since in fact its backward and forward linkages make it integral to virtually every economic sector and its interconnectedness with Government, the private sector, communities, civil society and the bio-physical environment must all be considered and partnerships established if it is to make a valid contribution to poverty alleviation; Actions outside the tourism sector can boost ST~EP, for example in policy areas such as reform of land tenure systems, small enterprise support, improved education, and more representative government; In many cases inclusion of the private sector will be necessary as part of a strategy to ensure that achieving commercial viability is a priority; 45

51 External funding may be required to cover start-up costs because by definition poor communities will lack assets; The need is to use tourism development holistically, i.e. economically, socio-culturally and environmentally, both short term and long term, to create additional income and improve living standards (eg. health and hygiene, education, basic infrastructure) at the village level as part of poverty reduction; Intervention should be based on a participatory approach. Poor people must participate in the decisionmaking process and be owners of the outcomes if their priorities are to be captured for poverty alleviation through tourism, i.e. empowerment is essential; ST~EP should focus on self-help (social mobilisation of local groups, strengthening of village and district planning, decentralisation, etc.) in order to achieve self reliance; ST~EP should assist institutional development and capacity building because poorly developed local institutions are often unable to provide required services to address structural problems of underdevelopment; Since growth in agricultural output is seen as the single most important contributor to the alleviation of rural poverty, tourism development should be designed wherever possible to increase demand for agricultural produce leading to more farming activities. It would thus provide employment opportunities leading to increased income in the family and reduction of poverty; and ST~EP should be based on sustainable use of natural and cultural resources with conservation as a guiding ethic. 46

52 Appendix I Summaries of Pro Poor Tourism Case Studies from Overseas Development Institute (ODI) (Source: Ashley, Roe & Goodwin 2001) 1. Wilderness Safaris Maputoland, South Africa (Actor - Part of large South African commercial company) Operation of 2 lodges on a tripartite commercial venture (WS, neighbouring communities, and state conservation authority) 2. Tropic Ecological Adventures Ecuador (Actor - Small Commercial Company) Tour packages that include operations run by Amazonian Indians 3. NACOBTA and UCOTA Community Tourism Associations Namibia and Uganda (Actor - Domestic non-governmental organisation) Promotion of member based trade association of small tourism operators Promotion of community involvement in tourism 4. SNV- Nepal Humla Region Nepal (Actor - Netherlands Development Organisation) Mobilisation of poor people and community groups to participate in tourism Very poor region with small trekking industry 5. St. Lucia Heritage Tourism Programme (Actor - Government Tourism Ministry) Diversification of existing tourism and development of new heritage tourism 6. SDI and CPPP Programme Northern Province South Africa (Actor - Government Cross-Departmental Initiatives) Creation of an investment package to leverage private investment in tourism development on communal and state land 47

53 Case Study 1 Wilderness Safaris, Maputoland, South Africa: Rocktail Bay and Ndumu Lodge Clive Poultney & Anna Spenceley This is a case study of a commercial company entering into a contractual relationship with a community and the state conservation agency to develop up-market tourist lodges. In addition, Wilderness Safaris (WS) is taking initiatives relating to local employment, local service provision and the development of complementary community-based initiatives. WS is a large, well-established Southern African tour operator that caters to the luxury end of the market. It has a number of lodges and camps across Southern Africa and at a number of these it is involved in some form of partnership or revenue sharing agreement with local communities. This case study looks at two lodges run by WS in Maputoland in the South African province of Kwazulu Natal Rocktail Bay which opened in 1992 and Ndumu, opened in Ownership and management of the lodges is vested in two companies a lodge owning company in which the conservation agency, a commercial bank and the community have stakes; and a lodge operating company in which the conservation agency, the community and WS are partners (although not equal). Despite this tri-partite equity structure the community has received little in the way of financial dividends so far, because neither lodge has yet turned a profit. Increased occupancy at the lodges is required to make them profitable, but this requires development of the destination as a whole and diversification of the product. It is noted that support of the conservation authority is needed for further infrastructural and product development, but that the conservation agency seems reluctant to sanction this due to concerns about the likely impact on the conservation status of the area. Progress has been mixed on the other elements of WS s PPT initiative. The local employment strategy has resulted in a high proportion of jobs going to local people. Considerable training and skills transfer has taken place and staff turnover is low. Local provision of services has occurred to a certain extent with WS utilising local security and taxi services, and joint planning and implementation of new complementary products has started with cultural visits to a traditional healer (Sangoma). However, growth of local businesses associated with the lodges has been slow, and the case study notes untapped potential for local supply of services and products. A consultant has been brought in to help WS work with the community to develop products, but it is felt that a third party is needed to organise, coordinate, develop and train for this since these activities are outside the mandate, and capacity, of one private sector operator. The case study illustrates three key challenges to such a private sector-community initiative: Success is somewhat out of the control of the central actors, being dependent on other players and on the health of tourism in the wider region; The initiative needs to be incorporated within a larger PPT programme involving other stakeholders to maximise potential; Many communities have overly high expectations of involvement in tourism both in terms of the levels and rates of returns and also the roles and responsibilities of their private sector partners. 48

54 Case Study 2 Tropic Ecological Adventures, Ecuador Scott Braman & Fundacion Accion Amazonia This case study illustrates how a small company, driven by motivated individuals, has gone well beyond normal business practice to support community tourism. It focuses on the role of Tropic Ecological Adventures in seeking to establish joint products with remote Amazonian communities, and in marketing other well-established community initiatives. Tropic Ecological Adventures is a small for-profit company that was established with the specific objective of demonstrating the viability of environmentally, socially and culturally responsible tourism as an alternative to oil extraction in the Ecuadorian Amazon. It operates tours to natural areas in Ecuador, including the Amazon, usually for small, high-paying groups. It has links with several communities, of which two are the focus of the case study: Tropic has worked with the Huaorani people to develop a joint initiative, bringing tourists into the community for overnight stays and to experience the Huaorani culture and lifestyle. It was marketing the long-established Cofan initiative at Zabalo, though it has recently been forced to suspend these operations due to security issues in this area near the Colombian border. Although Tropic found that its community-based programmes were less profitable and less marketable than some of its other activities it has managed to successfully address this problem by coupling them with more mainstream packages such as visits to the Galapagos Islands. Unfortunately, however, a decline in tourism in the Ecuadorian Amazon in 1999 and 2000, following kidnappings and political upheaval, has heightened competition amongst tour operators and driven down prices which has undermined Tropic s impact-minimising approach of bringing in small groups of high-paying tourists. A further set back arose from the Civil Aviation Authority s decision to close down the airstrip at the Huaorani site (due to poor maintenance a community responsibility). However a new site has been identified and a business plan developed for which external support is being sought. The case study highlights a number of key issues affecting PPT: The importance of non-financial benefits and the important role that a company like Tropic plays in linking remote communities with the outside world; The limitations of community-based programmes (because of a lack of awareness of tourism in the community, as well as the need for external investment in infrastructure, marketing and training); The challenges of achieving commercial viability. 49

55 Case Study 3 Community-Based Tourism Associations in Namibia and Uganda (NACOBTA, UCOTA) Elissa Williams, Alison White & Anna Spenceley This case study covers two broadly similar organisations in Namibia and Uganda. The Namibia Community Based Tourism Association (NACOBTA) and the Uganda Community Tourism Association (UCOTA) are membership associations of community-based tourism initiatives. NACOBTA and UCOTA aim to increase financial benefits to poor communities through the improvement and expansion of the niche, community-based, segment of the industry, and through wider integration of communities into the mainstream industry. Both organisations work simultaneously at three levels: Local providing support in the form of training, finance, technical assistance and marketing to individual community-based tourism enterprises; Private sector lobbying for private sector support and patronage of community-based enterprises and (NACOBTA only) facilitating the development of partnerships between the private sector and communities; Policy lobbying and advocacy for policy reform that supports communitybased tourism, and providing a voice for marginalised groups. It is perhaps at the micro-level that most progress has been made, with activities focusing around training, technical assistance and business advice, grants and loans for enterprise development or improved marketing and other business advice. UCOTA is also involved with conservation and education activities. Many initiatives are now well established and self-sufficient. However, it is noted, for NACOBTA particularly, that there is a limit to the organisation s capacity to deliver the level and amount of training required to an increasing number of enterprises. Building links with the private sector is seen as a slow but critical process. Whereas NACOBTA faced great difficulties with this at first, lacking credibility with the private sector, considerable progress has been made in this area with a number of avenues of contact now established. The case study identifies the need for business skills and a thorough understanding of the workings of the industry and corporate culture in order to gain credibility with the private sector, or to negotiate effectively. Policy level work is similarly slow, and it is difficult to separate impacts that have come about as a result of NACOBTA/UCOTA interventions directly from those that have been part of a wider process of policy development. Nevertheless, it is clear that the two organisations provide a role that others do not, and a momentum for change. The case study highlights: The value of membership organisations in providing a voice for the poor and in promoting PPT at all levels; The dependence of such organisations on external funding and the implications this has for their long-term sustainability. The huge need for business skills including marketing, strategic planning and general awareness of the tourism industry if member enterprises are to become self-supporting and able to compete with the private sector. 50

56 Case Study 4 Humla District, north-west Nepal SNV-Nepal Naomi M. Saville The SNV-Nepal case study explores the approach of a development agency working with local communities through social mobilisation, participatory planning and capacity building in a very poor and remote area of Nepal. The study provides a valuable example of the import substitution process whereby the goods and services required by the tourism industry are to be produced and supplied locally rather than from Kathmandu The Dutch development agency SNV, works through its District Partners Programme (DPP) with district and village development committees, NGOs and the private sector to benefit women and disadvantaged groups at village level. Tourism development is one means of achieving that objective in the remote Humla District of north-west Nepal. SNV s PPT strategy revolves around developing tourism initiatives that benefit poor and disempowered groups as opposed to the Kathmandu-based trekking agencies. The focus of the initiative is therefore at the local level on specific enterprises and communities along a trekking trail although SNV also engages at the policy level with the Nepal Tourism Board in Kathmandu. The emphasis of the PPT strategy is on social mobilisation through the development of community-based organisations; business planning and training designed to enable the poor to develop micro-enterprises and to take up employment opportunities. Since the tourism programme commenced in October 1999, the community-based organisations (CBOs) have developed micro-enterprise plans, of which 32 have been approved. Six further business plans have been prepared and venture capital fund loans approved. Kermi has also opened a community campsite and other communities are planning to follow suit. Community enterprise options for hot springs and village tours have also been studied and plans are underway to develop them. A Multiple Use Visitors Centre is planned to provide a focal point for the local provision of tourism services - such as portering, mules, horses etc - and produce such as vegetables - to trekking agent and tourists. In addition to SME development, a number of other initiatives have been implemented including construction of toilets along the trekking trail, a US$2 per tourist trail maintenance tax and a tax on pack animal grazing in the community forest areas. The case study highlights: the value of a long-term approach to building participation of the poor, given the extreme poverty in Humla and lack of capacity amongst the poor; the limited time the landless, the poorest of the poor, have to participate in the CBOs; the challenges of breaking into the existing well-established and connected tourism elite. 51

57 Case Study 5 St. Lucia Heritage Tourism Programme Yves Renard This case study is an example of PPT that goes well beyond supporting community-based tourism. It describes a donor-funded government programme that operates at many levels from micro to macro and attempts not just to develop a niche product, but also to shift a country s whole tourism sector to a more sustainable footing. It is not a case of a pro-poor tourism initiative, but of a comprehensive national tourism initiative that has a strong propoor component. The St. Lucia HTP arose out of concerns about the sustainability and equity of tourism development in St. Lucia. The programme attempts to develop concurrent and complementary initiatives in the fields of policy reform, capacity building, marketing, product development and public awareness in order to fulfil two key objectives: to facilitate a broader distribution of the benefits of the existing tourism sector (cruise ship passengers and stay-over visitors), to create a new complementary sub-sector, qualified as Heritage Tourism. This is a four-year initiative that has reached its third year. The case study notes that foundations have been laid for effective PPT through work at many levels, but in some ways, the progress so far has been in awareness raising rather than action on the ground. The Programme claims some success in making cracks in the fortress of the existing industry through, for example, competing for clients on the cruise ship wharf, raising the profile of local operators, developing new attractive products and attracting tourists to inland initiatives. However, it recognises that enterprise development by the poor will often be around communal assets, and for this a supportive policy framework that provides for collaborative management and for devolution of rights of use and exclusion is required. Lack of local capacity has also constrained the effectiveness of some interventions, but the case study also notes that capacity building efforts bode well for the long-term sustainability of the programme. However, sustainable results will require more time than the funded time frame of the project and additional external assistance in training, institutional development and planning is likely to be needed. At the policy level, the Programme has made a number of specific recommendations on incentives and on tour guides but the case study highlights that far more attention is required at this level to foster political support and to develop a supportive policy framework. Marketing activities have also been limited, and the programme needs to build stronger links and develop a comprehensive marketing framework. Progress in attracting an entirely new clientele to heritage tourism is not apparent. The St. Lucia HTP highlights: the importance of a good and thorough knowledge of the industry; the challenge of attracting beach and package tourists away to cultural products; the slow pace of a multi-level approach to deliver real change on the ground. 52

58 Case Study 6 The South Africa SDI and Community-Public-Private Partnerships (CPPP) Programmes at Makuleke and Manyeleti (Northern Province, South Africa) Karin Mahony & Jurgens Van Zyl This case study looks at how pro-poor tourism can be built into the rural growth and investment strategies of the South African government and in so doing, explores the tensions between promoting growth and achieving social objectives. It provides a detailed example of the use of planning gain in influencing private investors. The case study focuses on Manyeleti Game Reserve and Makuleke contractual park (bordering and inside Kruger National Park, respectively). Manyeleti Game Reserve is a focus of the Northern Province Government s commercialisation programme and is heavily supported by the Phalaborwa SDI. Manyeleti is one of the first tourism investment packages to near fruition The Makuleke project is a community-based initiative that has been supported by, inter alia, both the SDI and CPPP Programmes and is being used as a pilot project to guide the future work of the CPPP programme in the tourism sector. Makuleke is the first example of land inside a national park being returned to a community for use as a contractual park through restitution. In both cases, a tender process to attract private sector investment has been implemented with a strong use of planning gain i.e. socio-economic criteria featured strongly in the evaluation of bids to encourage pro-poor commitments. Both the SDI and CPPP programmes are using lessons from Manyeleti and Makuleke for future investment preparation. A number of tenders were received for Manyeleti Game Reserve - all of which included practical proposals on equity sharing, outsourcing, local employment and local service provision - and negotiations with the short-listed bidders are underway. At Makuleke, the newly formed Community Property Association (CPA) was assisted in the tender process by the CPPP programme, and potential bidders were required to address a similar set of socioeconomic issues in the tender document. However few bids were received, mainly due to the availability of other more commercially attractive investment opportunities within the Kruger Park, and not all met the basic conditions set down. Agreement with a private investor has proceeded and a lodge is expected to open in late Given the slow pace of the investment process, the Makuleke CPA is simultaneously working on other tourism plans, such as a backpackers campsite. While it is clear that the new arrangements will be a substantial improvement on the concession agreements of the past - which provided minimal benefit to either the State or community - it is not possible to say how far pro-poor commitments will reach in practice; much depends on translating the commitments into contractual obligations, and then ensuring compliance. The case study highlights: it is easier to move away from existing models in which communities are recipients of donated benefits from tourism, to community empowerment because they have a stake in an enterprise, if there are secure land rights in place; there is a tension between pursuing pro-poor objectives and ensuring private investment, which although not insurmountable, can not be completely avoided, and must be addressed; the commercial attractiveness of the site is critical both to the scale of financial benefits and to securing pro-poor commitments from the private sector. 53

59 Appendix II UN Millennium Development Goals The UN has established Millennium Development Goals as targets to halve poverty by These are broad scale initiatives unrelated to specific socio-economic activities but immensely relevant to tourism in developing countries sustainable and responsible tourism can help promote awareness & support for these goals, in origin and destination markets, and create tools and conditions for their fulfilment. Eradicate extreme poverty & hunger o 1.2billion people still live on less than $1 a day. Achieve universal primary education o 113 million children do not attend school. Promote gender equality and empower women o 2/3 s of the world s illiterates & 80% of refugees are women & children. Reduce child mortality o 11 million young children die each year. Improve maternal health o In the developing world the risk of dying in childbirth is 1 in 48. Combat HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases o These diseases have erased a generation of development gains. Ensure environmental sustainability o More than 1 billion people lack access to safe drinking water & reasonable sanitation. Develop a global partnership for development o With targets for aid, trade & debt relief. Too many countries spend more on. o Debt service than on social services. 54

60 Appendix III Koroyanitu National Heritage Park, Fiji Koroyanitu National Heritage Park is an NZODA funded ecotourism project in the highlands of western Viti Levu in Fiji. The primary focus of this project is on conservation but lessons learned from this project can highlight the benefits of tourism interventions. The Koroyanitu range has the last remaining area of unlogged tropical montane rainforest and cloud forest in western Viti Levu (Mohamed & Clark 1996). The area also has a high cultural heritage value with ancient and historic sites including villages, fortifications, ritual worship sites and terraced gardens. The project area is 19,150 ha, belonging to 50 landowning units from 13 different villages. The four main targeted villages are Abaca, Vakabuli, Nalotawa, and Navilawa. The highlands are also outside of the primary tourism market in Fiji, which is predominately along the coast on the main islands and smaller islands of Fiji (Mohamed & Clark 1996). The location of the project entry village of Abaca is 15 kilometres by a 4wd track from Lautoka. Lautoka is the main industrial centre in western Viti Levu and 35 kilometres drive north of the main international airport in the region, Nadi International Airport. The highlands are in a pristine environment, an inexpensive option for backpackers and other on limited budgets to access (by public transport and the 4WD truck from Lautoka $12 FJD one way) and the area is easily visited within a day. There are many hotels around the Nadi International Airport, which cater to tourists arriving and departing Fiji. This project is located close enough to this focal point of tourist to tap into the market and incorporate these remote highland villages into the larger tourism economy. The principle objective was to gain local commitment to conservation. The project also focused on capacity building for the communities involved in business management, ecotourism activities (guides, handicrafts, and hospitality), resource management, and diversification of agricultural products. The villages were given assistance with improved management and decision-making, linkages with other ecotourism sites and assistance with marketing and promotion of ecotourism activities, and better road access for tourists and the community (Mohamed & Clark 1996). The project includes a 12-bed ecotourism backpacker s lodge and a two-night culture and heritage trek (NZ volunteer guide and local guides). The ecotourism activities provide the local community with a source of income from park fees, providing accommodation and food, and transport to the area from Lautoka (Mohamed & Clark 1996). Source of Ecotourism Income from this project (per person charges in $FJD) are: Park fees, $5 Transport, $8, 1 way ($14 return) Local Guides, $5 two-hour waterfall trek, Mt. Batilamu Day trip $15 Meals: Breakfast $5, Lunch $7, Dinner $10 Nase Lodge (12 Bed Backpacker Eco-Lodge), $25/night, $150 for Lodge. Camping Fees, $10 Village Stay, $30/night with meals All Inclusive 2 night Village Trek with Local guides and NZ Volunteer Guide, $275/approximately Local Handicrafts and Guidebooks sold at Visitor Centre (Abaca Fee Pamphlet) NZODA project funding, included a 4WD Truck, construction of a 12-Bed backpacker style eco-lodge and visitor s information centre, improved road access, interpretive signs, brochures, and a guide book. The New Zealand volunteer guide helps to train local guides for the overnight treks. This is a community-based project. There have been many direct and indirect benefits to the villages and villagers involved in the Koroyanitu Heritage Project. Indirect benefits of the project were due in part to the project funding improved road access and a 4wd vehicle has now helped the village to gain better access to the regional centre of Lautoka (40,000 people). Villagers have good access to buy and sell products at the regional market in Lautoka, children can get to school every day in Lautoka, and the village has better access to health care, and to obtain other basic necessities. The project has created local jobs, diversified the local economy, helped to maintain cultural traditions, and led to conservation (Corbett 2001) Ecotourism projects have shifted focus from forestry to conservation (Corbett 2001) a local commitment to conservation was achieved in two years after commencing the project. There is a current review underway, but comments from the Project Coordinator Dave Bamford from Tourism Resource Consultants are positive: the Review team were generally positive about project and the positive benefits ( Correspondence, dated June 2002). Assistance by New Zealand to the tourism sector of Fiji remains relatively small, however, and is directed towards conservation rather than poverty alleviation. In 2001, out of NZ$5 million in development assistance to Fiji, only 11% was directed towards tourism the Koroyanitu ecotourism project and the Bouma Forest ecotourism project in Taveuni, for a combined total of NZS$600,

61 New Zealand Development Assistance to Fiji, 2001 Tourism 11% Health 2% Civil Society 15% Other Social 12% Trade 3% Education 43% Other 14% 56

62 Appendix IV Mana Island Resort, Fiji In Fiji, a form of partnership between the largest (foreign-owned) resort in that country, Mana Island Resort, and local landowners provides further insights into how tourism may alleviate poverty. In this instance, in 1972 the foreign investors negotiated a 50-year arrangement with the traditional landowning clan (mataqali Ketenamasi) leasing half of the 3 kilometre long island for a 640 bed, 4-star resort. Rental was fixed at $6,000 per annum for the first four years, and at two-and-a-half percent of gross receipts subject to a minimum of $10,000 and a maximum of $25,000 per annum thereafter, according to the success of the venture. The annual rental is reviewed every 10 years and in 2000 it was $24,000. Since 1972, the mataqali has received more than $1.7 million in lease fees and the specified percentage of turnover (Sofield 2002). Under the terms and conditions of the lease the resort operators must employ members of the land-owning clan before recruiting others. As a result about 165 of the 180 local staff on Mana are from the mataqali Ketenamasi. This condition of the lease agreement is a standard one endorsed by the Fiji Native Lands Trust Board (NLTB) and is a major source of empowerment for the landowners. The largest source of income for the residents consists of wages of staff employed at the resort. Since 1972 the resort has paid out more than US$7.3 million in wages to its local staff (more than $0.5 million in 2000) and because of the traditional Fijian system of obligations which extends throughout the clan, all members benefit and the wants of all will be met to a certain degree (Sofield 2002). In association with employment of landowners, there is also another standard clause in any agreement which is designed to advance landowner rights and this relates to appropriate training. Under the terms of the lease of Mana Island the lessee is required to use his best endeavours to promote training of members of the mataqali Ketenamasi in all aspects of the resort's operations. It has been applied since the opening of the resort and more than 300 members of the mataqali Ketenamasi have benefited from this clause with a wide variety of training. In 2000 there were only four expatriate staff and more than 180 Fijians. In terms of the clan s village of Yaro, all houses have been modernised and reconstructed to cyclone and seismic resistance standards. All have septic tank toilet systems. All have clean running water. All have power. All villagers are comparatively well dressed, their houses are furnished with western furniture (lounge suites, dining tables and chairs, and some with refrigerators, video sets and TV monitors powered by individual generators). Other forms of conspicuous consumption include frequent visits to the mainland cities of Nadi and Suva. Every household owns at least one motorised fishing canoe or small runabout. The local village school is one of the best equipped in Fiji. A number of the younger generation have proceeded to University. Capacity building and increase in social capital are included in the successful outcomes. Health standards are significantly higher than in most Fijian villages, and Mana Island has a resident nurse able to provide a good standard of localised care. With a fast 250-passenger daily ferry service to the mainland, the Resort has provided a transport service for the villagers not possible by any other means. There is not a single household remaining in poverty in Yaro village in Fiji because of the role Mana Island Resort has played over the past thirty years (Sofield 2003). 57

63 Appendix V Legislative impediments to indigenous tourism ventures Since the legislative and regulatory requirements related to the building codes of most South Pacific countries demand a substantial injection of funds for any tourism project involving capital works, joint ventures with foreign investors would seem to offer a compromise solution. The Solomon Islands Government promoted this concept, with local equity being derived from ownership of the land and the foreign investor obtaining his/her shareholding by providing the capital input and technical expertise required for a given project. This is not a solution, however, if the joint venture project is basically a village product, (a guest house or several houses constructed traditionally to provide the tourist with an authentic village experience) because such buildings cannot comply with the building Code. Since foreign investors must agree to comply with all laws as an integral component of the process of approval by the Solomon Islands Foreign Investment Board, they would be participating in an illegal project if they were to become a joint venture partner in traditional structures. The only way in which a joint venture could obtain an operating licence would be to satisfy all necessary legislative and regulatory requirements. However, when minimum standards for commercial buildings were met, the capacity of the indigenous investor(s) to retain a measure of control over a project would be severely retarded. An injection of capital, with lending institutions and insurance companies insisting on certain requirements, would push control into the hands of the foreign joint partner. Additionally the project would almost certainly require a form of management not available in a village community. Technical expertise to maintain the buildings, water and sewage systems, and a power plant (diesel generator, electrical and mechanical equipment) would also be required. The Tainiu Guest House provides an example of the pitfalls of the joint venture approach. This is a traditional longhouse built out over the waters of Lake Te Nggano near the village of Niupani in Rennell Island in Rennell Island was identified by the Ministry as a priority region for nature-based indigenously owned and operated tourism development (Liligeto 1990). With support from the Ministry of Tourism, a landowner obtained a grant of some $12,000 from the Provincial Development Fund (set up to provide finance for community-based projects which had merit but could not meet the requirements, usually the need for collateral, of formal lending institutions). The longhouse was constructed using a combination of undressed timbers, milled timber and glass louvre windows, with 18 beds in an open plan style. There was no architectural or engineering input, the end result being a pioneer adaptation of traditional construction with some modern materials. The landowner was advised by the Tourism Ministry that European-style toilets, showers and a kitchen were essential to develop a sustainable product able to attract foreign tourists. The initial funding was insufficient, however, and there were no further funds available from the Provincial Development Fund, another $10,000 being necessary. Having exhausted all possible avenues of local financing without success, the owner sought funding assistance from the Australian, New Zealand and British High Commissions in Honiara. However, all were bound by their own regulatory requirements and the venture fell outside normal guidelines for aid. Finally, on the advice of the Ministry, the owner sought a foreign partner for a joint venture, offering 30% equity in the project. A willing investor was located early in 1990 who was prepared to finance the upgrading of kitchen, toilet and shower facilities as well as to provide assistance for marketing and overseas promotions. As details of the venture were pursued, however, the illegality of proceeding became obvious and prevented the foreign investor from taking up equity. The long-house could not, for example, gain a Certificate of Habitation from the Public Works Department because it did not comply with the building standards. It failed to meet the health and sanitation standards. Therefore, it could not be registered as a commercial operation. On the one hand, the foreign investor was faced with a government ministry threatening to cancel his approval for participation if he failed to comply with the legislative and regulatory requirements. On the other hand he had the Ministry of Tourism impelling him towards participation. He found himself in a catch 22 situation. Thus, despite the active support of the Ministry of Tourism which promoted Tainiu Guest House as a model for indigenous development, and despite the fact that it opened for business in 1990 and hosted some 90 guests in its first six months (without the suggested European facilities) its capacity to expand and operate as a legal indigenously owned tourism venture was limited by restrictive legislative and regulatory requirements. The administrative and political systems of government failed to empower the community. 58

64 Appendix VI Green Globe Since the United Nations Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro in 1992 and the promulgation of Agenda 21, Travel & Tourism operations throughout the world have been focusing on improving their environmental performance and have been striving for environmentally sustainable outcomes. More and more operations are targeting clean environments, reduced solid waste, reduction in energy consumption, a better social environment for citizens and other environmental improvements. In addition, they are looking to determine exactly how well they are performing with their environmental improvement actions, and are seeking recognition for such achievements, particularly against global benchmarks. The Green Globe accreditation process drives the environmental sustainability of tourism by facilitating the conservation of natural and cultural resources and by increasing consumer and community awareness of the importance of sustainability. It also reduces operating costs of Travel & Tourism operations by facilitating best practice management: 85% of holidaymakers think it is very important not to damage the environment while on holiday (Tearfund 2000). More than 60% of UK tourists are willing to pay more for their overseas holiday if the money goes towards the preservation of the local environment, or to local charities. 64% of people are prepared to pay 10 to 25 more to selected tourism operators to ensure commitment to environmental protection (Tearfund 2000). Travellers are prepared to pay an average of US$12 more to each of the following; tour operators, transport companies, accommodation providers, tourist attractions, caterers and retailers to ensure commitment to environmental protection (Mori 1998) 83% of travellers are inclined to support green travel companies according to the Travel Industry of America (1997). American research found that tourists are prepared to pay on average an extra US$10 per day to visit a green ski resort (Hutchinson and Ritchie 2000) A recently conducted poll among international tourists in the Caribbean showed that 91% of the respondents were concerned about the environmental conditions at their trip destination, and 50% claimed that the environment had become a factor in their travel planning over the last 10 years (CAST 2001) GREEN GLOBE aims to help the Travel & Tourism industry achieve an improved environment for the planet by: Reducing greenhouse gas emissions Improving energy efficiency, conservation and management Air quality protection and noise control Good management of fresh water resources Ecosystem conservation and management Good land management Better waste water management Waste minimisation, reuse and recycling Improved management of social and cultural issues Storage and use of environmentally harmful substances 59

65 KEY COMPONENTS OF THE GREEN GLOBE 21 STANDARD The GREEN GLOBE 21 STANDARD comprises requirement criteria organised in 5 sections: SECTION 1: Environment and Social Sustainability Policy SECTION 2: Regulatory Framework SECTION 3: Environmental and Social Sustainability Performance SECTION 4: Environmental Management System SECTION 5: Stakeholder Consultation and Communication The GREEN GLOBE 21 STANDARD is supported by a number of mechanisms or tools, including: A) Key Performance Areas B) Sustainability Assessment C) Sustainability Performance Indicators (Earth Check Indicators) Key Performance Areas The GREEN GLOBE 21 STANDARD provides Travel & Tourism operations with a framework for achieving year on year improvement in one or more of 10 Key Environmental and Social Performance Areas. The Key Performance Areas (KPA) are based on Agenda 21. Sustainability Assessment Operations are required to benchmark their sustainability through a Sustainability Assessment. Through the assessment procedure operations establish their current standing - the nature and significance of their impacts - and determine an appropriate level of action to deal with these issues. The significance of each operation s impacts will depend on its nature, size and location. Consultation with key stakeholders including employees, customers, and suppliers of products and services is an important part of the process. Specifically, the Sustainability Assessment involves assessing the performance of an operation within each KPA against a Baseline Practice Level and Best Practice Level carefully determined by GREEN GLOBE. Key to the Sustainability Assessment and Benchmarking is the application of a series of Earth Check indicators. Earth Check Indicators or Sustainability Performance Indicators Earth Check Indicators have been carefully researched and chosen by GREEN GLOBE to benchmark sustainability performance. These have been produced for a wide range of Travel & Tourism Company operational sectors including airlines, airports, boat cruises, convention centres, golf courses, hotels, marinas, railways, resorts, restaurants, and tour activities. They have been produced for Communities and Protected Areas. Examples of Earth Check Indicators Example 1: Sector: Hotels and Accommodation Key Performance Area: Energy efficiency, conservation and management Earth Check Indicator: total energy consumption (MJ) pa / Guest nights pa or Area under roof (m 2 ). Example 2: Sector: Hotels and Accommodation Key Performance Area: Management of fresh water resources Earth Check Indicator: water consumed (kl) pa / Guest nights pa or Area under roof (m 2 ). 60

66 Details of the Earth Check Indicators Sustainability Policy Objective: Produce a clear and straightforward written policy that addresses key sustainability issues raised in the GREEN GLOBE 21 STANDARD. The Sustainability Policy is an operation s statement with respect to its assessment, control and where appropriate, continual improvement, of environmental and local social impacts. The areas that need to be covered are included in the GREEN GLOBE 21 STANDARD. A suitable policy statement that can be adopted by operations that have not already developed one is included on the GREEN GLOBE web site. Indicator measure: A Sustainability Policy has been produced, endorsed by the operation s executive officer responsible for the GREEN GLOBE program. Benchmarking of Performance Against Earth Check Indicator and Baseline Practice and Best Practice Levels Low impact GREEN GLOBE BENCHMARKING OF PERFORMANCE AGAINST AN EARTH CHECK INDICATOR GREEN GLOBE Best Practice level GREEN GLOBE Good Practice level Potential rate of improvement in the Earth Check indicator High impact Energy Consumption Objective: Minimise overall energy consumption. Significant levels of energy can be consumed by infrastructure (e.g. buildings, recreational facilities) and transport facilities (including customer transfer, maintenance and on-site vehicles). An overall reduction in energy consumed will have a positive impact on operational costs and can have major environmental benefits, primarily through conservation of natural resources and lowering associated greenhouse gas emissions. Energy can be consumed from a variety of sources (e.g. grid electricity, natural gas, gasoline, diesel) and total usage is assessed on a standard energy unit basis (mega joules, MJ). Electricity consumption is often quoted in kilo-watt-hours (kwh) and in the case of other sources, such as diesel, petroleum, liquefied propane gas (LPG) and natural gas, by volume. All can be readily converted to joules using GREEN GLOBE supplied conversion factors. Indicator measure: Total energy consumption (MJ) pa / Guest nights pa or Area under roof (m 2 ) Greenhouse gas reductions: Reduction in emissions from energy production and distribution. GREEN GLOBE recognises that many Travel & Tourism operations are already very energy efficient and/or further significant reductions in energy from non-renewable fossil fuel sources may for operational and commercial reasons not be feasible. Therefore, an optional indicator demonstrating the level of involvement in carbon sequestration to offset greenhouse gas emissions is recognised. 61

67 GREEN GLOBE also acknowledges that many operations are making significant efforts to utilise energy from renewable sources (e.g. wind, solar, hydro), conserving both resources and minimising greenhouse gas emissions. This can be recognised through adoption of an optional indicator that highlights the percentage of renewable energy consumed pa. Potable Water Management Objective: Minimise consumption of potable water. The operation may be a significant consumer of potable water supplies, not only for human consumption, but also for other activities such as washing, recreational facilities, gardens and surface cleaning. Many Travel & Tourism operations are located in regions where fresh water is a concern, such that positive action leading to an overall reduction (from lowering demand and increasing reuse and recycle) will be a significant contribution to the local environment and the long-term sustainability of the operation. The indicator monitors the overall efficiency of potable water usage with a view to promoting reduction without compromising the operation. Indicator measure: Water consumed (kl) pa / Guest nights pa or Area under roof (m 2 ). Greenhouse gas reductions: Reduction in emissions from energy required for potable water treatment, distribution and disposal. Solid Waste Reduction Objective: Reduce the amount of solid wastes. Used or waste materials sent to landfills represent a loss of resources, and their replacement will increase greenhouse gases from production and transport of their replacements. The first step for the operation should be to look to reduce quantities of materials consumed (including packaging), to then consider reuse, or if not possible, recycle. As part of the Sustainability Policy, consideration should be given to the options that have the best local environmental impact. For example, recycling may not always be feasible (e.g. no local facility) and on-site waste to energy systems may be a better route, obtaining both energy and a reduction in the volume of waste disposed (measured either as uncompacted, or mechanically compacted, material). Indicator measure: Volume of waste land filled (m 3 ) pa / Guest nights pa or Area under roof (m 2 ). Greenhouse gas reductions: Reduction in emissions from energy required for material production, and subsequent waste transposition and disposal. Social Commitment Objective: Develop and maintain positive, productive and sustainable contributions to the local community. A key issue in achieving sustainability is to consider the social as well as environmental impact of the operation with local communities. Respecting, where appropriate, local traditions and customs, and purchasing where possible local goods and services are positive contributions that can be made, and should be incorporated into the operation s Sustainability Policy. Other considerations should include active participation in local committees and organisations. The indicator to monitor is the number of owners, managers and/or employees that have a primary address close to the operation is used (for remote operations, such as on small non-populated islands, the nearest permanent township can be used instead of the operation). This encourages local employment and minimises environmental impacts due to personnel transportation. Indicator measure: Employees with their primary address within 20 km of the operation / Total employees Greenhouse gas reductions: Reduction in emissions from transport energy consumption. Resource Conservation Objective: Reduce consumption of natural resources and the impact on ecosystem biodiversity. An active policy of purchasing supplies of materials from sources using environmentally sound ingredients and processes can be a major contribution to resource conservation and biodiversity (i.e. through less impact on the balance of the local ecosystem). The type of paper used by the operation (e.g. for promotional material, stationary, toilets etc.) is a high profile example where significant worthwhile reductions in environmental impacts can be achieved. A strategy of internal reuse and recycle where possible, coupled with the use of products proven to be environmentally friendly (such as those carrying credible ecolabels) should be adopted. For paper, ecolabels are likely to signify avoidance of chlorine-based bleaches, use of biodegradable inks and dyes, and use of wood from sustainable plantations. Indicator measure: Ecolabel paper purchased pa / Total paper purchased pa. Greenhouse gas reductions: Reduction in emissions associated with virgin raw material consumption. 62

68 Cleaning Chemicals Objective: Reduce chemicals discharged into the environment. The active (non-water) chemical ingredients of cleaning products (e.g. soaps, shampoos, laundry detergents, dishwashing detergents, floor and carpet cleaners etc.) can end up in both wastewater (from toilets, washbasins, kitchens etc.) and stormwater systems (from roofs, car parks etc.). They are potential source of contamination of natural water bodies in terms of toxicity and disturbance of the natural balance of ecosystems (e.g. phosphates from detergents are known to contribute to eutrophication). Along with an overall reduction in the gross amount of chemicals consumed per annum, increased use of ecolabeled biodegradable cleaning products would be a significant step towards overall reduction in chemical contamination of the environment. Active chemical usage is based on the weight of non-biodegradable chemicals in all solids and solutions used for cleaning. Indicator measure: Non-biodegradable cleaning chemical use (kg) pa / Guest nights pa or Area under roof (m 2 ). Greenhouse gas reductions: Reduction in emissions from energy required for chemical production and water contamination treatment. Optional Indicators Carbon sequestration Objective: Commitment to offset greenhouse gas production. The long-term solution to reducing greenhouse gas production by Travel & Tourism is to tackle it at source by introducing more efficient, less non-renewable energy intensive equipment and procedures. However, application of this cleaner production or ecoefficiency approach will take time. Additionally many operations in the industry are already energy efficient and/or further significant reductions in energy from fossil fuel sources may for operational and commercial reasons not be feasible. There may be a case, therefore, for looking for alternative strategies to help offset the production of greenhouse gases. One potential solution is involvement in carbon sequestration as an immediate move towards making the operation carbon neutral. The issue is to evaluate the total amount of carbon dioxide (CO 2 ) generated through all the operation's activities and to offset as much as possible through uptake by natural tree growth. Involvement in carbon sequestration can be through large-scale national and international programs, as well as by direct actions in promoting local tree planting schemes. Indicator measure: CO 2 sequested (tonnes) pa / Total CO 2 generated (tonnes) pa. Greenhouse gas reductions: Reduction in the impact of CO 2 emissions on global warming. CARBON SEQUESTRATION Growing forests naturally remove carbon dioxide (CO 2 ) from the atmosphere and convert the carbon into new tree biomass (CO 2 ), resulting in carbon storage (sequestration) in both wood and soils. Sequestration can be an acceptable mechanism to offset net carbon emissions under the Kyoto Protocol, although restrictions do apply. In particular carbon sequestration will be credited only for trees planted after 1 January

69 GREEN GLOBE MATRIX Greenhouse gases Energy management Environmental & Social Performance Areas Air quality Fresh water resources Wastewater management Waste minimisation Social & cultural impact Land use management Ecosystem conservation Earth Check Indicators & Measures Sustainability Policy Policy in place Energy Consumption: Energy consumed / Guest night or area under roof Potable Water Management: Water consumed / Guest night or area under roof Solid Waste Reduction: Volume of waste / Guest night or area under roof Social Commitment: Employees living within 20 km / Total employees Resource Conservation: Ecolabel products purchased / Products purchased Cleaning Chemicals: Weight used / Guest night or area under roof Optional Indicators & Measures Carbon Dioxide (CO 2 ) Sequestration: CO 2 sequestered / Total CO 2 emissions Operation Selected Indicator: Agreed measure 64

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75 DARWIN NT Node Coordinator Ms Alicia Boyle Ph: alicia.boyle@ntu.edu.au CAIRNS Node Coordinator Prof Bruce Prideaux Ph: bruce.prideaux@jcu.edu.au BRISBANE Education Coordinator Prof John Fien Ph: j.fien@griffith.edu.au NATIONAL NODE NETWORK GOLD COAST National Node Coordinator Mr Brad Cox Ph: brad@crctourism.com.au PERTH WA Node Coordinator Dr Diane Lee Ph: d.lee@murdoch.edu.au CANBERRA ACT Node Coordinator Prof Trevor Mules Ph: tjm@comedu.canberra.edu.au ADELAIDE SA Node Coordinator Prof Graham Brown Ph: graham.brown@unisa.edu.au MELBOURNE VIC Node Coordinator Dr Marg Deery Ph: margaret.deery@vu.edu.au LISMORE Regional Tourism Research Mr Dean Carson Ph: dcarson@scu.edu.au SYDNEY NSW Node Coordinator Dr Tony Griffin Ph: tony.griffin@uts.edu.au LAUNCESTON TAS Node Coordinator Prof Trevor Sofield Ph: trevor.sofield@utas.edu.au International APEC Centre for Sustainable Tourism (AICST) A multilateral sustainable tourism research consortium established to facilitate new levels of cooperation between APEC member economies. International Centre of Excellence for Sustainable Tourism Education (ICE-STE) Established by the Australian Government to increase Australia s international involvement in travel, tourism, hospitality and related educational services. International Consulting CRCST provides teams of researchers and consultants to bid for public and private sector sustainable tourism consulting projects throughout Asia Pacific as well as other regions of the globe. CRC for Sustainable Tourism Group of Companies and Associated Centres Decipher Technologies Pty Ltd Delivering information and knowledge products on demand to travel and tourism enterprises and business information professionals. Green Globe Asia Pacific Pty Ltd A joint venture company providing global certification and sustainability services for enterprises and destinations. Sustainable Tourism Services Pty Ltd Provides extension and commercial research capabilities for the international and domestic market. Centre for Tourism & Risk Management University of Queensland EarthCheck Pty Ltd Develops benchmarking and sustainability improvement systems for commercial application. Sustainable Tourism Holdings Pty Ltd Dedicated to commercialising innovations developed from CRCST IP. Centre for Regional Tourism Research Southern Cross University Qantas Chair in Tourism Economics University of New South Wales * /10/03 website: bookshop: info@crctourism.com.au