OF MIGRATION IN T UNÍTED KINQ OM. Edited by LA.Kosinski. Elizabeth U. ÍÓM International Organization tor Migration

Transcription

1 OF MIGRATION IN Edited by LA.Ksinski T UNÍTED KINQ OM Elizabeth U. GICRED Cmmittee fr InternatinalCperáíirt..'.in Natinal Research in Demgraphy ÍÓM Internatinal Organizatin tr Migratin

2 IMPACT OF MIGRATION IN THE RECEIVING COUNTRIES Edited by L.A.Ksiñski THE UNITED KINGDOM Elizabeth M. Thmas-Hpe CICRED Cmmittee fr Internatinal Cperatin in Natinal Research in Demgraphy IOM Internatinal Organizatin fr Migratin

3 ISBN Published by: INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATION FOR MIGRATION IOM P. O. Bx 71, CH-1211 Geneva 19, Switzerland GENEVA 1994

4 FOREWORD This vlume cntains ne f several cuntry mngraphs prepared as part f a research prject c-spnsred by the Cmmittee fr Internatinal C-peratin in Natinal Research in Demgraphy (CICRED) and the Internatinal Organizatin fr Migratin (IOM). The fcus f this prject was t analyze the impact f internatinal migratin upn receiving cuntries. It was launched in 1988 when a previus prject cncerned with the impact f internatinal migratin upn sending cuntries was reaching its final stage. In respnse t a call by CICRED t its member-centres sme thirty institutes carrying ut research in demgraphy indicated their interest in participatin and sent representatives t the initial meeting held in Geneva in 1988 at IOM Headquarters. Eighteen centres/authrs cmmitted themselves t prepare cuntry reprts. It was agreed that they wuld fllw as far as pssible a cmmn utline. The authrs were asked t describe in general terms migratin trends, available data surces, and existing legislatin in the cuntry under study. They were t lk at the demgraphic, scial and cultural as well as ecnmic and plitical impact f migratin upn receiving scieties. Finally, they were encuraged t discern trends and discuss pssible future scenaris. The prject extended ver several years and in the prcess sme authrs drpped ut while ther centres were added. Ultimately, ten manuscripts were received. They have been carefully edited by the c-rdinatr f the prject, Leszek A. Ksinski, f the University f Alberta, Canada, and are appearing in full in this series f IOM research reprts. Tw natinal reprts (fr France and the Netherlands) were published separately in different series, but the link between them and the rest f the prject was duly acknwledged. In additin t natinal reprts, a cmparative study cmpiled by the c-rdinatr, in c-peratin with Lén Tabah and Jean-Pierre Gnnt will be published separately. In preparing their synthesis, Prf. L. A. Ksinski and his assciates relied nt nly n these reprts, but als n current literature n the subject. Bth spnsring agencies appreciate the effrts f individual authrs and their centres. We thank the c-rdinatr fr his effrt ver the years resulting in a final prduct which is nw reaching the interested reader in presentable frm. We hpe that this set f reprts will represent a timely and prfessinally cmpetent cntributin t the cntemprary debate n internatinal migratin and its cnsequences. James N. Purcell, Jr. Directr General Internatinal Organizatin fr Migratin (IOM) Geneva Lén Tabah Chairman Cmmittee fr Internatinal Cperatin in Natinal Research in Gegraphy (CICRED Paris

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6 GENERAL INTRODUCTION Leszek A. Ksinski C-rdinatr f the Prject The imprtance f internatinal migratin and the public perceptin f this phenmenn have varied greatly ver the years. Visibility f the prblems assciated with transnatinal mbility and cncern amng plicy makers and the public at large depended nt nly n the changing size f the flws, but als n the perceived impact f migratin, either upn receiving scieties r upn sending cmmunities, r bth. The last decade placed mvement f peple nce again very highly n the internatinal agenda. Massive displacements, bth vluntary and invluntary, reached levels unheard f in the past. Relative ease f cmmunicatin and travel as well glbalizatin f cntemprary life made lng-distance mves s much easier than in the past. This has created cnditins fr unexpected encunters between peple belnging t very distant cultures which in turn increased the ptential fr cnflicts, particularly in perids f ecnmic dwnturn. It culd be said that, as far as migratin is cncerned, the "brain drain 1 seems t have been the main preccupatin in the 1970's, illegal immigratin was the main cncern f the 1980's, influx f asylum seekers and backlash against strangers seem t be the majr tpic f the present decade. In additin t the ld terms such as immigratin qutas, displaced persns, ecnmic refugees - the readers f bth schlarly reprts and ppular press are likely t encunter relatively new expressins such as bat peple, illegal (undcumented) migrants, envirnmental migrants r refugees, asylum-seekers, nn-cnventin refugees, ptential migrants etc. Expansin f terminlgy reflects the mre cmplex reality f tday. The media in industrial cuntries is full f sensatinal and frequently inaccurate stries. Attempts t cme t terms with munting prblems and t devise plicies apprpriate fr the present times resulted in a number f internatinal meetings, ranging frm technical seminars f experts t high-level ministerial get-tgethers. These meetings generated cnsiderable interest and prduced substantial dcumentatin (sme f which appears eventually in a printed frm). Sme f them may result in mdificatin f existing plicies r intrductin f new measures. Much f these activities were in respnse t munting public cncerns and the need t react rapidly r at least t be seen t be ding smething. On the ther hand encuragement is being given t a lng-term sustained research effrts aimed at creating a bdy f knwledge t be used n bth natinal and internatinal scales. The CICRED/IOM prject represents ne such attempt invlving ver thirty individuals frm a dzen cuntries. It shuld be emphasized that bth spnsring rganizatins have had a lng-standing interest in internatinal migratin. The IOM by definitin has been invlved in internatinal mvement f peple and its interest has nt been limited t dcumentatin and research, but extended well int actin arena (Appleyard 1991). CICRED's interests cver the whle spectrum f ppulatin study and migratin is nly ne f many aspects t which the attentin f member-centres was drawn. In fact, it was almst twenty years ag, that a special seminar was held in Buens Aires (Tapins 1974). Mre recently, a c-perative prject n the impact f migratin upn sending (mstly develping) cuntries was carried ut (Appleyard 1989). The vlume resulting frm the latter prject includes 23 chapters, sme f which are f mre general character, thers have a very specific fcus.

7 When this prject was winding up, the CICRED, in c-peratin with IOM, invited member-centres t cllabrate n anther prject- in which the emphasis was t be clearly n receiving cuntries and the varius cnsequences f immigratin upn hst scieties. First feelers went ut in 1986, but the prject was fficially launched in December 1988 at a meeting in Geneva hsted by IOM. A cmmn utline has been drafted by the c-rdinatr, and later critically reviewed with ptential authrs at the Geneva meeting.... t I ' r. It was agreed that each authr will attempt t discuss verall trends at a natinal level, with special emphasis upn demgraphic, scial, cultural, ecnmic and plitical cnsequences fr the hst cuntry. It was clearly understd that it wuld be unrealistic t expect each authr t, adhere strictly t the guidelines and hpe that each f them will be able t cver all aspects equally thrughly. But it was felt that enugh material will be generated in cmparable frmat t justify the effrt (Ksinski, 1989, 1990). The natinal reprts appear separately in the IOM series, and it is likely that at least ten f them will be included (Australia, Belgium, Canada, Germany, Italy, New Zealand, Switzerland, UK, USA and Venezuela). Furthermre, tw natinal mngraphs (France and the Netherlands) were published elsewhere, but the link between them and the rest f the prject was acknwledged. In additin, the c-rdinatr in cperatin with ther experts, will make an attempt t cmpile a generalized cmparative reprt, based mstly, but nt exclusively upn case studies cvered by this prject. Again the fcus will be n varius cnsequences f migratin, as seen frm the perspective f receiving cuntries. The prject was carried ut in a perid f cnsiderable change in migratin behaviur f the glbal sciety. As well, public perceptins f what was ging n and what shuld be dne abut it was changing. Hence, the results can hardly be treated as definitive answers t the prblems raised in the study. It is ur hpe that they will represent a significant cntributin t develping ur understanding f the changing scial reality f ur times. References Appleyard, R.T Internatinal Migratin. Challenge fr the Nineties. Internatinal Organizatin fr Migratin (IOM), Geneva. Appleyard, R.T. (Ed.): 1989 The Impact f Internatinal Migratin n Develping Cuntries. Organizatin fr Ecnmic C-peratin and Develpment (OECD), Paris Ksinski, L.A Impact f Internatinal Migratin upn Receiving Cuntries, A Cmprehensive Research Prject, Geneva May 1990, Internatinal Migratin. 28(3): "Impact f Internatinal Migratin upn Receiving Cuntries", Internatinal Migratin. 27(3): Tapins, G. (Ed.) 1974 Internatinal Migratin: Prceedings f a Seminar n Demgraphic Research in Relatin t Internatinal Migratin March Cmmittee fr Internatinal C-peratin in Natinal Research in Demgraphy (CICRED), Paris.

8 THE UNITED KINGDOM Elizabeth M. Thmas-Hpe

9 Opinins expressed in this study are thse f the authr and d nt necessarily reflect the views f the spnsring rganizatins CICRED and IOM.

10 TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Pst-War Migratin t the United Kingdm Data Surces, Definitins and Measurements f Immigratin t the United Kingdm Changing Public Attitudes t Immigratin Immigratin and Citizenship Plicy CHAPTER II INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION: TRENDS AND PATTERNS Size f Immigratin Migratin Types Settlement f Migrants Return f Migrants CHAPTER III DEMOGRAPHIC IMPACT Impact n Internal Distributin and Re-distributin f Ppulatin Impact n Changes in the Demgraphic Structure The Fertility Behaviur f Immigrants Family and Husehld Health f Immigrants Impact f Immigratin upn Mrtality Immigratin as a Cmpnent f Ppulatin Change CHAPTER IV SOCIAL AND CULTURAL IMPACT OF IMMIGRATION Integratin Supprt System Impact f Immigratin upn Religin Impact f Immigratin upn the Educatinal System Impact f Immigratin upn the Husing Market Scial Services and Immigratin The Impact f Immigrants upn Vluntary Organizatins Scial Adaptatin (Integratin) f Immigrants

11 CHAPTER V THE ECONOMIC IMPACT OF IMMIGRATION 72 Impact f Immigratin upn the Labur Market Impact f Immigratin upn Labur and Industrial Relatins Impact f Immigratin upn Output Earnings, Savings and Investment f Immigrants Overall Ecnmic Impact f Immigratin CHAPTER VI THE POLITICAL IMPACT OF IMMIGRATION Plitical Attitudes and Activities f Immigrants Ethnicity and Class in Immigrant Plitical Activity Migrant Leadership Plitical Reactins t Immigratin CONCLUSION Overview: The Impact f Pst Wrld War II Immigratin n the UK Plicy Issues fr the 1990's APPENDICES 94 REFERENCES

12 LIST OF FIGURES 1. Internatinal Migratin t and frm Caribbean Cmmnwealth, United Kingdm, Internatinal Migratin t and frm India, Bangladesh Sri Lanka and Pakistan, United Kingdm, Internatinal Migratin f Nn-British Citizens, United Kingdm, Internatinal Migratin f British Citizens, United Kingdm, Ppulatin f NCWP Ethnic Origin, Great Britain,Mid-1971,1980, Age Distributin f Females by Ethnic Grup, Great Britain, Age Distributin f Males by Ethnic Grup, Great Britain, Distributin f Ethnic Minrity Ppulatin in Britain by regin, Estimated Size f the Ethnic Minrity Ppulatin in Great Britain, Dependent Children and Lne Parent Families by Ethnic Grup, Great Britain, Family Cmpsitin, by Ethnic Grup, Great Britain, Percentage f Ethnic Minrity Men and Wmen Married t White Persns, Great Britain, Mrtality Cause by Cuntry f Birth, Females Aged 20-49, , Resident in England and Wales Mrtality Cause by Cuntry f Birth, Males Aged 20-49, Resident in England and Wales Standardised Mrtality Ratis, All Cause, f Female Immigrants Aged by Scial Class, Standardised Mrtality Ratis, All Cause, f Male Immigrants Aged by Scial Class, Examinatin Attainment f Schl Leavers, by Racial Grup,

13 18. Husing Tenure by Place f Birth f Head f Husehld, Great Britain, Husehlds Lacking Bath and Inside Tilet, by Ethnic Grup, Great Britain, Husing Tenure by Ethnic Grups and Regin, England, Unemplyment Rates by Age and Ethnic Origi^Great Britain, Spring Electral Registratin, by Ethnic Origin, 1979 (survey f 24 cnstituencies natinally) 84 LIST OF TABLES 1. The Ethnic Minrities as a Percentage f the Ttal Ethnic Ppulatins in the UK and the Percentage f Each Ethnic Minrity Brn in the UK Metrplitan Cunty Districts / Lndn Brughs / Nn-Metrplitan Cunties with the Ten Largest Ethnic Minrity Ppulatins, Males per 1 Females, by Age and Ethnic Grup, Great Britain, Vting Patterns by Ethnic Grup, 1979 and 1983 General Electins (survey f 24 cnstituencies natinally) 85 iv

14 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION This study presents a summary f immigratin t the UK since Wrld War II and its implicatins fr change in the demgraphic, sci-cultural, ecnmic and plitical life f the cuntry. The pst-war decade in Britain was a time f industrial recnstructin but the effects f a reduced labur frce fllwing the war were severe. Britain turned t its clnies where there were ptentially large labur supplies in scieties with already existing linkages t Britain as a result f their clnial histry. Several thusand (British) West Indians had been cntracted during the war t wrk as technicians in the war industries r as vlunteers in the Armed Services, particularly the Ryal Air Frce. The first initiatives f pst-war recruitments were f West Indian wrkers fr Lndn Transprt and nurses fr the Natinal Health Service. This marked the beginning f a majr immigratin f wrkers and their dependents first frm the West Indies and then frm Britain's frmer clnies in suthern Asia. Tw ther main grups f immigrants t the UK were assciated with Wrld War II and its aftermath: Plish immigrants cmpsed partly f 70,0 members f the Plish 2nd Crps, (knwn as General Anders' Army), cvered by shrt term (12 mnth) wrk permits; a secnd grup cmprised 1,0 wrkers frm Western Eurpe under the Eurpean Vluntary Wrkers Scheme. There were als varius grups f refugees t the UK during the war, ntably German and Austrian Jews. Thugh many left after the war, a number stayed n. Wrld War II was an imprtant watershed in the nature f twentiethcentury immigratin t the UK, with a shift frm the pattern f small numbers arriving frm Eurpean cuntries thrughut the pre- and inter-war years t ne dminated by large numbers arriving frm the clnies and frmer clnies f Britain in the West Indies, suthern Asia and Africa. Little public r plitical attentin has been paid t gathering statistics relating t white immigrants thugh they were estimated t accunt fr twthirds f the ttal in Instead, dcumentatin f and literature n the perid f pst-wrld War II immigratin has been dminated by the arrival and settlement f immigrants frm the nn-white frmer British Empire - India, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Caribbean and African cuntries; als Sri Lanka, Hng Kng, Singapre and Malaysia, tgether with Cyprus, Malta and Gibraltar (Ppulatin Trends 28, Summer 1982), namely, the New Cmmnwealth and Pakistan (NCWP). In prviding an verview f the available infrmatin n the pst-wrld War II perid f immigratin, the present study necessarily reflects this fcus n the NCWP immigrants and their UK-brn descendants.

15 POST-WAR MIGRATION TO THE UNITED KINGDOM Three majr verlapping migratins t the UK tk place between the 1950s and 1970s: The first, frm the British clnies in the West Indies (therwise termed the Caribbean), began with the recruitment f wrkers in the early 1950s. The flw increased t significant prprtins in the early 1950s and peaked in 1961, subsequently dying away in the early 1970s t a situatin f net emigratin. The secnd majr mvement was frm India and Pakistan. This had becme well established by 1961 just when the Caribbean arrivals had peaked. (The 1971 Census shws that nly 15% f Pakistanis and 25% f Indians had entered the cuntry befre 1961 cmpared t 43% f thse frm the Caribbean (Office f Ppulatin Censuses and Surveys - OPCS ). There were n legislative cntrls at the peak f the West Indian mvement, whereas the immigratin frm suthern Asia was mstly cntrlled by the restrictins f the 1962 Cmmnwealth Immigrants Act. The third mvement - that f the East African Asians - cmprised a number f refugees, particularly thse expelled frm Uganda in the early 1970s. As well as these majr ppulatin flws frm the New Cmmnwealth, there were numerically smaller immigratins frm the Mediterranean in the 1950s and 1960s, chiefly f Cyprits, Maltese and Gibraltarians. T these were added ther Eurpeans since the establishment f the Eurpean Cmmunity and it was estimated that in 1986, fr example, the EC (including Eire) supplied abut 29% f all labur migrants entering the UK (OPCS, Labur Frce Survey, 1987). In 1956 refugees frm Hungary arrived in the UK and in the 1980s small numbers frm suth-east Asia, primarily frm Vietnam (apprximately 20,0) but als in even smaller numbers frm Las and Kampuchea (Cambdia) as well as Tamils frm Sri Lanka. Other refugees included the Smalis, the mst recent f whm arrived as war refugees since the 1980s. Other refugee prgrammes allwed the entry f 20,0 Czechslvakians in 1968 and 3,0 Chileans in the 1970s. Other immigrants t the UK in the pst-wrld War II decades included peple frm the 'd Cmmnwealth 1, frmer settler clnies in Australasia, Canada and suthern Africa, as well as Eastern Eurpe, the Middle East, Malaysia and Singapre. Amng thse frm the Middle East, the largest grup were frm Yemen, wh arrived in the first instance as sailrs frm the British prtectrate prt f Aden. The secnd and larger wave f immigratin tk place in the 1960s and 1970s fllwing plitical changes in Yemen. Chinese seamen had entered the UK in small numbers earlier in the century and in increasing numbers fllwing the Japanese ccupatin f the cuntry and the Civil War perid f the 1940s. This frmed the cre f the Chinese cmmunity in the UK which has been expanded thrugh the immigratin f small numbers since the war, especially frm Hng Kng. In additin, there remained thrughut the pst-war perid t the present a steady immigratin f Irish int the UK, but these are regarded as a special case by the British Gvernment.

16 DATA SOURCES, DEFINITIONS AND MEASUREMENTS OF IMMIGRATION TO THE UNITED KINGDOM An evaluatin f the impact f immigratin n the UK must include the impact f the initial migrant flws as well as the effects f the migrants wh remained in the cuntry tgether with their UK-brn descendants. Definitins bth f migrants and f the migrant stck lack precisin and differ between cuntries. In the UK, data n migrant flws and stcks reflect the difficulties in defining an immigrant, especially in establishing a clear distinctin between citizen and nn-citizen. Definitin f Immigrant The Hme Office des nt use the wrd 'immigrant' in its immigratin statistics. Instead, these statistics currently relate t peple wh are 'subject t immigratin cntrl' under the Immigratin Acts f 1971 and 1988, and include all persns nt referred t as 'patriáis'. The exact definitin f 'patrial' is cmplex, but bradly speaking, a 'patrial' is a citizen f the U.K. and clnies, r f anther Cmmnwealth cuntry, wh has a clse cnnectin with the UK either by birth r by descent, frm adptin by a parent wh is a citizen, r, in the case f wmen, by marriage t a husband having such a cnnectin. There are n statistics n the entry f such persns t the UK. Als excluded frm the cntrl f immigratin statistics are passengers travelling frm r via the UK Cmmn Travel Area - the Republic f Ireland, Isle f Man and the Channel Islands. As a result, n infrmatin is prvided fr entry r settlement fr Britain's largest immigrant grup, the Irish. Furthermre, Eurpean Cmmunity natinals, wh benefit frm certain prvisins f Cmmunity law, are included in the settlement statistics but nt thse f entry. As a cnsequence f the 1971 Immigratin Act, the 'cntrl f immigratin' statistics cnsist mstly f NCWP immigrants (Radical Statistics Grup, 1980). Of thse persns wh are subject t immigratin cntrl and are admitted, the term 'accepted fr settlement n arrival' is ften applied, and numbers in this categry are used as a measure f immigratin. By itself it is insufficient, as ther passengers are admitted initially t the UK with cnditins attached t their stay and then subsequently accepted fr settlement. Such peple are described as having been 'accepted fr settlement n remval f time limit'. It is these tw categries f acceptances fr settlement tgether which are a measure f immigratin f persns subject t immigratin cntrl. In the case f the immigrant stck, the difficulties f definitin chiefly ccur in establishing the pint at which an immigrant ppulatin ceases t be regarded as such and becmes regarded as part f the lcal r indigenus grup. This varies significantly frm ne cuntry t anther and is largely based n the criteria f citizenship, perceptins f natinal identity and the cncept f 'belnging'. Pst-war immigratin t the UK has been s identified with peples f frmer clnial status and the related cnstructin f race that descendants f visible migrants becme accepted as indigenus with much greater difficulty than invisible migrants. Indeed, there is questin f whether distinctive

17 phentype prevents identificatin as an indigenee thrughut subsequent generatins f migrant descendants, even indefinitely. As a result, visibility has been used t imply ethnic difference even generatins after peple have becme culturally indistinguishable frm the general white British ppulatin. Phentype and in particular, categry f clur, remains an essential cmpnent f perceived ethnicity. Because f the assciatin f migrant status with distinctive ethnicity r race, the visible r nn-white migrants have been referred t as ethnic minrities in Britain, whereas invisible r white migrants have nt been thus labelled. [The nature f the classificatin f ethnic grups is discussed further in the sectin n data surces f immigrant stck.] Fr the purpse f this study, the term ethnic minrity as a definitin f nn-white migrants and their descendants will be used in accrdance with cmmn usage in the UK. Fr, despite the inherent inadequacies f using ethnicity in this way, it is certainly the case in the British cntext that the impact f immigratin culd nt be adequately evaluated if the implicatins f the descendants f the visible migrants were nt specifically taken int accunt. The impact f invisible minrities is hardly even mnitred. Data and Data Surces Immigrant flws There are tw fficial surces f data available fr immigratin: (i) the Hme Office (HO). The statistics f the 'cntrl f immigratin' apply t entries thrughut mst f the twentieth century and have been available in the frm f annual Cmmand Papers since (ii) the Office f Ppulatin Censuses and Surveys (OPCS). The data, which relate t arrivals since 1964, are derived frm the Internatinal Passenger Survey (IPS), and perated n behalf f the Department f Trade and Industry. The intrinsic imprécisins f these tw data sets, and their incmpatibility with each ther, require sme discussin. The Hme Office cllects statistics n all peple wh are subject t immigratin cntrl n their entry t the UK. These statistics are a by-prduct f the administrative system fr immigratin cntrl, which itself is gverned by the immigratin rules which are laid befre Parliament by the Hme Secretary. An imprtant pint t nte is that, because f the changes in the immigratin regulatins that have taken place since 1948 and the subsequent changes in the categrisatin f statistics, there are cnsiderable difficulties inherent in mnitring changes ver time using this series. This pint is well illustrated by reference t Cmmnwealth immigratin int the UK prir t the 1962 Cmmnwealth Immigratin Act. Until this time, Cmmnwealth immigrants were British citizens and were nt subject t immigratin cntrl; therefre, the number f Cmmnwealth citizens entering the UK in the 1950s were nt specifically mnitred and can nly be estimated (Bevan, 1986).

18 The secnd fficial surce f immigratin statistics, the Internatinal Passenger Survey, is a cntinuing sample survey mainly carried ut fr the purpse f estimating statistics f turism and the balance f payments. The IPS wrks with the agreed internatinal definitin f 'immigrant' and 'emigrant'. Fr an incming passenger t be classified as an intending immigrant t the UK she/he must satisfy tw cnditins - that the last cuntry f residence fr twelve mnths r mre was utside the UK, and that she/he intends t stay in the UK fr twelve mnths r mre. These definitins d nt cincide with the legal definitins f a migrant cntained in the varius UK Immigratin Acts. The survey samples are between 0.25% and 4% f passengers, this prprtin varying accrding t the rute and time f year. The sampling frame cnsists f abut 50 millin passengers wh enter r leave the UK each year. Certain types f passengers are excluded frm the IPS. The main grups, as with the cntrl f immigratin statistics, are peple intending t reside in the Irish Republic, r wh last resided in the Irish Republic, and all thse travelling directly between the UK and the Irish Republic irrespective f their cuntry f residence. The reliability f the immigratin data is bviusly dependent upn the methdlgy emplyed in its cllectin. The Hme Office statistics are mre limited in scpe but appear t be cmplete within the definitin f immigrant used; the IPS statistics are wider in scpe but are based n samples. The Hme Office figures will be subject t the nrmal clerical errrs assciated with cunting and handling data - such inaccuracies being inherent in any large recrding system. There have been a large number f prblems with the IPS. One reasn fr this is that, as mentined abve, it is used fr mre than ne purpse. The figures n immigratin are a by-prduct f the turist mnitring prcess, and fr this reasn, althugh the sample size is large, mst f this number are turist passengers, and the number f real immigrants is very small. Furthermre, the figures are subject t bth sampling and nn-sampling errrs which can make the migratin estimates fr small categries unreliable. Fr example, the verall standard errr fr the estimated ttal inflw f 250,0 in 1986 is 4.5%, giving a range f between 227,0 and 273,0 as the 95% cnfidence interval (Series Mngraph N 13, Internatinal Migratin, OPCS 1987). It shuld be nted as a guide that the standard errr fr an estimate f 1,0 migrants is arund 40%, while that fr an estimate f 40,0 migrants is reduced t arund 10%. Fr the purpse f reliable estimates these may be seen as unacceptable margins f errr. In 1975 the ttal number f immigrants cntacted by the Survey was 2,773. Of these, 503 were immigrants arriving frm the New Cmmnwealth, f whm nly 44 were New Cmmnwealth citizens frm the West Indies and 155 frm India, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka. The small sample size ges unnticed in the published statistics, which are grssed-up. Thus the 503 cntacts frm the New Cmmnwealth were grssed t give an estimate f 34.9 thusand New Cmmnwealth and Pakistani (NCWP) immigrants arriving, and 2.9 thusand arrivals frm the West Indies (Radical Statistics Grup, 1980).

19 Immigrant stcks Immigratin during the pst-war perid was fllwed by the settlement f mst f thse wh arrived and the subsequent grwth f cmmunities f secnd and later generatins. Whilst several surces f data exist fr lng term immigrants and ppulatins f immigrant rigin, there are cnsiderable difficulties in btaining accurate and meaningful data. These difficulties stem in part frm the difficulties f definitin discussed abve as well as frm the sensitive nature f the subject and thus f its inclusin in fficial ppulatin mnitring. The chief surces f data are the Ppulatin Censuses, Sample Surveys and birth and death registratin (Appendix I (a)). The Census has been f limited value in prviding data n immigrant grups and has been f little value in mnitring changes in the ppulatins f immigrant rigin. This may be explained by the fact that whereas data n parents' cuntry f rigin were included in the 1971 Census, these were excluded frm the 1981 Census. This fllwed frm ppsitin t the census questins relating t rigin n grunds that it was prblematic t define categries, and ptentially dangerus t attempt t classify peple accrding t their skin clur and ethnic rigin. This view ccurred against a backgrund f public debate and hysteria which had been generated ver the immigratin f nn-white grups. Place f birth was nce again the nly data available frm the 1981 Census n which t base ppulatin estimates. Birth-place f head f husehld was adpted as the criterin by which the majrity f the ppulatin f New Cmmnwealth and Pakistan (NCWP) ethnic rigin culd be identified. It was reasned by the OPCS that in 1981 mst persns f NCWP ethnic rigin wuld either have been brn in NCWP cuntries, r wuld be children wh were brn in the UK but wh were still living with parents themselves brn in NCWP cuntries. The ppulatin f NCWP rigin was usually defined t cver persns with bth parents whlly f NCWP rigin. On. the basis f this definitin, at the natinal level it was estimated that in 1981 husehlds headed by a persn brn in the NCWP culd be expected t cver sme 90% f the ttal ppulatin f NCWP ethnic rigin. The 10% r s f the ppulatin f NCWP ethnic rigin wh wuld nt be cvered by this husehld classificatin cmprised the UK-brn f NCWP ethnic rigin wh head their wn husehlds, tgether with ther members f their husehlds wh belng t ethnic minrities, and thse f NCWP ethnic rigin living in husehlds headed by a UK-brn persn belnging t the indigenus ppulatin (Ppulatin Trends 28, Summer 82). This surrgate fr ethnic rigin avided neither f the biases inherent in the use f place f birth. Because f the absence frm the 1981 Census f a questin n parents' cuntry f birth cmparable t that used in the 1971 Census, there was n crrespndingly accurate benchmark n which natinal estimates f migrant stck culd be based. Mrever, infrmatin frm birth registratin abut births t verseas-brn parents was becming increasingly deficient because it failed t take accunt f the increasing number f births within the UK t parents f NCWP rigin, bth f whm were themselves brn in the UK. Thus, thrughut the 1980s, natinal estimates became increasingly unreliable. The Secretary f State fr Scial Services reminded the Huse f Cmmns in April

20 1980, in a debate n the Census rder, that given the lack f systematically cllected data it wuld becme necessary t rely slely n infrmatin frm vluntary sample surveys t prvide estimates f the migrant ppulatin. Already this had ccurred in that the Labur Frce Survey (based n vluntary samples) had becme the main surce f figures n ethnic minrity grups in Britain. The Labur Frce Surveys included questins f natinality with the exceptin f 'white' peple (Appendix I (b)). Thus a white Caribbean r white African was nt cnsidered part f an ethnic minrity whereas a black British was. All white persns were absrbed, bth statistically and perceptually int the general ppulatin. Clur in these Surveys was implied rather than specified. Later, in the 1991 Census, clur was explicitly included alng with natinality as cnstituting 'ethnicity' - hence the label cmbinatins in the 'ethnic categries' f Black African, Black Caribbean, Black British, Black Other and White Caribbean, White African etcetera. (Appendix II (b & c)). Ethnicity was classified accrding t clur and regin f parental rigin in the case f peple wh were 'black' (Black Caribbean, Black African) and accrding t cuntry f parental rigin in the case f peple frm Asia - viz. Indian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi, Chinese. Certainly the emphasis was in measuring the 'ethnic minrities' f New Cmmnwealth and Pakistani backgrund. It is als pssible frm the 1991 Census t identify nn-white minrities f Arab, Greek and Turkish rigin. 'White' grups f immigrant rigin are nt measured separately and are absrbed bth statistically and perceptually int the general UK ppulatin. (See Appendix II). Summary As has been indicated, the IPS and Hme Office figures differ in cverage, definitin and methds f data cllectin f immigrants making it impssible t carry ut a general recnciliatin f figures f immigrant flws. Hwever, published infrmatin which uses estimates f net immigratin fr certain categries - fr example, mid-year estimates, especially f the UK's ppulatin f NCWP rigin - makes use f infrmatin derived bth frm the IPS and frm limited categries within Hme Office cntrl f immigratin statistics Husing and Ethnic minrities statistical infrmatin (Cmmissin fr Racial Equality, 1988). In the case f immigrant stck, the census has prvided infrmatin abut the numbers f verseas persns analyzed by cuntry f birth. With the arrival f relatively large numbers f peple frm the NCWP, mre frequent infrmatin, and f a kind which the census did nt prvide abut 'clur' r 'ethnicity' was required. The Labur Frce Survey was nw the principle surce f infrmatin abut immigrant stck thrughut the 1980s. It was initiated in 1981 and since 1983 has been undertaken annually. It is a vluntary survey, cvering 0.3% f husehlds, and asks peple t what ethnic grup they cnsider themselves and members f their husehld t belng. The LFS asks a natinality questin which distinguishes between cuntries in the UK Cmmn Travel Area; therefre, the immigrant stck may be enumerated bth by ethnicity and natinality. Questins relating t ethnicity/race were intrduced in the 1991 Census, prviding individual's subjective assessment f ethnicity as the cmbinatin f

21 clur, cuntry/regin f rigin r parental rigin and cultural grup f identificatin. The ethnicity tgether with place f birth questins prduce a cmplex measure f 'immigrant stck 1 and ne biased t identify nly thse in 'nn-white' categries. Despite the shrtcmings, it prvides the first natinal statistics n minrity ppulatins f immigrant backgrund and it is a true reflectin f the public perceptin f "immigrant stck' and 'ethnic minrities' which, in the UK cntext, are largely taken t be synnymus. CHANGING PUBLIC ATTITUDES TO IMMIGRATION In the pst-wrld War II perid, immigratin and the presence f ethnic minrities have instigated cnsiderable scial unease and plitical cncern. Just as the cllectin f statistics n immigratin fcused primarily n the ppulatin f NCWP rigin, s public debate ignred the majrity f white immigratin. As the number f nn-white entrants increased, s did the bjectins. The effects f such immigrants n emplyment, husing, educatin and the cultural and scial life f the cuntry were enumerated, ften in crude racist and alarmist terms (Bevan, 1986). Public pinin and plitical reactin The perid f large-scale immigratin (1950s-70s) Immigratin in the early 1950s did nt g unnticed r withut cncern, yet at the same time as public anxieties were being viced, immigratin was being encuraged by the gvernment and industry. As the much-needed wrkers arrived s 'prblems' arse. These prblems were due t public reactin against the immigrants n grunds f their clur (referred t as race) and n accunt f the cultural differences between immigrants and the hst sciety. The 'racializatin' f immigratin develped and, thereafter, the wrd 'immigrant' was used synnymusly with 'nn-white' and prblems f immigratin articulated in terms f race. [The terminlgy used fr the nn-white immigrants was initially 'clured' but later the immigrants, tgether with their UK-brn children, referred t themselves as 'black'. The term 'black' is currently in vgue t dente all nn-white persns frm Africa, Asia and the Caribbean, but given the ambiguity in the meaning f black, the term 'nn-white' is used in preference in this study.] - West Indians, Indians and Pakistanis Althugh the percentage f immigrant wrkers in the ttal wrkfrce remained small, certain sectrs f industry became heavily dependent upn immigrant labur, and in sme urban areas in a limited number f industrial centres, the immigrant wrkers were in a majrity (Rex, 1988). The entry f newcmers was seen by the settled ppulatin as a surce f cmpetitin fr jbs and huses and Lndn's Ntting Hill rits f 1958, in which many persns frm the migrant cmmunities were injured and their prperty destryed,

22 served t increase bth their hstility and the cncern ver the develpment f racial cncentratin. This atmsphere encuraged the develpment f small extremist grups. The White Reference League was frmed in 1958, and in the fllwing year it cmbined with ther grups t frm the British Natinal Frnt (the mst prminent f the racist grups, whse main aim was t bring an end t immigratin and initiate the repatriatin f nn-white immigrants in Britain). Als, in 1960 the Birmingham Immigratin Cntrl Assciatin was frmed, a reactin t the suppsed 'ghettisatin 1 f areas f inner city Birmingham. The hatred against nn-white migrants stirred up by such grups n the streets was eched by the mre subdued but nevertheless supprtive tnes f sme eminent pliticians, wh warned against the disservice which such immigratin wuld d fr generatins t cme. It was these pressures which led t the Cmmnwealth Immigrants Act f 1962, pushed thrugh by a Cnservative Gvernment, but vigrusly ppsed by the Labur ppsitin. This Act was nt cncerned with immigratin as such, but with the immigratin f nn-white peple frm the frmer clnies wh intended t settle (Grdn and King, 1988). It was significant that the Act was nt repealed when the Labur Party came t pwer after the 1964 general electin. Because f the strength f public feeling, a bipartisan apprach t immigratin had begun. - Kenyan and Ugandan Asians Cncurrently, plicies f discriminatin against Asians in East Africa, first in Kenya and then in Uganda, were prmpting thse wh had British passprts t exercise their right f entry int the UK. In February 1968, Asians were leaving Kenya at a rate f 750 per day. Again public fears were based n the ntin f increased numerical dminance f nn-white peple in Britain. The effect that public pinin had n gvernment plicies at the time was evident in the fact that feelings against immigratin in the peak years f arrival were strng enugh amng the British wrking class t encurage even the Left in British plitics t adpt an anti-immigratin stance in the late 1960s. It was evaluated that the issue had nearly cst them the electin f particularly in the West Midlands - and it was widely felt that their imprved majrity in 1966 was due t their new tugh line n immigratin cntrl (Hartmann and Husband 1974). The Labur Gvernment decided n grunds that were quite penly thse f expediency rather than principle, that it wuld n lnger accept respnsibility fr certain f its citizens in the frmer clnies and in due curse the 1968 Cmmnwealth Immigrants Act was passed. Immigrants as settlers As successive immigratin acts substantially reduced the vlume f immigratin, cncern fcused n the settlement f the immigrants and the UKbrn generatins f immigrant descent. Lee (1977) pinted t the expulsin f Asians frm Uganda and their cnsequent entry int Britain as exemplifying this trend. After the initial utcry ver the numbers f the latest influx, public and gvernmental cncern became fcused n settlement patterns within Britain. Thus, areas where there were already substantial numbers f Asians and ther clured immigrants were deemed 'red' areas. These were t be avided in

23 favur f lw immigrant 'green' areas which wuld prduce a mre desirable pattern f dispersal. The cnventinal wisdm that 'clured' immigrants shuld be dispersed may be seen, in part, as a 'result f their tendency t cncentrate in inner city, wrking class areas (discussed in mre detail in Chapter II). Here, they are ften used as a scapegat fr the decline in the physical envirnment, which in fact has been caused nt by the settlement there f clured immigrants, but by the depredatins f time 1 (Lee 1977). As discussed, they were in the early days seen t be cmpeting with the indigenus residents fr husing and ther scial services. This cmpetitin, taking place as it ften did in areas f deterirating scial prvisin, helped t explain the lack f empathy between the wrking classes and immigrants wh were subject t the same scial deprivatin. Immigratin and its perceived prblems had becme firmly assciated with issues f race. As a result, the secnd and third generatins f immigrant parents cntinued t be seen as utside cmpetitrs fr jbs, and services. While much f this feeling and the discriminatry practices in emplyment and husing were reduced by equal pprtunity legislatin, ther areas f cnflict, in particular ver cncentratins f minrity ethnic grups in schls ccurred in sme areas f the cuntry. As recently as 1990 an pinin pll was reprted in The Guardian (28 April, 1990) "Racist Views Held by One in 3 Yung Wrkers - Mre than ne in three wrking yung peple believes there are 't many blacks in Britain 1 accrding t a survey published yesterday. Of the ttal sample f 731 wrkers aged 16 t 24, 37% agreed with the statement that 'there are t many blacks', and 18% agreed that there are 'a lt 1 ". Public pinin and media reactin Tw aspects f the relatinship between ethnic minrities and the mass media have been f imprtance. The first cncerned the way migrant ppulatins had been prjected by the institutins f the mass media; the secnd cncerned the extent t which these minrities had been given the pprtunity f using the mass media. There had been a great deal f variatin in the way the press, radi and televisin had handled issues relating t immigratin and racially sensitive infrmatin. Findings had been cnsistent with the cnventinal view f the media as reinfrcing rather than shaping r changing attitudes. All indicatins were that the mass media did make a cntributin t the hst sciety's ideas abut immigrants and nn-white peples and t ideas abut the racial situatin in Britain. The perceptins cnditined by the media cmbined bth psitive and negative elements. During the 1960s, the principal cncern in press cverage f immigratin was with keeping 'blacks' ut. There was excessive cncentratin n the issues f immigrant numbers and the ntin f the lcal ppulatin becming utnumbered by nn-white peple wh wuld bring abut unwanted changes t familiar places. Other issues fcused upn the hazards t health (Hartmann and Husband, 1974). In the 1980s there was a shift f cncern frm immigratin flws, but the cnceptin f 'black' peple prevailed fr sme time as 'the utsider within". 10

24 Awareness was heightened by the media f the discriminatins and deprivatins suffered by the immigrant ppulatin, but at the same time the view f the immigrant ppulatin as a threat and a prblem was als media reinfrced. Media-relayed images f race verseas als cntributed t the perspective frm which race in Britain was interpreted. The existence f such a view wuld seem likely t exacerbate rather than t cunter the tendencies t prejudice, discriminatin and racial cnflict already inherent in British sciety. As numbers f immigrants in the cuntry became less f an issue f public interest, s media attentin mved away frm immigrant-hst and race relatins t issues cncerning the majr scial resurces f husing, educatin and emplyment. These were undubtedly the main areas f perceived cmpetitin between migrant and hst ppulatins and frmed an imprtant part f the underlying basis f cntinuing interracial cnflict. In the decade f the 1980s (and after a series f urban rits in 1981), there was a general change in reprting and a tning dwn f any reference t racial identificatin f peple featured in news. The increasing part played by secnd generatin nn-white immigrants in representing Britain in sprts and its assciated media cverage, may well have assisted in the current prcess which suggests a shift in the balance in public perceptin frm the migrant as an utsider t that f a legitimate part f the sciety. Sme leading televisin bradcasters are nw f NCWP rigin and 20 f the lcal BBC radi statins prduce 25 special prgrammes fr Asians and West Indians in terms f prgramme hurs, amunting t 1.7% f the ttal lcal radi utput. Prgrammes fr schls have adpted a multi-cultural apprach bth in cntent and in methd f presentatin. Thus there has been evidence in recent years f media respnse t the ethnic minrities whereby negative images have been avided and psitive images prmted. IMMIGRATION AND CITIZENSHIP POLICY Immigratin and citizenship Immigratin and citizenship plicy is frmulated by the Gvernment, the details f which are wrked ut in cmmittee. Befre 1948 the relatinship between immigratin and citizenship laws was relatively straightfrward. British subjects, including anyne brn in the Empire, were free frm immigratin cntrl, whereas aliens culd be restricted in their entry and even in their mvement within the cuntry. Hwever, by preserving the right f all Cmmnwealth citizens t enter the UK, the British Natinality Act cntained difficulties which nly became prminent when increasing numbers f citizens frm the frmer British clnies chse t exercise that right in the 1950s and 1960s. Immigratin legislatin between 1962 and 1971 was therefre cncerned with prviding a series f piecemeal dergatins frm the rights f citizenship. The British Natinality Act f 1981 was designed t impse sme rder by defining citizenship afresh and crrelating it with immigratin cntrl. Hwever, the refrm was incmplete since the rights accruing frm citizenship were nt set ut by the 1981 Act and, cnsequently, nr were thse f nn-citizens. 11

25 The separatin f the immigratin and citizenship laws nt nly leads t cmplexity but als illustrates the UK's lack f cmprehensive immigratin and citizenship plicies. The main lines f British plicy twards immigratin bth with respect t cntrl and with respect t scial plicies twards immigratin, have been traditinally laissez-faire. Changes in the directin f immigratin regulatin and psitive prvisin, r negative exclusin, have largely cme abut under the pressure f events rather than as an utcme f anticipatin and purpseful planning. Access t full citizenship rights within the UK is nt identical fr all immigrants wh enter free f wrk permit cntrl. British citizenship is gverned by the British Natinality Act f 1981 which came int frce n 1 January This currently applies t all applicatins fr the grant f citizenship and it wuld als be used in establishing whether smene had an autmatic claim t British citizenship. (This replaced the prvisins under the British Natinality Act 1948 which came int frce n 1 January 1949.) Immigratin withut citizenship Immigratin rights are granted t different categries f persns as fllws: - Patriáis Patriáis include citizens f the UK and clnies r f ther Cmmnwealth cuntries, r thse with a clse cnnectin with the UK. They are nt subject t immigratin cntrl, nn-patrials are, and are sub categrised int 'thse accepted fr settlement n arrival' and 'thse accepted fr settlement n remval f time limit'. There are further divisins int the categries listed under the immigratin rules as 'Emplyment and ther wn right', thse with grandparents brn in the UK, Refugees, Husbands and Wives and Others. Autmatic rights f entry are granted t patriáis, whether f UK r Cmmnwealth rigin. Under the 1971 Immigratin Act, patriáis are entitled t settle and may apply fr UK passprts; they may wrk in the UK withut wrk permits, are nt liable t deprtatin, are entitled t vte, t stand fr public ffice, wrk in public services and enlist in the armed frces. N fficial statistics f patriáis entering and leaving the cuntry exist. The net balance f migratin traffic in recent years shws that Australia, New Zealand and Canada are the cuntries in which the majrity f verseas patriáis are likely t be fund. - Irish Next in pririty fr immigratin status are the citizens f the Irish Republic (Eire) wh, althugh nt Cmmnwealth citizens, share all the same rights except that they may nrmally nt apply fr UK passprts and may be deprted fr certain ffenses where they have nt been resident in the UK fr 5 years r mre. - Eurpean Cmmunity Natinals EC natinals may nt vte r participate in ther citizenship rights t which Cmmnwealth citizens have access, but like the latter, they have full access t husing, health services and scial security and, unlike nn-patrial 12

26 Cmmnwealth citizens, have special privileges with regard t immigratin and deprtatin. - Nn-patrial Cmmnwealth citizens and ther British subjects Such persns are subject t entry cntrls and unless they have UK issued passprts, t wrk permit cntrl as well. As indicated abve, they are entitled t the full range f vting and ther citizenship rights. - Aliens Persns nt included in any f the abve-mentined categries wuld usually fall int the categry f aliens. They are admitted under the wrk permit regulatins but have neither citizenship rights nr immunity frm deprtatin. In cmmn with EC natinals, persns f alien status may apply fr permanent settlement status after they have been resident in the UK fr 5 years. This entitles them t the right t wrk and t vte in the UK. - Refugees Visa requirements have been enfrced in the case f refugees t cntrl admissin. The impsitin f a visa requirement n Tamils escaping persecutin in Sri Lanka in the 1980s was t 'regulate the flw int the UK f persns wh may wish t take refuge there in cnsiderable numbers'. The ultimate test fr admissin was 'whether r nt an applicant was likely t be an asset in the UK'. Excluded frm thse 'likely t be an asset' were 'persns likely t seek emplyment'. Naturalisatin The grant f naturalisatin is at the discretin f the Hme Secretary wh may grant naturalisatin t a persn wh meets certain requirements. These are set ut in Schedule 1 f the British Natinality Act (Hme Office data). Wrk Permits Abut 71% f all labur immigratin is regulated by the wrk permit system (Salt and Jhnsn, 1990). Wrk permits are issued thrugh the fllwing schemes: a) Main wrk permit scheme. The cnditins were mst recently reviewed in 1979, tightened in 1980 and amended subsequently in the light f the Rayner Reprt (Dept f Emplyment 1981). Wrk permits fr full emplyment are available nly fr verseas wrkers hlding recgnized prfessinal qualificatins r having a high degree f skill r experience. Wrkers shuld be between 23 and 54 and speak English adequately. b) The training and Wrk Experience Scheme (TWES). This scheme dates frm the merger in 1980 f the previus Cmmnwealth Training Scheme (in existence since 1966) and Student Emplyee Scheme fr freign students (in existence since 1950). The primary purpse f the scheme is t help develping cuntries - thugh cming frm a develping cuntry is nt an actual requirement. 13

27 c) Other grups. These include students wanting vacatin r part time emplyment, and sandwich-curse students whse curses invlve practical wrk at the beginning r end. There are certain categries f yung Cmmnwealth citizens between 17 and 27 years f age and the dependents f wrk permit hlders wh may engage in such wrk withut requiring Department f Emplyment apprval. Since 1969, when recrds f admissins fr wrk became available, there was a general reductin in numbers entering. Ttal permits fell frm 75,405 in 1969 t a lw f 15,454 in 1982, since when they have risen t 20,348 in 1987 (Salt & Jhnsn, 1990). Summary Changes in the fficial definitin f an immigrant during the pst-war perid render the cmparisn f the Hme Office data fr different years incnsistent. The prblem with the Hme Office data is the result f changing immigratin laws and the merging f rules n Cmmnwealth citizens and aliens. Further, the lack f the Internatinal Passenger Survey prir t 1964, as well as its very different definitins f an immigrant in each, means that they are nt useful fr direct cmparisns f migrant flws frm 1945 t the present. Equivalent restrictins were nt impsed upn Irish immigrants. Britain has had histric ties with Ireland that placed the Irish in a special categry, and because f this special relatinship - and the fact that Eire was part f the British Isles - its citizens are regarded t all intents and purpses as British citizens. In additin t the Irish, hwever, immigrants frm Eurpe were als subject t fewer restrictins f entry than thse f the NCVVP. Eurpean citizens as 'aliens' did nt enjy the full rights and privileges f British citizenship as did the immigrants frm the New Cmmnwealth, but in terms f rights f entry int Britain they cmpared very favurably with New Cmmnwealth immigrants. They were freely admitted fr the purpses f wrk in Britain. Mrever their dependants enjyed privileges that were nt accrded t immigrants frm the New Cmmnwealth. Fr example, under the Cmmnwealth Immigrants Act f 1968 the NCVVP immigrants wh wished children t jin them in the UK had t d s befre the age f 16. In cntrast, under the terms f Aliens Orders, Eurpean immigrants wh wished children t jin them were allwed t d s up t 18 years f age. Further disparities in regulatins extended t the arrival f elderly dependent relatives. They were allwed t jin a Eurpean immigrant withut wrk vuchers, r ther restrictins such as means f supprt, frm 60 years f age. By cntrast an elderly dependent relative withut independent means f supprt wuld nt be allwed t jin a New Cmmnwealth immigrant in Britain under the age f 65 years (Hill, 1969). The climax f this selective immigratin legislatin came in March 1968 when the Cmmnwealth Immigrants Act f that year came int frce with the prime bject f keeping ut an Asian grup. At the same time the 'grandfather clause 1 was intrduced t allw ther (white) ex-clnials the cntinued free right f entry. 14

28 With regard t immigratin plicy and legislatin, in all the great debates ver immigratin the gvernment spkespersns have strngly denied that there has been any clur r racial basis t the legislatin that they were prpsing. The argument put frward was always a numerical ne, namely that immigrants had t be cntrlled t a level at which they culd be absrbed, either ecnmically r scially. 15

29 CHAPTER II INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION: TRENDS AND PATTERNS SIZE OF IMMIGRATION The immigrant flws Fr reasns discussed in Chapter I, there are n cmprehensive statistics f annual immigratin t the United Kingdm frm 1945 t the present, especially prir t the Cmmnwealth Immigrants Act f 1962 and the beginning f the Passenger Surveys in In spite f pst-war recruitment f labur, in mst years the UK was still lsing mre peple than it was gaining thrugh immigratin. Official statistics shwed that, fr example, in 1953 the net lss f ppulatin was 74 0, in 1954 it was 32 0 and in 1957 it was Only in 1958 did figures start t shw mre peple cming in than leaving (Grdn and King, 1985). In the 1960s the number f departures was frequently in excess f 3,0. Then in the 1970s numbers entering the U.K., including thse returning after a perid abrad stabilised at arund 2,0 fr many years. Since 1983 there has been nce mre a net inflw f peple and this rse t 232,0 in 1985 causing a large net gain (Ppulatin Trends N. 46, 1986). The general trend in inflw and utflw f migrants can be derived frm the Passenger Surveys frm the mid-1960s. Figure 1 shws the dramatic decline in the inflw f Cmmnwealth Caribbean peple after 1970 and a net utflw by the end f the 1980s. This trend cntinued int the 1990s. In the case f the suth Asian migrants, the net inflw ver utflw fell three times ver the perid but nly since 1987 shwed sme indicatin that the decrease in inflw and increase in utflw might be maintained (Figure 2). Taking all nn- British grups tgether, the trend is twards increased net inflw in the late 1980s, indicating the rise in the immigratin f natinals ther than thse frm the Caribbean and suthern Asia (Figure 3). Yet, when the trend fr British citizens is examined (which includes sme frmer immigrants wh have btained British citizenship), it shws that mvement in and ut f the UK is generally stable fr this ppulatin (Figure 4). 16

30 Figure 1 15 H Internatinal Migratin t and frm Caribbean Cmmnwealth, United Kingdm, I Outflw Inflw - Balance Year Surce: Internatinal Passenger Surveys 30 T Figure 2 Internatinal Migratin t and frm India, Bangladesh Sri Lanka and Pakistan, United Kingdm, T3 C 3 O X " Inflw \ Balance Outflw 5" \,^ Year Surce: Internatinal Passenger Surveys 17

31 140" Figure 3 Internatinal Migratin f Nn-British Citizens, United Kingdm, Inflw 1 80H Year Surce: OPCS (1987) - Internatinal Passenger Surveys Figure 4 Internatinal Migratin f British Citizens, United Kingdm, "S s H 01 Balance i i i i i i i i i i i Year Surce: OPCS (1987) - Internatinal Passenger Survey 18

32 The immigrant stck The incnsistency in cllectin f data n immigrant stck means that lngitudinal cmparisns must be interpreted with cautin, but whether r nt they are reliable measures f the actual immigrant stck, they are imprtant in indicating the believed size f the immigrant stck. Accrding t data cmpiled frm the Labur Frce Survey (LFS), the ttal size f all the ethnic minrity ppulatins was estimated t be 2.47 millin, representing 4.5% f ttal ppulatin f the UK (Ppulatin Trends, N. 54, 1988). In 1991, the ethnic ppulatins numbered 3.02 millin and accunted fr 5.49% f the ttal UK ppulatin (UK Census, 1991). The greatest increase ccurred in the Indian ppulatin, whereas the Caribbean ppulatin had declined in cmparisn with its estimated size in 1980 (Figure 5). At the 1991 Census, the Indian ethnic ppulatin was the largest f all ethnic ppulatins in the UK, accunting fr 27.87% f the ttal. The Black Caribbean grup was the secnd largest and accunted fr 16.58% f all ethnic ppulatins in the UK; Pakistanis were third largest with 15.81% f the ttal. All ther ethnic grups accunted fr much smaller percentages f the ttal (Table 1). Over the decade f the 1980s there was als a significant decline in the percentage f ethnic minrities brn verseas - the riginal migrants. The UKbrn ethnic minrity ppulatin increased frm an estimated 40% in 1980 Ppulatin Trends, N. 54, 1988 t 46.78% in 1991 (UK Census, 1991). By 1991 mre than half the black Caribbean and Pakistani ppulatins were brn in the UK and much mre than a third f the Indian, Black African and Bangladeshi grups (Table 1). It is als interesting t nte that the grups classified 'Other 1 accunted fr 9.63% f the ttal, and 'Other Black' fr 5.92%. These grups largely reflect persns f mixed parenthd r nn-white persns wh did nt identify with a particular 'ethnic minrity'. Of the 'Other Black 1 grup 84.44% were UK-brn. This grup was cmprised f persns wh were nt incrprated int the general ppulatin - n accunt f clur - yet wh did nt identify with any particular grup f migrants, even thugh they r their parental rigin was at least partly utside the UK. Likewise, nearly 60% f the 'Other Other' grups (cmprised f persns wh were neither black nr white) were UK-brn. These figures f immigrant stck indicate a significant trend f increasing ethnic minrity ppulatins cmprised f the UK-brn descendants f pst-war migrants. On accunt f their visibility they remain in the natinal statistics as well as in their wn and the public perceptins as distinctive minrity ppulatins within the UK.

33 Figure 5 Ppulatin f NCWP Ethnic Origin, Great Britain 1971,1980,1991 Indian 0 African IÜ African Asian E3 Caribbean Cmmnwealth Pakistani/ Bangladeshi Surce: OPCS Labur Frce Surveys and Cc>nsus TABLE 1 THE ETHNIC MINORITIES AS A PERCENTAGE OF THE TOTAL ETHNIC POPULATIONS IN THE UK AND THE PERCENTAGE OF EACH ETHNIC MINORITY BORN IN THE UK Black Caribbean Black African Black ther Indian Pakistani Bangladeshi Chinese Other Asian Other ther Surce: 1991 UK Census % f ttal UK ethnic ppulatin % brn in the UK

34 MIGRATION TYPES The principal categries f migrants As discussed in Chapter I, the present categries f immigrants are legally defined accrding t the rules laid dwn by the 1988 Immigratin Act. Hwever, the categry definitins themselves are nt legally clear. The majr categries are thse f 'patrial' and 'nn-patrial 1 but the UK has n written, single cnstitutinal dcument which "clearly defines its wn citizens, r natinals, separately frm thse f cuntries utside it" (Dummet and Martin, 1982). - Migrants eligible fr 'emplyment in their wn right' This categry applies t peple wh have either been granted a wrk permit, are patriáis, r are immigrant wrkers free f wrk permit cntrl, the bject f the wrk permit scheme is principally t prmte a supply f labur frm verseas where the dmestic supply is inadequate. Special qutas fr the htel and catering industry, and fr resident dmestic wrkers and nursing auxiliaries, are fixed annually by the Department f Emplyment. Increasingly, thse entering the cuntry under this categry have been in nn-manual categries (Rees, 1982). As well as patriáis, EC wrkers are free f wrk permit cntrl (under the 1971 Treaty f Accessin between the UK and EC). Certain ther categries f wrkers may enter withut wrk permits, even thugh they are neither patriáis r EC natinals. The main grups are dctrs, dentists and Cmmnwealth citizens cming n a 'wrking hliday'. - Refugees In ver 20,0 refugees were admitted frm Hungary and in 1972 arund 25,0 Asians frm Uganda. Frm 1982 Britain accepted sme 15,0 peple frm Vietnam and small numbers f Tamils frm Sri Lanka. The Vietnamese refugees differed frm the previus grups in several respects. They arrived in Britain almst withut cnnectins with any established ethnic cmmunity t which they culd turn. Many knew virtually nthing abut the language r abut British ways f life. Perhaps it is as a respnse t this situatin that the influx f Vietnamese was characterised by a well rganized administrative structure t help the refugees frm their initial receptin. - Husbands and Wives Marriage has been the majr surce f primary immigratin frm the Indian sub-cntinent since the 1970s and has included bth men and wmen. Between 1969 and 1974, under the rules prevailing there were few restrictins n any Asian male wishing t bring his prspective spuse t the UK t settle. Hwever, it has been extremely difficult fr Asian wmen t d the same. In late 1974 the rules were changed and it became easier fr wmen t bring in their fiancees. By 1977 the number f prspective husbands entering the UK was 2,9 - similar t the figure fr wmen entering (Hme Office Research Unit, 1980). 21

35 The gegraphic rigin f migrants There is great variatin in the gegraphic rigin f migrants t the UK. Its psitin as a clnial pwer has had far-reaching cnsequences in terms f immigratin flws, leading t immigratin frm bth d and New Cmmnwealth. The mst significant change in recent years as a result f the restrictive Cmmnwealth immigratin legislatin, is the increase in the inflw frm 'freign 1 cuntries which has been matched by a decrease in the number f immigrants frm bth d and New Cmmnwealth. The rise in the number f new residents frm freign cuntries - f whm sme will be returning hme after a perid f living in the UK - are largely frm Eurpe, the USA and the Middle East. The rise in the numbers frm freign cuntries t an average f 116,0 per year in the early 1980s meant that immigratin frm these cuntries had risen t accunt fr ver half the ttal (Ppulatin Trends, N. 46, 1986). Variatin in age and sex f immigrants ver time The cmpsitin f the migrant ppulatin in the early stages f the migratin t the UK was heavily biased twards yung adult males. As the prcess prgressed, mre wmen and children arrived and, thereafter, the age factr remained relatively cnstant. The sex rati als evened ut ver time. The age and sex variatins which have ccurred between the different migrant ppulatins, are due t the sequence f the varius stages in their migratins. (Figures 6 & 7). Cmparing the West Indian, Indian and Pakistani and Bangladeshi grups, the entry f males befre 1960 fllwed a similar pattern fr all three. Female migratin frm the West Indies clsely fllwed the male pattern but with a lag f abut a year - due t the fact that many single wmen migrated in search f wrk. After the 1962 Cmmnwealth Immigratin Act, the pattern f female migratin was rughly similar t that f males, but at a higher level. Male migratin by then included a large prprtin f male dependent children. Female migratin frm India, Pakistan and Bangladesh, was almst all dependent rather than labur migratin. In the case f thse frm India, there was nly a lw level f female migratin in the early 1950s, but numbers increased in the late 1950s and again in 1961 after passprt restrictins were remved. These increased again during the mid 1960s and as family reunins tk place, dependants exceeded male entries by Likewise, female migratin frm Pakistan and Bangladesh remained at a very lw level until the mid 1960s, when dependants began t enter the cuntry in large numbers. By 1970, female migrants equalled male migrants in numbers. Amngst all immigrant grups in the 1970s and 1980s, there was usually an verall excess f men. This came abut despite the large number f yunger wmen (15-24 year lds) because it was ffset by a greater number f male migrants in the age grup. 22

36 Figure 6 Age Distributin f Females by Ethnic Grup, Great Britain, White E3 West Indian African Indian Pakistani B Bangladeshi Ü Mixed Age Grup Surce: Haskey (1988) - Labur Frce Surveys 45+ Figure 7 Age Distributin f Males by Ethnic Grup, Great Britain, White West Indian African VA Indian G Pakistani Bangladeshi Ü Mixed < Age Crup Surce: Haskey (1988) - Labur Frce Surveys

37 SETTLEMENT OF MIGRANTS Natinal distributin Despite the repeated discussins n the develpment and implicatins f cncentratins f 'visible' immigrants, studies f the residential patterns f immigrant grups in Britain have been relatively neglected (Lee, 1977). Hwever, the wrk that has been dne (fcusing n the NCWP ppulatin) shws that immigrant grups are distinct frm the wider ppulatin in their gegraphical cncentratin; mrever, these patterns f settlement, established frm the 1950s, have remained remarkably cnstant and have largely determined the gegraphic distributin f the immigrant ppulatins and their UK-brn descendants tday. The small African and West Indian ppulatins resident in Britain prir t 1950 lived chiefly in the prt cities f Liverpl, Bristl, Cardiff, Glasgw and Lndn. When the pst-war migrants arrived in Britain, they did nt settle in the areas f early cncentratin. Instead, the areas f settlement in the 1950s and 1960s were largely determined accrding t the emplyment pprtunities which were available. In many cases, they settled in areas which, thugh in need f labur, were lsing lcal labur t the mre attractive regins. In this respect, the nn-white ppulatin was very ften a replacement ppulatin (Peach 1968). Lndn and the Suth East, and the frmer East and West Ridings f Yrkshire, where labur was in demand but where labur ut-migratin ccurred, were areas that allwed settlement f the relatively large NCWP ppulatins. S t did the Midlands, a regin with a demand fr labur which was nly partially met by lcal labur. By 1961, apprximately a half f the West Indian, Indian, Pakistani and Bangladeshi ppulatins were living in Lndn and the Suth East where, cmbined, they cmprised 1.1% f the ttal reginal ppulatin. In the Midlands they cmprised 0.9% f the ppulatin (Bth, 1992). The 1991 Census shws the cntinued cncentratin f the migrants and their descendants in these areas f riginal migrant settlement. (Figure 8). Taking each NCWP ppulatin separately, the degree f cncentratin is even greater. Almst 70% f the West Indian labur frce live in the Suth East, mainly in Greater Lndn, with almst half the remainder in the West Midlands. Just ver half the Indians live in the Suth East, mainly in Lndn, and almst a fifth in the West Midlands, especially cncentrated in Birmingham. Indians are chiefly cncentrated in Lndn and Leicester. Amng Asians f East African rigin, there was an even greater cncentratin in the Suth East, where three fifths f them live. Hwever, nly ne third f the Pakistani and Bangladeshi labur frce are in the Suth East, similar t the prprtin f the ttal natinal labur frce; the remaining tw thirds are spread fairly evenly between Yrkshire (especially in Bradfrd), Humberside the West Midlands and the Nrth East. Table 2 shws the ten majr lcatins f ethnic minrity cncentratin fr The minrity cmmunities have tended t becme micrcsms f the riginal hme sciety, with similar scial, religius, marital and dietary custms and ften similar ccupatins. Shps, restaurants, temples r msques have been established and many migrants are emplyed by members f their wn cmmunity (Cruickshank and Beevers, 1989). 24

38 Figure 8 DISTRIBUTION OF ETHNIC MINORITY IN BRITAIN BY REGION, 1991 Percentage all ethnic minrity > MC Metrplitan cunty NORTH/ Y_WEST I WEST MIDLANDS 25

39 a, in >* in c in in in «i< q ands) tn (Th ta Mix Are; hire gham cl, g.5 Kent Esse: Birm wrtr <n xj xi g (3 x; ri Wan Lamí Lewi Surri ^ark 3 g X. New CO < 1 ON as m cô CO CM CM m CM CM CM CO (N en 0» TJ gla c C3 f3 ÛJ < IH 'S» r2 S 6 g.s.s 5 g s 1rd; 01 U «1 u ^ 'X m Sai fre S g <n T3 11 Ut Î Si cù ON CO CM CO CM CM in i i CO ^û in t-h CJ\ Lf) CM en C ncu ra 3i 5T Pakisltani Area Cu O g Birmingha: Bradf Lançashire Leeds q ^ 'S CO CO Mancheste g Ne wha Berkshire S 7.9 "(3 TJ Calder 7.5 i i O 2S t/3 «î bo O 3 *3 O «S3 pa C 2 eu In ß 1 s m in Hunsl Bamet Harrw Cryden Cventry vu CO s. m cô C O a, UIE Wlverh c CO - 1 d c \.a es si ^1n 3 w> II O QJ 11 Ci 2 Cu 8 ^ < lláá g (S M CO CN CÛ J > Í g m x) J i-< CM CO Tf 13 Suth in t-h >, cknt G m g M 5 g (3 Lewis Islingtn Westi T ) ring (3 in t-i lh 01 ~tn.s c ON iri i i g wha ai Z x; 'S g ai g Brent t-h >-H gí3 c LFS (S 1U 1 (3 iree: a 26

40 Implicatins f the settlement pattern Much f the research n ethnic grups, fr instance, implies that there is a relatinship between the bserved residential patterns and the scial relatins between the minrity grup and wider cmmunity. Given that ecnmic segregatin is cmmn in mst cities, it is reasnable t assume that, unless a minrity ppulatin has exactly the same sci-ecnmic characteristics as the hst cmmunity, it wuld expect sme degree f sci-ecnmic segregatin withut even cnsidering racial r ethnic factrs (Lee, 1977). Minrity ethnic grups in Britain are cmmnly ver represented amngst lw incme families (see chapter V) and therefre share many f the prblems f pverty and lw incme which are faced by large numbers f the wrking class. (Rse et al, 1969). In cntrast, the middle class immigrants are usually highly dispersed. Whilst several sets f factrs tend t perate t prduce the residential clustering f wrking class immigrants, the availability f emplyment and accmmdatin are the mst imprtant. The distributin f these tw factrs, and the immigrants' ability t gain access t them, are majr determinants f such residential patterns (Lee, 1977). Fr the unskilled manual and service wrkers, the CBD and its immediate surrunds (that is, the inner city area) ffers a wide range f emplyment, this ccupatinal structure f many immigrants further cntributes t their residential clustering by necessitating lw-cst husing. A degree f spatial assciatin between the distributin f immigrant grups and certain types f husing has therefre arisen (Lee, 1977). As this is discussed in detail in chapter IV, it is sufficient t nte here that the spatial availability f nn-skilled labur and lw cst husing tends t be mutually reinfrcing in their causal effect upn the residential clustering f immigrants in the prer inner city areas. While the distributin f husing and emplyment pprtunities are key factrs related t the develpment f ethnic cncentratin, there are a number f ther frces which perate simultaneusly. One f these is the peratin f migratin chains, which bring abut the develpment f cncentratins in which peple frm different parts f the cuntry f rigin are gruped tgether. As Lee has pinted ut, the attitudes f the hst sciety are als seen t play a cnsiderable rle in the develpment f ethnic cncentratins and the extent t which they persist. In cntrast t the frces f cncentratin and segregatin already mentined, there may exist psitive frces which vluntarily draw immigrants tgether n the basis f a shared culture. Anwar's study f the Pakistani ppulatin in Rchdale is a useful illustratin f this pint (Anwar, 1986). He discusses the imprtance f the kinship system (the Biraderi) in the chice f residence, jb and ther related matters in Pakistani families - and hw it helps individual Pakistanis in the prcess f migratin and settlement thrugh mutual supprt. These frces are seen t keep Pakistani migrants tgether and result in their encapsulatin. The spatial cncentratin f an immigrant grup may reflect the develpment f an ethnic cmmunity, rather than the mere clustering f residence. Hwever, elements f vluntary assciatin als help t reinfrce the negative attitudes within the hst sciety. This may prduce a circular and cumulative situatin in which hstility frm the hst sciety frces the immigrant grup clser tgether, therefre further hardening the attitude f 27

41 sme sectrs f the hst sciety. T sum up in Lee's wrds, "The general mdel f immigrant cncentratin relates residential clustering, especially in the zne f transitin, t immigrants' lw ecnmic standing in the labur market and their inability t gain access t mst sectins f the husing market. These factrs may be cmpunded by the rle f migratin chains, the negative frces f hstility and discriminatin, and the psitive frces f vluntary assciatin with cultural peers" (Lee, 1977). The ramificatins f immigrant cncentratins are nrmally discussed with a negative emphasis, and ne f the mst persistent debates cncerning any aspect f race relatins in Britain has been centred n the related cncepts f migrant cncentratin and dispersal. While much f the discussin n dispersal has ccurred since the late 1960s, particularly since the influx and resettlement f Ugandan Asians in 1972, fficial attempts t disperse minrity grups pre-date the bulk f pst-war migratin (Lee 1977). The cnventinal wisdm is simply that nn-white immigrants shuld be dispersed. The 9th Reprt f the Husing Management Sub Cmmittee utlined three factrs t justify such a psitin (Cullingwrth Cmmittee, 1969: para 399). The first was a knwledge f the American experience f ghett frmatin and race rits. The secnd cncerned the percentage f immigrant children in schls in certain areas, and rests n the premise that a high prprtin f immigrant children in ne class hampered the prgress f native pupils (this fear led t fficial dispersal prpsals frm the Department f Educatin and Science in 1965). The Cullingwrth Cmmittee's third reasn fr cncern ver immigrant cncentratins was that they cmmnly cincide with areas f multiple deprivatin in husing, scial services and envirnmental amenities. The nnwhite cmmunity f the inner city was cmmnly used as a scapegat fr the decline in the physical envirnment, which in fact had been caused nt by the settlement there f immigrants, but the depredatins f time. Unfrtunately, such factrs were rarely appreciated by the mre prejudiced sectins f the hst sciety, and the perceived assciatin thus cmpunded the difficulties which faced an immigrant family wishing t mve away frm such areas (Lee, 1977). Belief in the imprtance f dispersal was put int practice during the 1972 Ugandan Asian refugee 'crisis'. Althugh the dispersal plicy emplyed was partly a respnse t the practicalities f rehusing large numbers f peple in a shrt perid f time, it was als, as Jnes cmmented, partly a desire t avid the develpment f fairly large ethnic cmmunities, particularly in areas that were already subject t racial pressures (Jnes, 1982). The aim in the UK was t establish small clusters f families within the area f each Husing Authrity. The bjective f this plicy was 't strike a balance' between the ppsing dangers f cultural islatin and f cncentrating t many refugees in particular areas and verburdening lcal resurces. Lee (1977) hwever, argued that the psitive values f ethnic cmmunity cast dubts n such fficial wisdm. The develpment f ethnic cncentratins highlights the links between scial prcesses and spatial patterns - a theme which recurs when patterns f cncentratin and dispersal are related t cncepts f assimilatin, integratin and cultural pluralism. It is imprtant that simplistic interpretatins are nt applied t the cmplex interrelatinship f factrs. 28

42 Changes in the settlement pattern ver time The nly infrmatin n settlement at any level f detail is that prvided by the 1981 Census Small Area Statistics. The number f persns living in husehlds with a head f husehld brn in the NCWP gave a prxy measure fr the size f the ppulatin f NCWP rigin, which in turn prvided an apprximatin t the size f the nn-white ppulatin. The prprtin f the ppulatin accunted fr by such persns varied at the lcal authrity level frm the negligible t ver ne in three; at ward level the prprtin reached ver ne in tw in areas f greatest cncentratin. The extent t which the frces f cncentratin and dispersal vary ver time has, nt been the subject f much academic debate, principally, as indicated abve, because f the difficulty f btaining cmparable tempral data. Wrk by Lee (1977) n West Indian settlement in Lndn, and Rex (1988) n the NCWP ppulatin in Birmingham attempted t incrprate such an aspect. Lee's study was cncerned specifically with the twin factrs f residential cncentratin and dispersal f West Indians in Lndn. The trend in residential cncentratin f this grup shwed the ccurrence f changing levels f segregatin between West Indians and the wider ppulatin, and with the characteristics f West Indians wh have managed t mve away frm areas f high ethnic cncentratin. The trends in levels f residential cncentratin and segregatin between 1961 and 1971 were analyzed thrugh aggregate census data; the dispersal analysis was based largely n individual husehld data btained frm interviews with West Indian families in Lndn. Lee suggested that in Lndn, whilst the main immigrant grups displayed similar tendencies t mve away frm the centre f the cnurbatin, the decentralizatin f the West Indian ppulatin has been quite significant. In 1971 there were sme 20% fewer f the grup in the innermst zne cmpared t the distributin ten years earlier. Every measure f cncentratin and segregatin used in the study shwed that West Indian immigratin in Lndn had becme less cncentrated and mre dispersed ver the perid The ne exceptin t this was due t the increase in the ttal West Indian ppulatin in Lndn in this perid - rising frm 97,767 in 1901 t 166,970 in Accrdingly, the West Indian cmpnent f the ttal Greater Lndn ppulatin rse fr the ttal cnurbatin as well as individual wards. Hwever, this type f increase was a direct functin f cntinued immigratin, and did nt reflect a redistributin f Lndn's West Indians int wards f high ethnic cncentratin. ' " Rex's study in Birmingham, cnversely, shwed that frm the statistics f the percentage f the ppulatin f wards 'living in husehlds with a NCWP head', the level f urban segregatin is increasing (Rex, 1988). In Birmingham (in 1982) there were six wards in which the prprtin f NCWP husehlds was 48% r mre, the largest prprtin being 71% (OPCS, 1982). Belw this there were a number f intermediate wards with between 20% and 40%. Then, ften in the wards next t thse abve 48%, the percentage falls t less than 10%. The scalled inner city wards have in fact becme largely Black and Asian. Owing t these bvius cntradictins, it des nt seem pssible t cmment cnclusively upn the existence f any specific trends in changing distributins ver time. 29

43 RETURN OF IMMIGRANTS Since 1977, the Hme Office has nt cllected statistics n embarkatins frm the UK because the cst invlved in cllecting reliable figures was cnsidered t high. The IPS, hwever, emplys the same methdlgy t cllect emigratin figures that it uses t cllect immigratin figures and wrks with the agreed internatinal definitin f an emigrant. The IPS statistics, as indicated, are based n estimates. Amng the emigrants frm the UK, there is a substantial minrity f abut 67-70,0 each year wh are nn-uk citizens - their number has remained fairly steady fr several years, and cnstitutes rughly a third f UK emigrants. These are peple wh, at an earlier date, were immigrants t the UK and were returning t their hme cuntry r mving t anther cuntry, tgether with any children brn in the UK. These peple are described as freign-brn return emigrants. The rate f return varies between different immigrant grups. The mst imprtant grup amng freign brn return migrants are yung adults wh had been t Britain t study. They frm a prminent and, t sme extent, predictable grup, althugh they may well remain in the cuntry fr sme time n the cmpletin f their studies. Of thse wh return t their cuntry f rigin, the median duratin f stay in Britain is abut three years, and this has varied little since 1976, suggesting that the flw is nt sensitive t changing plicies and ecnmic cnditins. It can als be deduced frm the available data that amng first time immigrants, 39% (r an annual average f 35,0) are frm NCWP cuntries, but nly 24% (18,0) f the return flw went t these cuntries. This tends t cnfirm the view, brne ut by the Hme Office statistics, that immigrants frm the NCWP were much mre likely t settle permanently in the UK than thse frm elsewhere. African Cmmnwealth cuntries has always tended t have the greatest prprtin f emplyed peple ging hme, while the return flw f thse brn in Caribbean cuntries was initially small but increased substantially by the beginning f the 1990s. Furthermre, the prprtin f males amng firsttime immigrants is 46% (annual average 30,0), rising t 50% (33,0) in the return flw, indicating that a greater prprtin f females stay. Amng freign-brn return migrants, the median duratin spent in the UK fr males (3.2 years) is nticeably higher than fr females (2.6 years), there is n bvius explanatin fr this difference. There are lw median duratins f stay in the UK als fr migrants returning t the d Cmmnwealth and t EC cuntries. The frmer will include many yung peple wh cme t the UK n a wrking hliday and s d nt stay very lng, while the EC grup prbably reflects the ease f mvement fr wrkers frm these cuntries. The data n return mvements are very crude and d nt indicate whether the 're-migratin' is fr a temprary stay r a lng-term change in residence, back t the cuntry f rigin r elsewhere. There is a dearth f studies in this area. Sme f thse which have been attempted are based n small samples and while they have nt tried t estimate net flws, they serve t highlight the nature and cmplexity f the prcess f return (Thmas-Hpe and Nutter, 1988; Thmas-Hpe, 1980, 1982). 31)

44 CHAPTER III DEMOGRAPHIC IMPACT IMPACT ON INTERNAL DISTRIBUTION AND RE-DISTRIBUTION OF POPULATION The OPCS figures n internal migratin are nt brken dwn int ethnicity r natinality, therefre, it is nt pssible t establish the internal distributin f the immigrant ppulatin and their impact upn urbanizatin with any degree f accuracy. Peach (1968) referred t the NCWP immigrants as an urban 'replacement ppulatin' in the 1950s and 1960s, with migrant cncentratins in inner cities ccurring at a time, and in areas frm which, the indigenus ppulatin was mving ut. Other aspects f immigrant distributin have been discussed in Chapter II. IMPACT ON CHANGES IN THE DEMOGRAPHIC STRUCTURE The prcess f change in the demgraphic structure f the NCWP ppulatin f Britain is still at an early stage as the perid since-the immigratin extends nly ver the past three decades. Impact n age and sex structure In terms f the age structure f the ppulatin, the West Indian immigrant grup is generally lder than that f Asian rigin. This has been interpreted as the result f three factrs - that this grup had an earlier start t migratin, that the migratin decreased at an early stage and, lastly, that this grup is characterised by lwer levels and a rapid decline in fertility (Bth, 1992). The relatively large prprtin f elderly in the Indian ppulatin is mstly male, reflecting the initial migratin f single males. Hwever, the relatively early arrival f females sn after that f males has led t a balanced age structure, chiefly because f early reprductin. Indian fertility subsequently fell by a third f the 1960s rate after (See Table 3). 31

45 Table 3 Males per 1 Females, by age and Ethnic Grup, Great Britain, All ages White West Indian Indian \ / Bangladeshi African Chinese Surce: Cleman (1985) Labur Frce Survey The age structure f the Pakistani and Bangladeshi ppulatins is less balanced, with 40% f this grup under sixteen years f age. Bth attributed this t the late start f migratin and the relatively high levels in fertility related t the late arrivals f females. (Pakistani wmen mainly arrived in the 1970s; Bangladeshi wmen arrived in large numbers in the 1980s). Within the Pakistani ppulatin there is a ntable shrtage f year ld persns - an indirect effect f migratin, being the result f very few Pakistani wmen having arrived in Britain by the early 1960s. Fr the Bangladeshi ppulatin, the migratin prcess is even less well advanced than fr the Pakistani ppulatin. Very few children have been brn in the UK due t the small entry f dependants s far (many dependants remain in Bangladesh awaiting entry clearance t the U.K.). This pint illustrates the imprtance f legislatin in determining the structure f the migrant ppulatin. The strict cntrl f primary immigratin f males cupled with the cntinuing fall in the fertility rate, in time will result in the ethnic minrity age structure reflecting that f the general ppulatin. Figures shw that by the mid- 1980s, amng the immigrant cmmunities 93% f the children under 4, 81% aged 5-15 and 6% aged were brn in the UK. Cnversely, the majrity f yung persns (88%) f thse aged 20 and abve were brn verseas (Cmmittee fr Racial Equality (CRE), 1985). Althugh there are nw rughly as many females as males within the NCWP ppulatin, sub-grup variatins exist in the sex rati. There is a brad cmparability between the sexes fr the Afr-Caribbean ppulatin in all age grups. Cnversely, the Pakistani ppulatin shws a significant imbalance f sex ratis in favur f males in the 45+ age range, likewise fr the ttal Bangladeshi ppulatin. The arrival f dependent female relatives still verseas shuld help t reslve this sex imbalance in time (CRE, 1985). Amngst the remaining immigrant ppulatin it is interesting t nte that the lwest sex ratis are fr the mixed ppulatin and fr thse frm East Africa. In the case f the ppulatin f mixed ethnic parentage, a lw sex rati is expected because it is cmpsed largely f children brn in the UK, f whm there are slightly mre males than females because f the prevalence f males at 32

46 birth. Fr the East African ppulatin the balanced ppulatin is expected because f the fact that whle families migrated frm Uganda and Kenya. The impact f immigratin upn the age and sex cmpsitin in different areas f the cuntry is a ramificatin f immigrant settlement patterns, and has been discussed as such in Chapter II. 4. Grwth f the immigrant ppulatin The West Indian ppulatin is expected t grw much less rapidly than ther majr cmpnents f the NCWP grup, whse rigin is in the subcntinent f India. In 1976 there were arund 0.8 millin in the Indian grup and ver half a millin West Indian. In 1991 the frmer was expected t have increased by sme 66% t sme 1.3 millin and the latter by 40% t 0.7 millin. As a percentage f the ttal UK ppulatin, the immigrant stck cmpnent, that is the ethnic minrity grups cmbined, have increased frm 0.4% in 1951 t 4.3% in the mid-1980s (Figure 9). In 1971 there were 20% mre males than females in the NCWP ppulatin but this has nw fallen t abut 15%. The imbalance will cntinue t be reduced but at a rate which is greatly dependent n future migratin. The influences f age structure, mrtality and falling fertility which cmbine t reduce the increase in the prprtins f UK-brn will in time increase the prprtin f females. The mst striking cmpsitin change and the ne which seems certain t be f pre-eminent imprtance in the future is in the age distributin. The main feature is the rapid ageing f the ppulatin as fertility falls and the 'immigratin bulge' mves upwards. (It shuld be nted that this prcess will be far frm cmpleted by the end f the century.) S far, the numbers f ld persns in the NCWP ppulatin have been very small; there are sme 40,0 aged ver 65 years. By the end f the century there are likely t be 2,0 and perhaps cnsiderably mre. The health and care f the elderly will becme a mre prminent cncern. 33

47 25-1 Figure 9 Estimated Size f the Ethnic Minrity Ppulatin in Great Britain, (3.9) (4.3) 20- ü 15 H (2.3) 10-5" (0.4) (1.0) Percentage f the ttal ppulatin in brackets Year Surce: OPCS (1986) - Census, NDHS, LFS 1981 Average The impact upn the ageing f the ppulatin As already nted, the prprtin f elderly within immigrant ppulatins is at present unknwn. The majrity f early migrants were yung males, and later dependent flws have cnsisted in the main f yung females. Therefre, the impact n the ageing f British sciety has been minimal r may even have depressed the verall natinal ttals in the ver-65 age grup. Hwever, the structural irregularities in the ppulatin assume a changing significance. When the current yung ppulatin becmes aged, the prcess f ageing may be exacerbated in certain areas (if ppulatin distributin remains as it is). It is imprtant t remember that the immigrant ppulatin is nly abut 6% f the ttal ppulatin and therefre natinally the impact is nt great (Bth, 1992). The shrt and lng term cnsequences The shrt term cnsequences f the structural irregularities f the migrant ppulatin may be seen firstly in their indirect demgraphic effects, and secndly in their area-specific ramificatins fr health and educatin services. The first cmprises a discussin f dependency ratis, fertility and mrtality rates and inter-ethnic marriage. The latter may be seen as the result f the large percentage f yung peple and their clustered pattern f settlement. Bth will assume a changing significance ver time as the ppulatin matures. The lw elderly dependency ratis in mst f the immigrant ppulatins mre than cmpensate fr their relatively high child dependency rates. This 34

48 gives an verall rati less than that f the white ppulatin. Mst ethnic minrity grups are still in the psitin f the majrity being f wrking age. As mrtality and fertility rates are discussed in detail elsewhere, it is nly necessary t mentin here that the immigrant ppulatin is characterised generally by a lwer death rate, but higher fertility levels, than the native ppulatin. Bth are shrt term cnsequences f the pattern f migratin and structure f the ppulatin. In the lnger term bth differentials are likely t disappear. Migratin brings abut an imbalance between married females and males which can nly be redressed after families are re-united. In line with the degree f balance by age and between sexes, it is the Pakistani and Bangladeshi-brn ppulatins that have the greatest imbalance with respect t the married ppulatin. This excess f males has been cnsiderably reduced by the migratin f dependent females in recent years. The shrt term cnsequences can be illustrated by a rati f married Pakistani men t wmen f 2.5:1 in 1971; this was dwn t 1.2:1 in (Bth, 1992). Inter-ethnic marriage als results in part frm the demgraphic imbalances f migratin. Surces shw inter-ethnic marriage mre cmmn between black men and white wmen than the cnverse. This is related t the shrtage f black wmen in Britain early n in the migratin prcess. The settlement pattern f migrants determines the lcal develpment f the migrant ppulatin. If this factr is cnsidered with the age structure f the immigrant ppulatin, it will be appreciated that a cnsiderable burden may be placed n lcal health services in the field f maternity and infant care. Furthermre, there is a need fr careful cnsideratin f the educatinal needs f such children by lcal educatin authrities. Bth these pints are discussed elsewhere. The irregularity f the age structure f a recently migrated ppulatin ensures cntinuing change merely thrugh the prcess f ageing. Thus, a large chrt f infants will prgress thrugh childhd and adulthd t ld age as a permanently large chrt, creating lnger term cnsequences fr the age and sex structure f the migrant ppulatin. This may be evident in dependency ratis in the future and an increased need fr scial services fr the migrant ppulatin. THE FERTILITY BEHAVIOUR OF IMMIGRANTS Fertility in relatin t the rigin f immigrants and time f arrival Until the 1970s the adult ppulatins f NCWP rigins were usually verseas brn and registratin data abut births ccurring in Britain t NCWPbrn parents can, in general, give reasnably clse apprximatins t crrespnding data relating t the fertility f the ethnic minrity grups. Later apprximatins will, and have, becme prgressively less valid (until the 1991 census prvides ethnicity data) but in the 1970s the nly majr grup fr which apprximatins n lnger held gd was that f Caribbean rigin (fr reasns discussed in 1.2). Predictably, little attentin has been given t the fertility rates f white immigrants and data n the fertility f UK-brn black wmen are virtually 35

49 nn-existent. The fllwing discussin therefre fcuses n the NCWP-brn grup. Accrding t Bth (1992), the levels and patterns f fertility f the migrant ppulatin are initially determined by the nrms prevailing in the ppulatin frm which the migrants cme. Hwever, the prcess f migratin may have a significant effect n the pattern, if nt the level, f fertility - firstly, by the initial disruptin t family life and secndly by the cnsequent high fertility rates fllwing reunificatin. These effects are bvius; fertility rates f NCWP migrants t the UK have tended t be higher than thse f the indigenus ppulatin, and the basic differentials have been exaggerated by the experience f migratin. Wives and fiancees have generally had t wait sme time befre cming t the UK, and the fact that they resume r cmmence childbearing sn after migratin in rder t make up fr lst time, means that their pstmigratin fertility rates are artificially inflated. Neither this artificial nr the basic differential in fertility rates has been maintained, hwever, and in the case f West Indian wmen, fertility rates have decreased t virtually the same level as UK-brn wmen. Change in fertility ver time An analysis f the changing number f births ver time t NCWP-brn mthers is nly pssible after Statistics then became available due t the intrductin f a general questin abut birthplace f parent in the particulars cllected at birth registratin. T understand the patterns f fertility which underlie the changing numbers f births, it is necessary t have infrmatin abut the size and demgraphic structure f the relevant ppulatins f childbearing age. Already discussed in sectin 1.2, is the fact that after 1972 this infrmatin has been insufficient, and it has nt been pssible t fllw fertility patterns in the 1970s exactly. The 1979 Labur Frce Survey did prvide infrmatin n the size and age structure f the ppulatin, but because f its sampling nature, the analysis f fertility trends in the 1970s has f necessity t be cncerned with brad trends. Figure 10 shws that the highest percentage f families (70%) with three children r mre is in the Bangladeshi ppulatin and nearly 60% f the Pakistani families (and 40% f Chinese families) have three r mre children. The West Indian, African and mixed ethnic grups have much lwer percentages f families in this categry, thugh with the largest percentages f single parent families. The verall average size and distributin f adults and children in the different ethnic ppulatins are further illustrated in figure

50 Figure 10 Dependent Children and Lne Parent Families by Ethnic Grup, Great Britain, Families with 3 r mre Dependant Children Lne Parent Families West Indian African Pakistani Indian Bangladeshichinese Mixed Ethnic Grup Surce: Haskey (1989) - Labur Frce Surveys Figure 11 Family Cmpsitin, by Ethnic Grup, Great Britain, Persns per Family Adults per Family Mean Number f Dependent Children per Family 0 West Indian African Pakistani Indian Bangladeshchinese Ethnic Grup Surce: Haskey (1989) - Labur Frce Surveys Mixed 37

51 The mst general feature f the fertility trends amng the NCWP-brn wmen in the 1970s is that the number f births have risen less (and in the case f Caribbean-brn wmen, have fallen mre) than the numbers f wmen f childbearing age, which means that fertility rates have in general declined. The decline in the 1970s in the number f Caribbean-brn wmen f childbearing age is mainly attributable t the effects f ageing f the ppulatin which had entered the U.K. in the 1950s and 1960s. In later decades there were fewer yung wmen resident in this cuntry brn in the Caribbean. Over the decade f the 1970s fertility rates can be seen t have declined fr each cuntry f birth and fr each age grup shwn; fr lder wmen the declines were prprtinately sharpest, with rates in 1979 nly abut half thse in The average fertility rates fr Britain as a whle are nt a stable basis fr cmparisn, given the big changes which tk place in the 1970s in the levels and age structure f fertility in the indigenus ppulatin. But, in the case f Indian-brn wmen, fertility rates in the early years f childbearing were 2 t 3 times natinal average. At ages the differential narrwed; ver age 35 fertility rates rughly halved between 1971 and 1979 and reached a lw level in abslute terms, thugh still abve the natinal average. In the 1970s fertility rates fr wmen brn in Pakistan and Bangladesh were 3 t 4 times the natinal average ver the age range (up t 35) at which mst childbearing ccurs. In abslute terms the rate drps after age 35, but it is clear that fertility at these greater ages is still high and must cntribute quite an imprtant part t ttal childbearing f wmen frm Pakistan and Bangladesh. Caribbéan-brn wmen seemed t have fertility rates at yunger ages which are abut 50% abve the natinal average, but abve age 25 rates were fairly clse t the natinal average. As far as the fertility f the ttal ppulatin f Caribbean ethnic rigin is cncerned, by the end f the 1970s the British-brn segment must have been making a large cntributin. Hwever, very few surces give any infrmatin abut the demgraphic characteristics f this sub ppulatin. In bth registratin particulars, UK-brn parents belnging t ethnic minrity grups cannt be distinguished. T summarize, fertility rates in the 1970s shw that the NCWP-brn ppulatin have experienced higher fertility levels than the indigenus ppulatin. That the cuntry f rigin and timing f migratin have been significant are evident in the lwer rates f the Caribbean-brn ppulatin and highest rates amngst the Pakistani- and Bangladeshi-brn wmen. Lack f valid data has made the analysis f variatins thrugh time difficult, althugh there have been general indicatins f a dwnward trend in fertility levels. It has nt been pssible t cmpare secnd generatin fertility levels. 38

52 FAMILY AND HOUSEHOLD Nuptial patterns The extent t which marriages have taken place between members f the ethnic minrity ppulatins and the white, British ppulatin is demnstrated in figure 12. Further, the cumulative effect f this prcess can be seen frm the high percentage f persns, themselves f mixed ethnic rigin, wh marry white British partners. Brah (1978) has suggested that the degree f acceptance r rejectin f inter-cmmunity marriage is related t the level f antagnism assciated with the respective grups. Thus, where marriage ccurs between grups that are perceived t be cmparable n the status hierarchy, r where the religins f the partners have traditinally been characterized by little strife (fr example Sikhs and sme castes f Hindus) then they are mre readily accepted. Marriages between histrically antagnistic grups such as Muslims and Hindus r Muslims and Sikhs are regarded much less favurably. Brah's study cnfirmed general expectatins, indicating that there were n marriages arranged between Hindus and Mslems r between Sikhs and Mslems, there were sme between Sikhs and Hindus. Muslims married entirely amngst themselves and mst f these marriages als invlved partners f the same natinality, cmmunity, and frequently the same family. Further, the pattern f trans-cntinental arranged marriage has been characterized by a high degree f 'nrmality 1 in the sense that mst intended marriages were expected t be intra-cmmunity. This invariably invlved the prspective spuses being brught t the UK frm the cuntry f the family's migratin rigin. rsn O. ÇJ 1O narnedt c S Per 80 -i 70" " Figure 12 Percentage f Ethnic Minrity Men and Wmen Married t White Persns, Great Britain, 1981 Husbands f White Wmen Wives f White Men 0 West Indian Indian Pakistani/ Chinese African Bangladeshi Ethnic grup f Respndent Surce: Cleman (1985) Labur Frce Survey Mixed 39

53 New gvernment regulatins in 1980 t distinguish between genuine marriages and thse arranged fr the purpse f btaining entry t Britain, cincided with a sharp decline f such persns in Amng the reasns fr the decline (apart frm stringent screening f applicants), culd als be a genuine reductin in the wish fr trans-cntinental arranged marriages amngst UK- Asians themselves. It has ften been suggested that later generatins f immigrants frm the Asian sub-cntinent wuld increasingly cnfrm t the Western mdel f marriage in preference t the practice f arranged marriages, yet there are sme incnsistencies reprted in the literature. Ballard fund that the vast majrity f marriages in Leeds tk the traditinal arranged frm and there was n indicatin that the situatin was likely t change radically in the near future (Ballard, 1977). Further, a CRE pamphlet reprted five years later that, while abut tw thirds f a large sample f yung Asians believed that mre and mre yung peple wuld rebel against arranged marriages, exactly the same prprtin asserted that arranged marriages wrked very well in the Asian cmmunity and shuld be cntinued (Anwar, 1986). This view recurred in a study f Asian teenagers in Suthall where, it was reprted, the influence f the Western mdel was apparent at the level f idelgy rather than envisaged practice (Brah, 1978). Finally, Catherine Ballard cncluded frm her study f arranged marriages in Britain, that there is an increasing feeling that, while arranged marriages may be acceptable and successful, thse marriages in which a spuse, and particularly a grm, have been brught frm India are much mre likely t run int difficulty (Ballard, 1977). While there is a general impressin that mst Asian grups still favur intra-cmmunity marriage, there are mre inter-cmmunity marriages amng the Caribbean ppulatins. Firstly, the West Indians wh arrived in the UK immediately after the War were predminantly yung males and mst married wmen frm the indigenus hst sciety r frm the (migrant) Irish cmmunity. Secndly, amng the UK-brn Caribbean ppulatin, there is little negative reactin t finding marriage partners frm ther ethnic grups r the indigenus ppulatin. There are n data n these issues which wuld prvide reliable infrmatin t discern trends. 40

54 HEALTH OF IMMIGRANTS Backgrund and reactin f the hst sciety The cmmn cnceptin f immigrant health that prevailed frm the early days f pst Secnd Wrld War immigratin is summarised by Deakin's bservatin that, the extreme steretype f clnial immigratin which was widely circulated was f smene wh brught disease int the cuntry, and wh, nce here, created a risk f epidemics, because f his rigins and living standards (Deakin, 1975). Cnsiderable cncern has existed abut the pssible burden newcmers placed n the Natinal Health Service (NHS). Islated smallpx utbreaks during the 1960s amngst the Pakistani ppulatin, and an 'assciatin' between West Indian males and venereal disease, fr example, exacerbated fears that were fanned by the press. Little slid data were available fr analysis - althugh as McNaught (1988) nted, it is well knwn that migrants have particular health and ther prblems assciated with the prcess f migratin t, and adjustment in, anther cuntry r culture. In 1960 the Family Welfare Assciatin cncluded in its reprt that there was n evidence that immigrants had intrduced any new diseases. Hwever, in the 1960s cnsiderable attentin was paid t the detectin and preventin f tuberculsis, and the instances f venereal disease amngst immigrants. In the case f the frmer, it was nted t a limited extent that the disease had been brught in by immigrants themselves (White Paper n Cmmnwealth Immigratin, 1965). Ddge (1969) wrte that the immigrant may be assciated with infectius diseases t a greater extent than the average member f the indigenus ppulatin fr tw reasns; as a traveller he may be invlved in the imprtatin f infectius disease frm the cuntry f his rigin t his destinatin, and lack f resistance t certain infectius diseases makes cntractin mre likely. Accrding t Ddge, bth f these factrs were perative in the epidemilgy f tuberculsis in areas which received significant numbers f immigrants frm Asian r African centres. (Unfrtunately there are n relevant figures). Lking at venereal disease, Wilcx cncluded that male immigrants accunted fr abut 50% f patients with gnrrhea, and 40% f thse with syphilis attending clinics (Wilcx, 1966). Hwever, as Ddge pinted ut, immigrants seldm intrduced the infectins - rather they cntracted it in disprprtinate numbers after arrival. The prblem f the unattached male and the assciated rise in the prevalence f venereal disease had been a cmmn prblem fr centuries. The nly fficial study f migrant health in the UK was the 1980 Yellwless Reprt. This reprt identified tuberculsis as being the majr health prblem f immigrants, and McNaught (1988) nted the presence f intestinal parasites, parasite infectins and mental illness with a prpensity t vilence amng certain immigrant grups. Parasitic cnditins were said t be rarely f majr significance t public health as they are nt nrmally easily transmissible in the UK, and the mental health cnditins were said t be even less s. The cnclusins drawn by the reprt were that there was n evidence t shw that immigrants t Britain were mre r less healthy than the indigenus ppulatin (Yellwless, 1980). 41

55 At present data still remain patchy. Althugh with the passage f time and settlement f immigrants, ne wuld expect t knw mre abut their health needs, rutine Natinal Health Service data d nt recrd ethnicity. Furthermre, a better cmparisn fr explring health inequality wuld ideally invlve secnd r third generatin immigrants, but these are the very grups that are difficult t trace fr statistical purpses (Black Reprt, 1982). Nevertheless, frm the several case studies cnducted, it is evident that immigrant grups in the UK d present sme health prblems nt seen within the indigenus ppulatin t the same degree r, indeed, at all. There appears t be a need t separate medical cnditins which have a genetic, hereditary basis, frm thse which can be linked t stressful living cnditins and lack f apprpriate and sensitive service prvisin (Rathweli, 1984). It fllws that whilst the frmer may be related t the rigin f the immigrant, the latter may be assciated with the shared experience f all immigrant grups in the UK. Illnesses amng the migrant ppulatins Hereditary diseases Of nte within the first categry f genetic cnditins are sickle cell anaemia and thalassaemia (Prashar et al 1985). Sickle cell anaemia ccurs mainly in peple f African rigin, but it is als fund much less in Mediterranean, Middle Eastern and rarely in Asian peple. Amng these grups thalassaemia is cmmn. Bth are inherited bld disrders which can cause death. One in ten West Indians have the sickle cell trait and ne in 4 West Indian children are brn with sickle cell anaemia, which makes the cnditin an imprtant health and scial prblem Thmas-Hpe, 1992). Stress-related illnesses Reprts frm thse wrking n migratin and mental health suggest that migrants are mre likely t be mentally ill than spatially stable ppulatins. This finding is true fr all migrant cmmunities, regardless f clur, althugh stresses assciated with discriminatins are very liable t increase the incidence f mental illness (Burrwes, 1969). Research suggested that rates f mental illness in West Indians and Pakistanis are much higher than in the native ppulatin (Bagley, 1975). Their adjustment, whether as newcmers r as secnd generatin black peple, invlves them in a variety f stress situatins in sme cases resulting in the nset f mental illness (CRE 1979). Acute psychtic breakdwn may ccur even within the first few days f arrival in Britain; r any f a grup f mental illnesses may develp at a later stage, marked by the develpment f paranid delusins assciated with depressin (Burrwes, 1969). There is als a relatively high incidence f mental illness recrded amng immigrants frm Eastern Eurpe. Accrding t Burrws (1969) they seem t be mre sensitive t their immigrant status and this may in part be due t the fact that they have left their cuntry under stressful circumstances in additin t the prblems f adjusting t a very different sciety. Very severe depressive illnesses 42

56 and paranid psychses seem t be cmmn frms f mental disrder in this grup. A further explanatin f the relatinship between migratin and mental health is the culture-distance hypthesis prpsed in the case f the Irish. Even thugh the distance between Great Britain and Ireland is minimal gegraphically, Irish migrants have cnsiderable difficulties. Evidence frm mental hspital admissin recrds and the cuntry f birth f peple admitted, shws that the Irish as a migrant grup in Britain are grssly ver represented cmpared t lcally-brn British peple. These figures are nt ttally reliable and in the case f suicide, which apparently is f high incidence amng the Irish, there are prblems in gaining access t figures. In rder t authenticate these figures f the mental health f migrant ppulatins, cmmunity studies are necessary t ascertain whether the migrant ppulatin's experience f mental health crrbrates the hspital admissin recrds. In the case f the Irish, cmmunity surveys shw them t be better adjusted and happier than ther grups, yet the mental health admissin recrds shw them t be verrepresented. Culturally related misunderstanding and mis-diagiwsis It has been suggested that the reasn fr the high number f Irish peple in mental hspitals in Britain may be based n mis-diagnsis as peple frm a different culture were making the decisins abut their admittance withut any effrt being made t understand the culture frm which they came. Brent Irish Mental Health Grup is a cmmunity rganisatin whse cncern is with the alleviatin f mental distress r ill-health amng the Irish cmmunity in Brent. Cnsequently, much f its activities are f relevance t the wider cmmunity f Irish peple in Britain. In the early stages f its inceptin, the rrup recgnized the lack f adequate research pertinent t the mental health f the Irish in Britain despite the high incidence f disrder and the large size f the Irish migrant ppulatin. In respnse, the grup instituted its wn research prject which cnfirmed that prblems f racism and cultural alienatin were imprtant in the explanatin f mental ill health but were nt taken int accunt in treatment f the prblem. Other aspects f ill health culd als be brught abut r exacerbated by stress factrs. These culd include the high incidence f heart disease amng yung Asian men, the cmparatively high incidence f strkes amng West Indian wmen and the cmparatively high incidence f new-brn Asian babies with physical and mental handicaps. The high rate f ccurrence f these disrders culd be linked t a cmbinatin f stressful living cnditins and lack f apprpriate prvisin (McNaught 1988). Dietary related illnesses Althugh data are insufficient, what little has been cllected des suggest that there is sme link between certain cultural practices and immigrant ill health. It appears that children f immigrants d suffer frm certain specific health disabilities related t cultural factrs such as diet. One example f this is the recurrence f stemalacia and rickets in Britain, particularly amng Asian 43

57 wmen and children. This has been seen as a serius prblem in Glasgw, Birmingham and sme ther areas with large Asian cmmunities. Envirnment related illnesses NCWP immigrants are knwn t experience greater difficulties in finding adequate husing prvisin. It is suggested that husing shrtages and deficiencies are the cause f a cnsiderable amunt f physical and mental ill health in immigrant cmmunities. Indeed, the high incidence f tuberculsis in black immigrants in Britain is related t living cnditins (McNaught 1988). In 1984, a survey t investigate the pssible assciatins between damp public husing in Lndn and the health f British Bangladeshi tenants was cnducted in Twer Hamlets, a brugh in the East End f Lndn cmprising 19 electral wards. The brugh may be cnsidered severely deprived n a number f criteria, with much f the cuncil prperty cnsisting f ld flats built in the 1920s and 1930s, and large high rise and deck access accmmdatin f the 1960s and 1970s. Furthermre, in the Spitalfields and St. Mary's wards there exists sme f the wrst vercrwding in Britain. It is estimated that in 1985 there were 1,0 Bangladeshis in Great Britain, f which ne fifth were in Twer Hamlets. In the Spitalfields Health Survey husing was perceived t be the mst imprtant health issue by 47% f the Asians cmpared t nly 10% f the English. Bangladeshis were disprprtinately represented in the wrst cuncil huses. The sample ppulatin was fairly yung, with the ldest persn in the survey aged nly 63. The results f the survey demnstrated the assciatin between husing damp, muld and cld and reprted respiratry and ther aspects f ill-health, including respiratry illnesses, depressin, diarrhea and vmiting and a pr level f general health. Other aspects f ill health A number f cultural factrs are thught t be imprtant in explaining the relatively high level f pre-natal and ne-natal mrtality amng Asian wmen. Factrs such as difficulties arising ut f inadequate translatin, reluctance f Asian wmen t be examined by male gynaeclgists and a lack f knwledge and experience f the Health Service persnnel appear t be cntributry. Studies have als shwn that ethnic minrities have a higher incidence f hypertensin, heart attacks, strkes, and diabetes than the verall ppulatin (McNaught, 1988). Hwever, as Rathwell (1984) pints ut, simplistic explanatins based n cultural differences may in sme cases divert attentin frm real explanatins like inadequacies in present prvisin. A cmparisn f mrtality causes fr the immigrant ppulatins and the ttal UK ppulatin shws a higher incidence f mrtality due t circulatry diseases amng male immigrants, especially thse frm the Indian subcntinent and females frm the Caribbean. The lwer than average cause f death frm neplasms amng the immigrant grups, especially females, is als evident (Figures 13 and 14). 44

58 Figure 13 Mrtality Cause by Cuntry f Birth, Females Aged Resident in England and Wales 11% 4 % 5% 19% 45% 16% Brn in Indian Sub-Cntinent 18% 3% 5% 30% 23% Respiratry Diseases E3 Digestive Diseases EH Circulatry Diseases E2 External Causes G All Neplasms Other Causes 2VÂ Brn in the Caribbean Cmmnwealth 15% 3% e.v. 30% 32% Surce: Balarajan and Bulusu (1989) 14% 45

59 Figure 14 Mrtality Cause by Cuntry f Birth, Males Aged 20-49, Resident in England and Wales 8% 5% 3% 21% 34% 29% Brn in Indian Sub-cntinent 8% 4% 11% 19% Respiratry Diseases 0 Digestive Diseases HI Circulatry Diseases 0 External Causes D All Neplasms H Other Causes Brn in Caribbean Cmmnwealth 12% 4% 3% 51% 19% 36% 26% 46

60 Migrants and the Health Service Health service prvisin fr migrant ppulatins Fr the black ppulatin inequality als exists in the utilizatin f health services, particularly preventative services. An example f this is the pattern f late bkings in pregnancy, fewer antenatal clinic visits and prer quality f general practitiner bstetric care characteristic f the immigrant ppulatin. In additin, the prvisins fr sickle cell and thalassaemia screening and cunselling n the NHS are grssly inadequate fr the demand and prvisins are largely made thrugh the initiatives f vluntary rganizatins and the ethnic cmmunities themselves (Thmas-Hpe, 1992). The NHS has been generally slw t recgnize that the health care requirements f ethnic minrities are different frm thse f the white ppulatin and that alleviatin f these different health prblems cannt ccur unless there are substantial changes in the present pattern f care based upn natinal plicy. The picture that has emerged is that black and ethnic minrity peple experience prblems in their interactin with the Natinal Health Service. Because f their pattern f settlement (see Chapter II), in sme areas ethnic minrities are the majrity cnsumers f health services. The largest cncentratin f ethnic minrities are in the inner cities, and inner city residents have access t the mst neglected and prly serviced health care facilities. Thus, ethnic minrities suffer accessibility prblems t health services n tw cunts - firstly, because f their settlement patterns, and secndly, because f linguistic and cultural barriers. T cunter these prblems, sme lcal initiatives have taken place in lcal health authrities, fcusing n the needs f ethnic minrities. Nevertheless, as yet there has been n systematic plicy respnse t the needs f the migrant ppulatins (McNaught 1988). Impact f migrant ppulatins upn the health system The earliest respnse f the Natinal Health Service t the cnsequences f immigratin came in 1965, when the Minister f Health sent a letter t medical fficers f health, encuraging them t extend lcal preventative tuberculsis services t immigrants. The main gvernment respnse, accrding t McNaught (1988) was Part 3 f the 1965 White Paper n Cmmnwealth Immigratin (Hme Office, 1965), which declared that 'many immigrants will fr a variety f reasns cntinue t impse a relatively heavy burden n the health services'. It als suggested the emplyment f immigrants as health visitrs, hme nurses r midwives, acknwledging that there were sme difficulties at the peratinal level in prviding services in the NHS. A study f the financial cnsequences f immigratin t the health service prduced a very different picture. Taking the average per capita expenditure n health and welfare services (using 1961/2 as base year), calculatins were made f the demand f the immigrant ppulatin fr thse services. (Jnes, 1967). Specific factrs included the demand fr hspital beds, the incidence f tuberculsis and venereal disease, the relative number f thse aged 65+ in general hspitals, and the number f immigrants between 15 and 65 years in an 47

61 institutin fr the mentally ill in The per capita cst fr immigrants was calculated t be abut the same as that fr the ppulatin as a whle in It was frecast t fall a little belw the natinal average in 1966 and t remain belw in 1981 (Jnes, 1967). McNaught indicated that this study marked the end f an era. As a cnsequence, there was a falling away f cncern abut immigratin and the health service, fllwed by a lack f any further interest in this issue fr much f the late 1960s and 1970s. The clearer cnsideratin f ethnic minrity needs in mre recent plicy dcuments seems t indicate that at the natinal level there is an ethnic dimensin t plicy questins, and an appreciatin that sme prblems are being experienced at lcal level. The range f recmmendatins have been smewhat limited and there des seem t be sme uncertainty abut what actually ught t be dne. Mst dcuments express a need fr mre training and sme frm f interpreter arrangements. N reprt has suggested that ethnic, minrities have greater r very different needs frm the native white ppulatin, but given the lack f basic data, it seems difficult fr ther perspectives t be sustained (McNaught 1988). There have hwever, been a range f natinal initiatives such as the Stp Rickets Campaign, and Training in Health and Race. Summary It is apparent that immigrants d have sme health needs which differ frm thse f the native ppulatin. Reasns fr this include interwven demgraphic and scial factrs, such as larger numbers f children, stresses and anxiety linked t migratin, linguistic and cmmunicatin barriers, and pr and vercrwded husing (Wlstenhlme and O'Cnnr, 1966; McNaught, 1988). Whilst genetic cnditins linked t rigin and deficiencies linked t culture d exist, the prblems in the main result frm the cmmn scial and envirnmental experience f immigrants in the UK. IMPACT OF IMMIGRATION UPON MORTALITY The data available fr studying the mrtality f immigrants are inadequate. Lack f ppular interest has undubtedly cntributed t the paucity f infrmatin available, and the relatively small numbers invlved has limited analysis. Hwever, since 1969 cuntry f birth has been nted n death certificates, allwing analysis f first generatin migrant mrtality. The first (and t date nly) cmprehensive study f migrant mrtality in England and Wales was undertaken by Marmt, Adelstein and Bulusu (1984) fr the perid f , and the fllwing discussin is therefre based n their wrk. Deaths fr the three years were analyzed in relatin t ppulatin estimates derived frm the 1971 census, and standard mrtality ratis were calculated using England and Wales, age/sex cause specific mrtality rates, as the standard bth fr immigrants and fr cuntries f birth. As the ppulatin estimates based n the Census f 1971 were less apprpriate fr an analysis f deaths after 1972, prprtinal mrtality ratis were calculated fr the deaths during the nine years This study highlighted the differences in mrtality levels, causes and mrbidity bth between the immigrant and native 48

62 ppulatins, and between immigrant grups. Mrtality frm different causes were brught tgether t prduce a prfile f the disease pattern fr each immigrant grup, thus illustrating the markedly different causes f death (Figures 15 and 16). IMMIGRATION AS A COMPONENT OF POPULATION CHANGE Cntributin t natinal ppulatin grwth The prprtin f British brn in the NCWP ppulatin was by the end f the 1980s abut 40%. It is estimated that this wuld have risen t 50% in 1991 and will rise t 60% in 21. At first sight the rate f increase may seem surprisingly slw. This is a direct cnsequence f the demgraphic characteristics: the small numbers f ld persns and therefre the small reductin f verseas brn thrugh death; the cmparatively lw birth rate falling still further; the cnsiderable impact f current and future migratin. Since mdificatins in behaviur are likely t ccur mre slwly fr thse whse early years have been spent in a very different envirnment frm that f their cuntry f rigin, the pace f sme types f scial change may be slwed dwn. Hwever, the evidence demnstrates that the change in as fundamental a characteristic as fertility can ccur with great speed amng first generatin migrants. Figure 15 Standardised Mrtality Ratis, All Cause, f Female Immigrants Aged by Scial Class, Caribbean Cmmnwealth African Cmmnwealth II IHN HIM IV Scial Class Surce: Marmt et al. (198A). V Ttal 49

63 Figure 16 Standardised Mrtality Ratis, All Cause, f Male Immigrants Aged by Scial Class, i ^ Indian Caribbean Cmmnwealth African Cmmnwealth 0 II HIN HIM iv Scial Class Surce: Marmt et al. (1984). V Ttal 50

64 CHAPTER IV SOCIAL AND CULTURAL IMPACT OF IMMIGRATION INTEGRATION SUPPORT SYSTEM New Cmmnwealth immigrants were entering a sciety which pssessed an unprecedented quantity f statutry scial services and the state - a Welfare State - was ptentially respnsible fr all immigrants. Jnes bserves that while the 1950s witnessed a "flwering f neclnial-style welfare arrangements", the first half f the 1960s witnessed a nticeable shift twards "mre drastic integratinist pstures" (Jnes, 1977). The apprach changed again in the 1980s, when the idea f Britain as a multi-cultural state began t emerge. Integratin plicy develpment There were tw main, and related, themes in integratin plicy develpment in the 1960s: 1) attempts t prmte inter-racial harmny; 2) mves t prhibit acts f racial discriminatin. That bth such strategies shuld have begun t take shape in the 1960s rather than befre seems readily understandable, since it was nly during the 1960s that the full impact f New Cmmnwealth immigratin seemed t be making itself felt. The first bjective - prmtin f inter-racial harmny There was a fairly rapid, incremental, prgressin, beginning with the establishment in 1962 f a nn-statutry Cmmnwealth Immigrants Advisry Cuncil (CIAC) t advise the Hme Secretary n matters affecting the welfare f Cmmnwealth immigrants. In 1964, the first Natinal Cmmittee fr Cmmnwealth Immigrants (NCCI) was established. This cmmittee was t supprt the wrk f the advisry fficer specially appinted t c-rdinate the effrts f statutry and vluntary bdies acrss the cuntry in the field f immigrant welfare. In 1965 a larger NCCI tk ver the respnsibilities f bth the CIAC and the NCCI mark ne, until it t was subsumed, in 1968, under a new, statutry, Cmmunity Relatins Cmmissin (CRC) with the fllwing brief: 51

65 1. t encurage the establishment f harmnius cmmunity relatins and t c-rdinate, n a natinal basis, the measures adpted fr that purpse by thers; 2. t advise the Secretary f State n any matter referred t the Cmmissin by him and t make recmmendatins t him n any matter which the Cmmissin cnsidered shuld be brught t his attentin. The secnd bjective - t utlaw acts f racial discriminatin The 1965 Race Relatins Act was very limited in its scpe and difficult t interpret in specific situatins. The 1968 Race Relatins Act was directed mre specifically twards prhibiting acts f discriminatin in the spheres f emplyment and husing, and in published material. It further prhibited discriminatin generally in cnnectin with the prvisin f gds, facilities and services. The Cmmittee was empwered fr the first time t initiate investigatins where it had reasn t suspect that discriminatin had ccurred. Much grund had been cvered between 1965 and 1968 n the matter f legislatin against racial discriminatin and the inclusin f bth aspects f integratin plicy within a single legislative framewrk in 1968 wuld seem significant in itself. There was much debate abut the bjectives f integratin and even immigrant and pr-immigrant pinin culd never agree upn precisely what type f 'integrated' sciety it wished t see develp. It was scial cnflict which made the issue an urgent ne. Fr the first time, statutry scial plicy was t be directed against specific scial cnflict and in circumstances within which the pay-ff fr the majrity seemed t be f least direct imprtance, unless, as was prbably feared 'an early bld bath was t be cunted a serius risk' (Jnes, 1977). Cming after the CIAC and the NCCI, the Cmmunity Relatins Cmmissin inherited the dual respnsibility bth t advise the gvernment and t supprt and crdinate vluntary effrts. Given the backgrunds, successive gvernments were extremely cautius when it came t trying specifically t cntain racial cnflict r t prmte better race relatins. The initial avidance f becming invlved with specific prblems f immigrant receptin was articulated in the 1965 White Paper n Immigratin frm the Cmmnwealth. Of majr significance was the Lcal Gvernment Act passed in the fllwing year (1966), which prpsed t allw a 50% rate supprt grant t lcal authrity in respect f increased lads arising ut f the presence within their areas f Cmmnwealth immigrants with a different language r culture frm the rest f the cmmunity. The Act left it essentially t the ptentially eligible lcal authrities t decide fr themselves what were their mst pressing pririties. This 'Urban Prgramme' was frmally annunced n 1 May, General welfare plicy respnses t New Cmmnwealth immigrants Neither integratin plicies nr psitive discriminatin plicies were intended t supplant the nrmal Welfare State machinery. Assessments had t 52

66 be made f the impact f New Cmmnwealth immigratin upn the wrkings f the Welfare State, in particular, the extent t which the arrival and settlement f the immigrants presented scial needs and scial prblems qualitatively different frm thse which therwise existed. The fact that NCWP immigrants tended t be prer as a grup than was the general ppulatin, did nt mean that their ecnmic predicaments were necessarily any different in kind. Linguistic and cultural factrs did seem t cnstitute specific prblems t which the Scial Service had t respnd. Yet, as Jnes pints ut, the whle philsphy f the Welfare State had hithert seemed t centre arund the idea f catering fr certain categries f scial need irrespective, in each case, f 'extraneus' scial, cultural r ecnmic persnal characteristics. T treat, r even t recrd, 'clured immigrants' differently, seemed t strike at the heart f this philsphy, and t cnstitute a frm f clur discriminatin which, whether it was intended t be psitive r negative in the first instance, seemed a highly dangerus and unwelcme precedent (Jnes, 1977). It was certainly nt a straightfrward exercise t assess the impact f New Cmmnwealth immigratin upn the Welfare State scial services r t assess the nature and quality f such service respnse t this immigrant presence. The scial services were in a difficult psitin in terms f the nature f their respnse t mass immigratin as a result f the clse assciatin between extreme scial deprivatin n the ne hand and racial tensins n the ther. The services were, therefre, cnscius f their dilemma that they culd create r exacerbate prblems mre easily than they culd slve any. The public tensins were greatest precisely in thse areas where the services themselves were mst stretched in terms f the needs f the wider sciety. Overall, the impact f immigratin upn the Scial Services in the 1950s thrugh t the 1970s was t highlight the paradx f the Welfare State. With scial services impinging upn virtually every aspect f life chances within the sciety, and based n ideals f equality f pprtunity, welfare prvisins develped a stance f anti-immigrant discriminatin (at least cvertly) as a scial plicy issue in itself. THE IMPACT OF IMMIGRATION UPON RELIGION The immigrants and later, the ethnic minrity grups in the UK, represent all f the main wrld religins and have established places f wrship in lcatins where the cmmunities are cncentrated. Hwever, mst f the impact f the migrants' religins n the UK has been by the West Indians, thrugh the establishment f new Pentecstal churches, and" by the Muslim grups thrugh their influence n educatinal and plitical issues. Immigratin and the Christian churches Immigrants f the Christian faith were chiefly thse frm the Caribbean. Their participatin in British cngregatins have been mainly in the Church f 53

67 England (Anglican), nn-cnfrmist - in particular Cngregatinalism and Seventh Day Adventist churches. By the 1970s, clergy frm, r with experience f the Caribbean were psted t a few parishes with particularly high cncentratins f West Indian immigrants. One f these West Indian clergyman subsequently becme a Bishp in Lndn. In general, hwever, very few immigrants held any frm f ffice in the Church f England r Cngregatinalist churches. In cntrast, almst every Adventist church had sme West Indian ffice-hlders, yet nne f the pastrs were West Indian. Churches established by the immigrants cmprised a range f Pentecstal churches, the three mst ppular f which are the New Testament Church f Gd, the Church f Gd in Christ and the Church f Gd f Prphecy. The Church f Gd in Christ is the nly ne t have lst grund after the initial perid f immigratin, while the ther tw expanded rapidly, ne r tw cngregatins being added every year. Althugh Pentecstal churches were already in existence in urban areas in the UK, the mst successful grups were thse established by immigrant West Indian preachers themselves. In the early days f immigratin there seems t have been little religius activity and nly when the cmmunity started t becme established did religius grups frm. A relatively high prprtin f West Indian immigrants, especially f wmen, attend Pentecstal services (thugh there are n data n the numbers invlved). Beliefs and style f wrship vary little between the different Pentecstal churches and are all fundamentalist grups. In cmmn with the Seventh Day Adventist members, they aspire, and mstly adhere, t a strict cde f persnal behaviur and the bservance f prhibitins n smking, drinking, the use f imprper language and immdest dress. Questins arise cncerning the wider rle f the churches in the prcess f assimilatin f the West Indian immigrants. Frm ne perspective the exclusively West Indian membership f certain Pentecstal churches is seen t impede assimilatin. Frm anther perspective, it culd be argued that withut this imprtant means f btaining psychlgical supprt, f expressing ne's wn cultural identity and having pprtunities fr leadership, the crisis f the immigrant grup wuld have been exacerbated and the prblems f cping in and adapting t the new sciety, much greater. Immigratin and Islam It was estimated that by 1987 there were ne t ne and a half millin Muslims living in the UK, thugh there were sme wh claimed the figure t be nearer tw millin. Muslims in the UK have established the structures which make pssible the practice and preservatin f Islam fr first and secnd generatin Muslims. The nly previus experience which the UK had f Muslims in the relatively recent past had been thrugh its empire, and it remained impervius t the influence f Muslim culture. Nthing had prepared the British sciety t accmmdate a strng nucleus f Muslims wh wuld frm cmmunities in sme f its majr cities. 54

68 In the aftermath f the prtest prvked by the publicatin f Salman Rushdie's bk The Satanic Verses, and the anger arused by Ayatllah Khmeini's death sentence n him, several imprtant issues were placed n the public agenda. In particular, Muslims in Britain have tried t invke the blasphemy law. The issue thus invlved nt just a legal questin cncerning the ablitin r pssible extensin f the blasphemy law but the fundamental questins cncerning the limits t free speech, and the even mre general issue f cultural pluralism and the place f minrities in British sciety. The reprt f a seminar held by religius leaders in 1989 indicated that, accrding t Rabbi Hug Gryn, the bjective was t cnsider the apprpriateness f legal sanctins r vluntary 'cdes f cnduct' t prtect religius sensibilities in a multi-faith sciety. It als reflected n sme f the mre general questins f freedm f expressin, persnal respnsibility and scial values arising in this field (Cmmissin fr Racial Equality, 1989). The Gvernment was faced with the fairly widespread view in sciety that the law is unfair if indeed it nly prtects the Christian faith. The majrity f the Law Cmmissiners thught that ablitin was the right curse; the minrity felt that blasphemy shuld be replaced with a mre cherent, enlarged ffence. The Gvernment, in a letter 4 July 1989 t leaders f the Muslim cmmunity, seems t have rejected bth cnclusins, the gvernment's dilemma being that it has been unable t prvide any plitically feasible alternative t the current laws gverning blasphemy ffenses. At the same time, British institutins largely enshrine bth church and state: The head f state is als the head f the Church f England; the educatin system traditinally made religius educatin cmpulsry in schls; in a curt f law it is custmary t take the ath n the Bible; a priest can celebrate marriages as a legal marriage fficer. While religius and cultural tlerance has been regarded as a virtue, actually t dismantle the basis f a number f institutins as a result f the pst-war immigratin, wuld be a matter f fundamental significance. Summary Religin, mre than any ther single aspect f life, cnstituted the mst fundamental aspect - if nt the very basis - f culture fr mst majr grups f pst-war immigrants t the UK. Their scial institutins and the whle netwrk f relatins between individuals and institutins are deeply influenced by their beliefs and values and, therefre, by their reactins t and interpretatins f all arund them. In the UK since the Secnd Wrld War much f the research was cncerned with an examinatin f the majr immigrant grups in perceived categries as 'clured immigrants', 'ethnic and/r racial minrities', r sme cmbinatin f these. This apprach led t a dearth f literature dealing with cmmunities whse lifestyle and custm are based n religius values. Lack f prper recgnitin f this fact has led t what may be described as the fallacy f simplified aggregatin and misplaced categrisatin. When the identity f a religius and cultural grup has nt been prperly defined, its majr characteristics, and the prblems and challenges it faces, cannt be fully appreciated. 55

69 IMPACT OF IMMIGRATION UPON THE EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM The ecnmic cst In 1961 the prprtin f children f schl age in the immigrant ppulatin was slightly lwer than fr the rest f the ppulatin. If number f pupils had been the nly cnsideratin, the average cst f educatin per capita in 1961 wuld als have been slightly lwer than fr the rest f the ppulatin. But sme special adjustments are needed t estimate the cst f educatin fr immigrant children as they brught the average cst f educatin per head f ppulatin t 7% higher fr immigrant families in that year. Mrever, the disparity f educatinal csts increased ver time as the migrant grups entered the secnd and third generatins, mre children came n stream fr schls and there was increased demand fr pre-schl child care. By 1966, the average cst per capita was prbably abut 37% higher fr immigrant, than fr white British children (Jnes and Smith, 1970). Fr sme time after the majr perid f immigratin, the Inner Lndn Educatin Authrity (ILEA) std alne amngst educatin authrities in cmmitting itself n paper t a discussin f issues in race and educatin, but later sme 20 ther lcal educatin authrities (LEAs) made attempts t incrprate such ideas. Educatinal perfrmance f children frm migrant ppulatins The evidence shws that Asian pupils, tend t perfrm at a level cmparable t, and in sme cases exceeding that f their white cunterparts in schl. Yet the Bengali pupils in inner Lndn schls are an exceptin, with lwer perfrmance levels. Children f West Indian rigin in the UK als have been fund t perfrm relatively prly and have been typified as underachievers in the British educatinal system. The Cmmittee f Inquiry int the Educatin f Children frm Ethnic Minrity Grups (The Ramptn Cmmittee, 1981) fund evidence fr this lw achievement fr schl leavers frm six Lndn Educatin Authrity schls in The Cmmittee stated that, "Black pupils perfrmed cnsistently wrse than Asian r white in public examinatins and were less represented amngst thse pupils wh went n t university". Only 3% f the black schl-leavers btained five r mre higher grades in 'O' level and CSE cmpared t 18% f Asian and 16% f ther. There was a similar trend in 'A' level, where 2% f the black pupils gained ne r mre 'A' level passes cmpared t 13% Asian and 12% f thers (The Ramptn Cmmittee, 1981).Other research has supprted this situatin with evidence that "Of the 33 studies f West Indian children, 26 scre lwer than white children n individual r grup tests r t be ver-represented in Educatinal Sub-nrmal (ESN) Schls and under-represented in higher schl streams" (Tmlinsn, 1990). A mre recent reprt - the Swann Reprt (1985) - shwed the higher than average percentage f West Indian children attaining 1-4 O-Levels but the lwer than average perfrmance f this grup at A-Level standard (Figure 17). By 56

70 cntrast, the Asian schl leavers had qualificatins cmparable t thse f the average fr the rest f the UK. Critics f these reprts have pinted ut that sme ability tests may nt be adequate fr examining ethnic minrity grups, and research has als verlked, and thus nt cntrlled fr, the influence f scial class and ther scial factrs (Cashmre and Tryna, 1983). It was evaluated by Reeves and Chevannes that if the Ramptn Cmmittee data had been analyzed alng class as well as ethnic lines the results wuld have shwn that black pupils were perfrming n better r wrse than ther wrking-class schl leavers (Reeves and Chevannes, 1981). There is a general lack f reliable evidence cncerning parental educatinal aspiratins amng the ppulatins f West Indian and Suth Asian rigin (Taylr, 1981). Frm the little existing infrmatin, mst migrants accept the dminant idelgical ntin f schling being a 'gd thing', and tend t value educatin instrumentally - that is, in terms f prviding scial mbility and jb pprtunities fr their children (Ballard, 1977; Taylr, 1981). Pryce (1979) claimed that Caribbean migrants had, "great academic aspiratins fr their children" and believed that, "ultimately educatin is the mst reliable means whereby their grup, as a whle, thrugh their children, can achieve recgnitin and status n an equal fting with thers in sciety". Further, in the early years after migratin parents generally believed that the educatinal pprtunities available t their children were limitless. Figure 17 Examinatin Attainment f Schl Leavers, by Racial Grup, Ë3 Asian 0 West Indian 1 AllOthcr N Graded O-Level Surce: Swann Reprt (1985) 1-4 Graded 5+Graded At Least! O-Levels O-Levels A-Level Qualificatin It was nt lng befre West Indian parents realized that this was nt the case and began t make demands fr change. Bth the Ramptn Reprt (Department f Educatin and Science, 1981) and the Scarman Enquiry (Hme 57

71 Office, 1981) identified racist practices as the majr cncern f the parents. The Ramptn Cmmittee (1981) was n mre precise than t state that there were, "many causes, bth within the educatinal system and utside it". Taylr (1981) suggested that, "factrs such as quality f schling, teachers' attitudes, pupils' hme backgrunds and pupils' mtivatin" explained the pattern f underachievement. As far as mst West Indian parents and children were cncerned, the schls did nt even begin t ffer anything like equal pprtunity: they suffered all the disadvantages f the urban'wrking class and the additinal nes f prejudice and racism. It was generally realized by members f the migrant cmmunity that all the mst successful West Indians in the UK were educated in the Caribbean at least fr mst f their schl life. Since the prblems were nt purely educatinal nes, but deeply influenced by the cntext and circumstances f immigratin and settlement, it became evident that there culd be n purely educatinal slutins but a need fr the inclusin f educatin in wider scial plicy. The impact upn plicy The majr plicy questin which cnfrnted central and lcal gvernment was whether integratin r segregatin shuld be chsen. Integratin was seen as the way frward, given the dminant view that the fundamental scial bjective was the assimilatin f the immigrants int mainstream British sciety. In the attempt t fllw an integratinist path, attentin was paid t bringing abut psitive discriminatin n behalf f the disadvantaged grups. - Psitive discriminatin The educatinal evidence f psitive discriminatin was the Plwden Reprt f Three frms f psitive discriminatin advcated were eventually implemented. These were mre financial resurces t the relevant schls, better staffing qutas and extra allwances fr teachers. T this end, gvernment cncern in the 1970s mainly fcused n the questin f hw t cllect infrmatin, including statistics, n children f immigrant rigin and hw t cater fr their special needs. As a result f this plicy, successive gvernments and the Department f Educatin and Science thrughut much f the 1970s, had t handle the thrny issue f attempting t discriminate psitively in favur f immigrant children in the educatin system and nt, at the same time, t lse the supprt f the white ppulatin. Cmpensatry educatin plicies in the 1960s and 1970s were intended t supprt assimilatinist views f the psitin f blacks and suth Asians in the metrplitan sciety. Assimilatin was the gal, and apart frm the recgnitin f the 'special needs' f ethnic minrity children, a 'clur-blind' apprach was applied t teaching in multiracial schls. 58

72 - Dispersal Fears f schls 'being swamped 1, r being turned int 'immigrant schls', have featured in the literature and plicy dcuments since the perid f pst-war immigratin. The perceptin f Asians as prblems in schls began t appear in the early 1960s. White parents in places f high immigrant cncentratin began t cmplain that the schls were being 'swamped'. In 1963 a grup f white parents in the Suthall district f Lndn cmplained t the Minister f Educatin that the educatinal prgress f their children was being inhibited in thse schls cntaining large numbers f immigrant pupils. The minister was receptive t cmplaints and recmmended that the ppulatin f nn-white immigrant children in any ne schl shuld nt exceed 30 percent. Educatin in a racially mixed schl was seen as a prblem, but a prblem fr the racial minrities t slve, nt ne with which the white ppulatin shuld have t cntend. Just as general scial plicy advcated a view f diversity based n assimilatin, s did the schls. Where an unchanged white British educatinal and scietal system has been perceived as a static situatin and frmed the gal f minrity assimilatin, then cncentratins f immigrants' children in schls were seen t defeat the bject. Cnsistent with the bjective f assimilatin, the dispersal f the ethnic minrity children away frm their cncentrated presence in certain schls and areas, was seen t be advantageus. The bussing f such children fr purpses f racial dispersal (in schls) marked the first ccasin when race was placed explicitly n the educatinal plicy agenda. In 1965 this received fficial backing frm the Department f Educatin and Science and dispersal plicies were adpted in sme LEAs. There was much ppsitin t the bussing f children t schls away frm their hme area, and Kirp (1979) reprted unanimus cndemnatin f the plicy by representatives f the leading black cmmunity. - The demand fr segregatin Demands fr separate schls by West Indian parents arse nt because f any initial inclinatin n the part f the black cmmunity fr separate schls. On the cntrary, the migrants arrived with high expectatins f the British educatinal system, but sn after they had becme disillusined by the reality as they experienced it. The main thrust behind the demand fr separate schls n the part f the West Indian ppulatin was based n the parental evaluatin cncerning the sense f alienatin which the children were experiencing bth in the schl cmmunity and in the educatinal system. There is the desire t prvide space t allw the children t be in schls away frm these negative effects. A secnd factr was based n the traditinal view f West Indians t the rearing and educatin f their children, based n strict principles f discipline and respect fr elders. Parents, in particular, a grup f Seventh Day Adventist church members, bjected t their children being expsed t, and permitted t indulge in, what they regarded as the lax scial behaviur in schls. Demands frm the Muslim cmmunity fr religius and single-sex schls have psed difficult issues. The educatinal establishment has t cncede the principle that bth denminatinal and single-sex schls exist in the wider UK cntext. Thus the demand fr such schls fr Muslims cannt be 59

73 easily ignred, thugh it strikes a majr challenge t the perceptins f minrity culture within the natinal framewrk. - Black Studies In the face f increasing anxiety abut the lack f educatinal prgress made by black pupils, the Department f Educatin and Science (DES) and a handful f LEAs and their schls abandned assimilatinist cnceptins f educatin. A brief attempt was made t implement Black Studies, and this was pilted by the Lambeth LEA, which set abut reappraising curricula as well as pedaggic and rganizatinal prcedures t ensure that they tk int accunt the changing racial mix f UK sciety. This phase in educatinal plicy was based arund the idea that, if selfimage was the key t achievement and the pr perfrmance f black pupils derives frm their negative self-images, then the educatin system shuld set abut recgnizing and celebrating cultural differences and ethnic life styles, rather than trying t suppress them. Black Studies were never widely accepted by LEAs, but the brief perid f fcusing upn the immigrant cmmunities as legitimate cmpnents f knwledge t be studied, led t a new apprach t the immigrant ppulatin as part f the educatinal cntent and prcess, and nt merely clients f an educatinal system. - Multi-Racial Educatin The initial emphasis n language mainly revlved arund the teaching f English as a secnd language (ESL). This was regarded as a precnditin t the integratin and assimilatin f the migrants' children int the mainstream sciety. The plicies f the teaching f ESL, being rganized in units utside the mainstream classrms, served t increase the children's sense f inadequacy. Furthermre t put emphasis n ESL t the ttal exclusin f mther tngue languages, served t depress much f the creative expressin, and thus the educatinal ptential, f the children. Other aspects f multi-cultural curricula had implicatins fr the teaching prfessin and the institutins f schling generally. Teachers were nt adequately prepared fr these challenges. Besides, sme did nt in fact wish t take up such challenges. At anther level, there have been gaps between plicy and practice because sme f the LEAs are cautius abut the idea f multi-cultural educatin. In sme authrities multi-cultural advisers are peripheral t the mainstream f advisers and inspectrs. The DES has been slw t give a lead, aware f the likely repercussins in the wider sciety. Nevertheless, determined wrk by cmmitted teachers and thers, cmbined with increasing pressure frm minrity grups wh have seen their children's life chances spiled by an inadequate educatin, has had sme effect. Since the 1981 rits, a grwing number f Lcal Educatin Authrities have prduced plicy dcuments declaring their cmmitment t multi cultural educatin and have urged their schls t reflect cultural diversity in their nrmal practices and prcedures. 60

74 Summary The presence f minrity ethnic grups in the UK has had the effect f raising questins which have fundamental implicatins fr the very nature f the schling which is prvided. Thus, pst-war immigratin has simply drawn attentin t many f the basic issues inherent in the develpment f British educatin since the 1960s. As plicy slwly changed, frm assimilatin t integratin and frm integratin t cultural pluralism, there was little real change in many f the schls. Cultural pluralism des nt fcus n minrity children alne, but als invlves the white majrity, wh, withut an apprpriate educatin, will cntinue t perpetuate racism within sciety. Perhaps the mst interesting aspect f the new multi-racial plicies are the reasns put frward by the LEAs fr their develpment. Given educatin's initial cmmitment t an assimilatinist apprach, the philsphy underlying the new plicies is an imprtant indicatin f the extent f change in fficial thinking abut race and educatin. They als serve as indicatins f the impact f immigratin upn British educatinal structures. In this regard, it is evident that the Lcal Educatin Authrities see their educatinal plicies as a necessary respnse t pluralism and cultural diversity. Sme authrities, fr example, Berkshire, describes its educatinal plicy as a "Clear fcus n equality and access t pwer as issues f greater mment than culture and ethnicity" (Drn, 1989). Frm either perspective, the mechanisms vary little, invlving significant curriculum develpments, mther tngue teaching, respect fr ther cultures, the eliminatin f discriminatin in the schls. But the practicalities f achieving them are als a prblem in bth cases. Indeed, the failure t actually implement cmprehensive prgrammes twards the stated desired end, has given rise t the criticism that these plicies are mre a reactin t lcal pressures than a desire t make a real cntributin t multiracial educatin. THE IMPACT OF IMMIGRATION UPON THE HOUSING MARKET Three majr phases in husing patterns and plicies may be identified in relatin t immigratin since the 1950s: The arrival f labur migrants and their settlement in slum husing - the laissez-faire perid ( ) In the early and mid 1950s many prminent Asians and West Indians were refused entry int hmes. The many 'n blacks r clured 1 signs in the majr centres f immigrant cncentratin reflected the wider cnsensus f the British public that nn-white migrants shuld nt be ffered jbs r public husing n an equal fting with British peple. Despite the later decline in vert discriminatin, the prblem was that husing was in shrt supply natinally. The 1950s were characterized by a rapidly declining private sectr and a very sensitive credit market was still tightly cntrlled by gvernment rules and ntins f creditwrthiness. This excluded 61

75 the migrants n tw cunts frm access t any husing ther than thse in the dilapidated znes f the inner cities, where many f the larger huses had been subdivided fr renting. Sme ntrius landlrds maximized their prfits by subdividing prperties t the maximum and maintaining them t a minimum. Immigrants were frced t settle in areas that were already declining yet they were frequently assciated in the public perceptin as being themselves the cause f that decline. Census data fr 1951 and 1961, thugh unreliable in detail, suggests the existence f tw brad trends: a) ver-representatin f migrant families in the highly vercrwded privately rented furnished sectr; b) the acquisitin f tenancy frm a landlrd f the same ethnic backgrund - verwhelmingly s in the case f Asians. The spatial distributin f Asians, cupled with the necessity t frm transient landlrd/tenant relatinships in an envirnment insulated by language, religin and kinship ties, cntributed t a higher tendency twards wner-ccupatin. Caribbean immigratin, cmpacted in the space f less than a decade, was characterized by a cncentratin in the Suth East, and rientated mre twards the mvement f the individuals than families. This prpelled black West Indians int the private rented sectr, althugh wner-ccupatin did develp significantly amng the West Indians, Davisn recrded figures between 27 and 40 per cent f husehlds in wner-ccupatin in the seven Lndn brughs he studied, a significant prprtin t be affected by demlitin in the 1960s (Davisn, 1966). Anther factr which may have prevented the mving-ut rate f Caribbeans frm the private rented furnished sectr was that West Indians, nurtured a strng myth f return up until the early 1960s. The uptake f wnerccupatin was als slwed dwn by the fact that at the time f peak f the West Indian arrival, the private rented sectr was quite large (58% in 1947), whilst it was half this figure by the time Asians started arriving. Relcatin f families ( ) The initial perid f nn-interventin n the part f gvernment was fllwed pst-1965 by sme minr state invlvement in the attempt t avid sme f the wrst situatins which had ccurred due t the husing situatin in the inner cities. Dependents f initial immigrants were the main grup allwed entry t the UK pst This meant that there was an increased demand fr husing and a greater prprtin f family accmmdatin needed, while the cnstraints in the scial and cmmdity market cntinued as befre. This aggravated the existing husing stress, particularly vercrwding. In an analysis f the 1966 Census, Davisn (1968) fund that, f all immigrant husehlds, New Cmmnwealth settlers had the least in terms f access t facilities such as a cld-water tap and suffered frm a high degree f persns-per-rm density cmpared t the English average. This was attributed t higher rentals, larger than average family size, and the use f the 'pl' system f huse purchase. 62

76 Generally, the husing situatin had greatly wrsened in the.five years since Birmingham Crpratin passed a by-law under which it culd cmpel evictins frm existing and prpsed ldging huses cntaining mre than ne family. A White Paper n immigratin, declared that lcal authrities already had a wide range f pwers and culd make a majr cntributin t this end dealing with the husing issue. The 1964 Husing Act set up Husing Crpratins and prmted Husing Assciatins, but these remained almst irrelevant t black cmmunities fr at least a decade. Meanwhile, slum clearance, seen as imprtant t cuncils, had a disprprtinately serius effect upn the immigrants. The increased cntrls within the husing sectr led t a decline in private rented husing as landlrd activities became less prfitable. At the same time, discriminatin by building scieties and estate agents excluded the immigrants frm purchasing prperty. An imprtant change ccurred in the surce f finance fr huse purchase. Building sciety lans became mre cmmn amng ethnic minrity hme buyers and lcal authrity funds were less imprtant. Nevertheless, the pattern was still distinct frm that f the wider cmmunity. In particular, banks remained a majr surce f funds fr Asian buyers. The figures generally indicate that, until 1966, the main trend in accmmdatin was away frm private rented and int wner ccupied husing, partly in areas f cncentratin. In 1966 in the inner Lndn brughs, 22% f 'immigrant ' husing was in wner-ccupancy and in central Birmingham 56% f immigrant husehld heads were wner-ccupiers - nearly twice the percentage f white wnership in thse areas. By 1974, the figures fr Asians shwed ver 80% f manual wrkers wned their wn huses, abut twice as high as cmpared t the verall ppulatin (Table 3). The prprtin f wner-ccupied Asian husehlds was much lwer than fr the verall UK ppulatin in white cllar ccupatinal grups. Only a very small percentage f the Asian husehlds were in rented public (lcal cuncil) husing. One f the prblems which arse in cnsequence f this trf nd t greater wnership f prperty, led in many areas t cnflict with lcal residents' assciatins, n the basis f their feared decline in the value f prperties. Access t public sectr husing ( ) The state f affairs cncerning immigrant husing and the sci-ecnmic implicatins theref frced a measure f state interventin and the emergence f public debate. Caribbean immigrants, in particular, were applying fr entry t (public) cuncil husing and in many brughs they mved in significant numbers int the pst-war husing estates, chiefly cmprising multi-strey cmplexes f flats (apartments). Figure 18 indicates the relatively high prprtin f Caribbean husehlds in rented cuncil accmmdatin in The high average level f wner-ccupied husehlds amng Asians (by 1981) was due t the very high prprtin f Pakistani, Indian and East African Asian hme wnership. The Bangladeshi grup had a much lwer percentage f wner-ccupied husing and a higher prprtin f cuncil husing. The

77 quality f husing als varied between different ethnic grups. The prest cnditins were fund in the husing ccupied by the Bangladeshis with 7% lacking a bath and 6% lacking an inside tilet. Despite high levels f wnership amng Pakistanis, there was als a relatively high prprtin (ver 6%) withut an inside tilet and nearly 4% withut a bath (Figure 19). Mst authrities d nt keep recrds f the race f tenants, but there is sme limited infrmatin which suggests that within individual lcal authrity areas, the distributin f minrity tenants between different cuncil estates tends t be extremely uneven, and that in many cases the minrities are cncentrated n estates that are generally cnsidered t be undesirable. The reprt by the Runnymede Trust (1989) gives sme indicatin f the cncentratins that exist within the Greater Lndn area. Lking at the Greater Lndn Cuncil estates separately, 13.7 % f tenants were members f minrity grups within pre-war high density estates in the inner brughs, while in lw density estates built since 1961, als in inner brughs, the cncentratin was 3.0%. This illustrates that husing in this cntext may be actively used as an instrument f separatin. In cttage estates in the uter brughs the cncentratin was as lw as 6%. These figures d nt directly relate t cncentratins n particular estates, but they imply that such cncentratins must be very high indeed in sme cases. They als shw that minrities tend t be living n the least desirable estates. In ne Lndn brugh, 16.3% f tenants f pre-war flats were members f minrity grups, cmpared with 1.5 % f tenants f pre-war cttages,. The reginal variatin in the pattern f husing tenure f the ethnic minrity ppulatin is illustrated by cmparing Caribbean and Asian husehlds in the Suth-East and Nrth-West f England (Figure 20). The emergence f racial harassment in the cmplexes f cuncil flats led t cmmunity actin and develpment. The debate n race and husing cntinued in public and academic cntexts and it was argued that the frmatin f black ghetts, assciated with a black underclass, had develped within the British city (Rex, 1988; Rex and Mre, 1967). The uprisings f yung black grups in 1981 in a number f British cities, were t make husing a majr issue as an explanatin f the wider urban frustratin. An fficial enquiry was cnducted and reprted (Scarman Reprt, 1982). Yet little psitive actin was apparent in the fields f race and husing by central gvernment in the fllwing decade. 64

78 Figure 18 î ^60- Husing Tenure by Place f Birth f Head f Husehld, Great Britain, 1981 Owner-Occupied Cuncil/New Twn Private Rental Bangladesh Caribbean East Africa India Pakistan Ethnic Grup Surce: Cmmissin fr Racial Equality (1988) Census Figure Husehlds Lacking Bath and Inside Tilet, by Ethnic Grup, Great Britain, " 5- Lacking Bath Lacking Inside Tilet \ East African Caribbean Bangladesh Ethnic Crup India Pakistan Surce: Cmmissin fr Racial Equality (1988) Census

79 Figure 20 Husing Tenure, by Ethnic Grup and Regin, England, Ovvncr Occupied Cuncil Privately Rented West Indians Asians West Indians Asians Suth-East England Nrth-West England Ethnic Crup and Regin Surce: Smith (1976) SOCIAL SERVICES AND IMMIGRATION A reprt by the Cmmunity Relatins Cmmissin suggested that the particular degree f disadvantage experienced by minrities has implicatins fr determining pririties and fr resurce allcatin. The impact f the immigrant ppulatins upn the Scial Services -Scial Wrkers A study n urban deprivatin and scial inequality cnducted by the Race Relatins Cmmissin in 1977, reprted that scial wrkers wh wrk in multiracial areas mst cmmnly fund themselves facing prblems in migrant cmmunities fr which they felt themselves inadequately trained and prepared. They relied heavily n a small number f clleagues wh were themselves frm the migrant ppulatins t help them understand the distinctive needs f migrant grups. The differences between white and nn-white clients in inner city multi-racial areas were shwn in the different types f prblems presented, with the prblems f nn-white peple being a cluster f disadvantages affecting their family life, arising frm patterns f migratin, cultural differences, language differences and racial discriminatin. The particular needs f migrant ppulatins generally led t a greater degree f demand fr services (fr example, thse related t child care and family difficulties). Since scial wrkers were usually f a different cultural grup, wrk with immigrant grups bth used mre scial wrker time and required greater

80 skills. The greater degree f need f minrities and the extra amunt f scial wrker time used in crss cultural scial wrk are related t resurce allcatin and questins f pririty. Specifically, scial wrkers requested mre in-service training in wrk in multi-racial areas, mre minrity staff, and mre flexibility in funding, s that minrity cmmunities were supprted in their self-help activities. -Yuth Wrkers Yuth wrkers were well aware f the distinctive difficulties f ethnic minrity yung peple, and the prblems they faced in grwing up in a sciety where their parents were immigrants and where their family backgrund values and culture were different frm thse f white yung peple, Further, they have faced the additinal prblems f racial hstility and discriminatin which have became mre acute as they began t cmpete fr jbs and husing. It was clear als that yung persns frm the nn-white migrant ppulatins were seldm able t make use f the cnventinal yuth service because f the hstility f white yung peple. Club based yuth wrkers ften saw their rle in very similar terms t the teacher in a multi racial schl - the emphasis was n encuraging the develpment f gd relatins between yung peple. Mst clubs used by members f the migrant cmmunities' yung peple had nt been set up specifically fr them; they were established clubs which the white grups had chsen nt t use. Plicy respnse f the Scial Services - Facilities There has been sme difficulty fr persnal scial services in cnceptualising their services in relatin t migrant ppulatins. It is difficult fr scial services t fully understand the disadvantages experienced by such grups which arise less frm persnal handicap r inadequacies than frm grup experiences determined by scial factrs such as immigratin, racial discriminatin and cultural difference. In sme authrities, lying behind their plicy f equality f service was the belief that the needs f ethnic minrities fr scial services were the same as the needs f the rest f the ppulatin. This cntradicted the view f prfessinal scial wrkers wh identified a number f distinctive factrs perating in relatin t the scial disadvantages f ethnic minrity grups, which had implicatins fr scial services. A very large range f special needs f ethnic minrities in relatin t scial wrk were reprted. It appeared as if scial services departments had n plicy with regard t migrant ppulatins, nt because they did nt recgnise the distinct psitin and needs f minrities, but because they did nt wish t draw undue attentin t the prvisin that was being made t meet distinct needs. This plicy was cnditined by the fear f prvking public resentment, which wuld further hinder racial integratin.

81 - Funding Many authrities have recruited specialist wrkers under the prvisins f Sectin 11 f the 1966 Lcal Gvernment Act. This permits the Hme Office t fund 75% f a pst f which at least 50% is devted t wrk with residents wh are defined as riginating frm the NCWP. The prblem with Sectin 11 n funding is the ntin that the special needs exist because f emigratin frm the New Cmmnwealth While it is true that such emigratin can give rise t particular difficulties, there is n reasn t suppse that nce cmmunities have becme established in the UK special needs disappear. As Ballard (1977) argues, "distinct and separate patterns f behaviur are being sustained by the secnd generatin minrity grups". - Training Unless enrmus resurces are spent n linguistic and ethngraphic instructin, it is unlikely that the awareness f practitiners can be increased t the extent that they wuld be prperly equipped t deal with the whle range f issues and prblems they are likely t encunter. Lack f preparatin can lead t cultural steretyping in which cultural cnstructins are adpted with a negative cnntatin. Despite the increasing influence f the culturalist perspective, as far as mst authrities are cncerned, little impact was seen t be made upn existing plicies and practices. There is n evidence f a cherent and systematic attempt t respnd t cultural diversity by scial services departments. Where the existence f minrity cmmunities has been recgnized, this seems t have led t uncertainty and piecemeal change rather than t a systematic evaluatin f the relevance f existing prvisins. In rder t ffer effective help scial services institutins have t be sensitive nt nly t language and culture but als t the prcesses f racism. Mst f the attempts t challenge the assimilatinist psitin have cme frm a culturalist perspective, cnscius f the failure f assimilatinist gals t achieve even the limited gal f culturally and linguistically sensitive scial services. Summary The indicatins are that while sme scial services departments are wrking twards the cnsideratin f the wider issues relating t services fr a racially mixed sciety, n authrity appears t have sufficiently discussed the issue t have frmulated a plicy n the pririty t be given t the quantity r type f prvisin needed by migrant cmmunities, r n the adaptatins needed t services t render them accessible t these ppulatins. THE IMPACT OF IMMIGRANTS UPON VOLUNTARY ORGANIZATIONS There has been grwing cncern that natinal vluntary rganisatins might nt be reaching ut t migrant cmmunities adequately. The first study f this subject was cnducted by the Natinal Cmmittee f Vluntary

82 Organizatins t examine the member bdies in the health and scial welfare spheres (1984). The study shwed that it was very easy fr rganizatins t inadvertently neglect certain grups, thrugh failing t take accunt f differences in needs and failing t publicise their services in a way which is accessible t all peple. In terms f effrts f the rganizatins t adapt their services t assist the ethnic minrity grups, 29 rganizatins in the sample f 51 had made n changes, with several maintaining that their services were geared twards individuals, nt grups. Cncerning the influence which internal structure had upn practice, it was fund that mst rganizatins were unclear abut what it means t have an equal pprtunities plicy. Twenty-nine rganizatins stated that they had ethnic minrity representatives n their cmmittees and sixteen were fund t emply specialist staff. Regarding staff, it was fund that little use was made f psitive actin permitted under Sectin 38 f the Race Relatins Act. Within the rganizatins themselves, there is widespread agreement that the adptin f an equal pprtunities plicy frms a vital part f the natinal vluntary rganizatins' apprach t their wrk with ethnic minrities. The survey highlighted the fact that many natinal vluntary rganizatins are cncerned that their traditinal ways f wrking, and largely white structure, are limiting their ability t reach ut t all ethnic grups. Many are faced with difficulty in defining and respnding t the needs f different ethnic minrity cmmunities fr the simple reasn that they are nt used by these grups. The prblem is exacerbated by lack f infrmatin n the numbers and prprtins f black peple wh might make use f particular services. Despite their willingness t adapt their services t multi-racial sciety, many natinal vluntary rganizatins either lack cnfidence r feel at a lss in terms f hw t g abut making their services mre widely available and relevant. "Rather than d wrng, they d nthing" (Newsham, cited in Dungate, 1984). SOCIAL ADAPTATION (INTEGRATION) OF IMMIGRANTS Migrant grups have tended t be seen as pre-existing entities, with established characteristics, wh seek cheap accmmdatin and emplyment. As the grup came int cntact with the hst sciety, initially in the ecnmic sphere but later in the scial arena, it was thught that it wuld adpt the attitudes and values f the hst sciety until it became scially, spatially and demgraphically indistinguishable (the 'straight-line thery'). Mre recently there has been grwing awareness that ethnicity can n lnger be seen simply as a characteristic which an individual pssesses and that is inexrably erded as a result f greater scial interactin (Rbinsn, 1982). The scial cntext and the nature f interactin between all relevant grups in the sciety will inevitably determine the identity f the migrant ppulatin. Accrding t Yinger (1981), key factrs in determining this cntext are the relative size f the majrity and minrity, the nature f the initial cntact between the grups, the level f cultural and racial similarity, the presence i prejudice and discriminatin, and the legal and plitical status f members f the minrity.

83 The impact f nn-white immigrants n British sciety did nt stem merely frm being immigrants, but frm the nature f their 'visibility 1. Rex was ne f the first t attempt a cmprehensive explanatin f why this shuld be fr thse West Indians and Asians in Britain fr whm their scial cntext was clnialism. Rex and Tmlinsn argued that viewing scial structures at this glbal level helped t explain why the wrking class in the metrplitan sciety did nt unite with their apparent cunterparts frm the clnies. The internatinal divisin f labur ensured that it was in the interests f bth classes within metrplitan sciety t "unite in the explitatin f, and in defence against, any threat frm segments r grups within r frm clnial sciety" (Rex and Tmlinsn 1979). The literature demnstrates that there are significant differences in the aspiratins, attitudes and patterns f interactin f the different sub-grups which are usually regarded as cnstituting a hmgeneus and cherent whle. These factrs are significant in the extent t which integratin f different grups is ccurring. Accrding t Dahya (1973) many suth Asians and mst especially Punjabi Muslims, regarded themselves nly as transients in Britain, nt as permanent settlers. They see life in Britain as an ecnmic expedient and intend t return t their hmeland as sn as they have achieved the financial targets which they set themselves befre leaving. Whether this gal is realized r nt, it has served t influence their attitudes and behaviur whilst in Britain (Desai 1963). If the sending f remittances is used as a measure f the intentin t return, then it is evident that there are significant differences between the migrant grups. The East African grups have sme f the lwest percentages f the ppulatin wh have any intentin f leaving Britain in the future, since many f them came t Britain as refugees rather than vluntary migrants. It is als wrthy f nte that the rural Indians and Pakistanis are mre likely t send mney hme than their urban cunterparts; that the Sikhs are underrepresented amngst thse wh remit; and that the Hindus and Urdu-speakers ccupy an intermediate psitin between the Indian Gujuratis and Punjabis n the ne hand and the East African Gujuratis n the ther. The West Indian grups likewise came t the UK with the express intentin f returning t their hme cuntry n cmpletin f their migratin bjectives (Thmas-Hpe, 1980). A factr relating t the psychlgical rientatin f the migrant grups cncerns the scializatin f children. In particular there are variatins between grups in the effrt parents make t ensure the retentin f their language, attitudes, religin and lifestyle. In general terms, the Muslim grups fcus much mre than thers n the preservatin f their cultural heritage. The data relating t children present a very different picture. It suggests a weakening f the imprtance f traditinal clthes, and their substitutin by westernized equivalents. It is impssible t ascertain whether this results frm acculturatin, greater service ability r the fear f stigmatizatin. Fr example, West Indian yuth wear symblic items f dress and distinctive hair styles (lcks) t indicate grup identity. With regard t religin, virtually n intrinsic acculturatin had taken place amng any f the grups. One f the mst imprtant indicatrs f migrant integratin is the structural integratin f the ppulatin. A survey yielded data n the industrial structure f each f 12 sub grups f the immigrant ppulatin (Rbinsn, 1982). 70

84 The mst specialised grups were the Indians - especially the rural and urban Gujurati Muslims - and Punjabi Pakistanis, whilst the mst diversified were the Punjabi Sikhs and the varius East African sub grups. When ranked by residential patterns f cncentratin, the Urdu speakers, the Sikhs and the rural Gujurati Muslims recrded lwer levels f segregatin, with the Hindus, Punjabi Pakistanis and urban Indian Gujuratis being mre segregated. High levels f intermarriage are cmmnly regarded as ne f the ultimate measures f minrity grup assimilatin. Six f the 12 sub grups in a study f suth Asian patterns f exgamy recrded n marital links t the hst sciety whatsever. Of the remaining sub-grups, marriage utside the grup reached a maximum f nly 5%. Exgamus marriage was mst frequent amngst the Muslim Punjabi Pakistanis and t a lesser degree amngst the Gujurati Muslims frm India. It is significant that bth these grups were als characterized by all male migratin t ldging huses in their early stages f migratin (Ballard, 1977). In general, smaller r weaker grups are thught t becme acculturated mre rapidly than larger nes, presumably because they exceed the requisite critical mass t allw institutinal cmpleteness. This des nt take accunt f the fact that small grups tend t becme mre chesive as a grup than large nes. There is als evidence that acculturatin is easier in scieties where immigrants are treated as equals. The literature strngly suggests that differing elements are adpted at different rates - the material culture is mre easily acquired than is the set f nrms and values by which the larger sciety perates. 71

85 CHAPTER V THE ECONOMIC IMPACT OF IMMIGRATION THE IMPACT OF IMMIGRATION UPON THE LABOUR MARKET Althugh the Eurpean Vluntary Wrkers scheme attracted ver 1,0 wrkers t the UK after Wrld War II, this was still nt enugh t fill the demand fr labur, and a labur frce was sught frm the clnies and exclnies in Africa, the Indian sub-cntinent and the Caribbean. Initially, therefre, there was every pprtunity fr the immigrants t be quickly absrbed int the unskilled and semi-skilled labur frce. Once the labur requirements were filled in the UK, the new surce f labur supply t industry was nt nly disadvantaged and discriminated against, but als marginalized, in the sense f being utside the main ccupatinal sphere, and used as what were in effect ancillary wrkers in the secndary labur market. The intentin was t increase the labur frce but, at the same time, the divisins were effectively intrduced int it. The psitin f pst-war migrants in the labur frce Nature f emplyment The immigrants tended t be cncentrated in lw status, largely unskilled psitins in the clthing and textile industry: engineering and fundry wrks, htels, hspitals and transprt services. This skewed distributin f migrant wrkers in the UK was demnstrated in a number f surveys thrughut the 1960s (Daniel 1968; Davisn, 1962; Pattersn, 1968; Peach, 1968; Wright, 1968). One f the mst detailed f these early analyses was carried ut by Rse et al (1969) using evidence frm the 1966 sample census. They cnsidered, amngst ther things, the ccupatinal distributin f what they called 'clured immigrants' in the tw main areas f settlement in the UK, Lndn and the West Midlands. Rse et al. pinted ut that 'clured immigrants' did nt cnstitute a hmgeneus grup and that there were wide ccupatinal variatins between and within the immigrant cmmunities. Nevertheless, the general cnclusin was that immigrants were, "less well-represented than the ttal ppulatin in thse ccupatins usually cnsidered mst desirable, and ver-represented in thse cnsidered mst undesirable" (Rse et al, 1969). The jbs were nt nly undesirable because f the wage levels (since in sme cases, such as shift wrk, they may have been relatively gd), but als 72

86 because f the cnditins and hurs f wrk, r their exceptinal vulnerability t ecnmic fluctuatins. It has been argued that the majrity f migrants were nt trained fr jbs which required any mre specific skills. But there are a number f studies which supprt Rex's cntentin that if prir skill preparedness were the reasn fr the initial distributin f migrants in the wrkfrce, it culd nt be used t accunt fr the perpetuatin f the British brn migrant's children ccupying inferir psitins in the labur market (Rex, 1980). Nt nly have they tended t have prer jbs and t earn less than whites, but als t face a much higher risk f unemplyment (Field et al, 1981). In the Brixtn areas f Suth Lndn the number f registered unemplyed yung black peple aged rse by 71% between April 1981 and April 1982 (77/i? Sunday Times, 4 April 1982). Fr wmen, the leading ccupatinal categries in 1981 were clerical wrk, the prfessins, service jbs, clthing and engineering (Labur Frce Survey, 1981). These five included nearly 707c f the female labur frce. Fr all minrity grups and especially West Indians, there was a disprprtinate number f wmen in engineering and clthing firms. A situatin which affected the psitin f Asian wmen in particular has been the increase in taking in wrk at hme. It has been suggested that these are amng the wrkers with the lwest wage rates and the least security in the UK. Much f this activity is 'infrmal', thus it is nt fficially mnitred and avids cmpliance with emplyment regulatins. Muslim Asian wmen particularly are cncentrated in this activity as it allws them t engage in waged wrk within the hme. Firms invlved in the clthing industry estimated that 30-50% f all East End and Nrth East Lndn prductin was thrugh hmewrkers and that at least half f these wrkers were Bangladeshi r Pakistani wmen. Partly because f their lwer emplyment status in general, there is much less cntrast between migrant and nn-migrant grups. Fr example, the percentage f Asian wmen in prfessinal and managerial jbs is almst as high as that f white British wmen, and there is a higher prprtin f unskilled wrkers amng white wmen than there is amng blacks, largely because f the higher prprtin f white British wmen in part-time emplyment. Entrepreneur ship The rates and standards i ccupatinal prgress amng pst-war immigrant grups have been minimal. Smith (1977) reprts that "all the minrity grups have penetrated cmparatively little int nn-manual jbs, particularly the better nes classified as prfessinal r management psitins". At the same time, there has ccurred "a prfusin f small businesses wned and staffed by Asian migrants". Ownership f a business enhances the sense f independence and self esteem and s has been a cmmn gal amng minrity grups. The general steretype f mst Asians having turned t self emplyment and entrepreneurial experimentatin des nt, hwever, appear t be supprted by statistical evidence. The 1971 Census and 1974 PEP survey shwed that the prprtin f self-emplyed amngst the Asian cmmunities was lwer than fr the wrking ppulatin as a whle; S'/l f Asian wrking men, cmpared t 12% 73

87 f white men, were self emplyed (Smith, 1977). Als a survey carried ut fr the Department f the Envirnment in shwed that hardly any Asians were large emplyers (Ward and Reeves, 1980). The picture f cmmercial vigur drawn by Frester and thers is, accrding t Ward and Reeves, "largely illusry". While there has undubtedly been a rapid rise in Asian-wned small businesses in Britain, particularly since the arrival in the late 1960s and early 1970s f Asian businessmen frm East Africa, the typical self-emplyed Asian is t be fund "behind the cunter f a small crner shp either selling general prvisins, r catering fr the specialized needs f an Asian clientele" (Ward and Reeves, 1980). Because f the largely Asian clientele, their cultural independence frm the British mainstream is cmplemented by ecnmic independence. The pattern is ne in which incme is all earned in the white ecnmy and spent in the Asian sub-ecnmy. Only a few Asian businesses have grwn t becme large, even chain stre peratins, drawing its clientele frm the wider public. Because Asian-wned shps remain almst entirely within their wn specific cmmunities, the ptential fr develpment remains severely restricted. Fr the mst part, Asian businesses remain marginal, relying n a limited, largely segregated market, and in sme urban lcatins the number f shps is rapidly reaching the pint when it is greater than this market can bear. In cntrast t the rise, albeit small scale, f shp wnership amng the Asian ppulatins in the UK, is the lw level f entrepreneurial activity amng the West Indian ppulatin. That the West Indian grups tend t be distributed, unlike the Asians, in mdern cuncil husing r in the lder wrking class areas f public husing is a factr which has been used t explain the apparently inhibited entrepreneurial initiatives. West Indian shpkeepers, it has been argued, wuld be mre likely t find themselves in cmpetitin with white retailers. In additin, there are mre distinctive demands f the Asian ppulatin fr which Asian shpkeepers cater. Labur frce participatin In terms f labur frce, the 1981 Census shws that whilst immigrant grups frm a relatively small prprtin i the ttal natinal labur frce, this percentage dubled ver the 1970s. In 1981, abut 5% f ecnmically active peple were frm the New Cmmnwealth, but nearly 15% were in Lndn. Given this gegraphical cncentratin, tgether with the industrial ccupatinal cncentratin and the different age characteristics f the migrant ppulatin, it can be expected that the recent severe impact f the recessin n Lndn t be disprprtinately greater fr this ppulatin. In general, the immigrant cmmunity displays high levels f ecnmic participatin. This reflects the fact that a high prprtin f the black ppulatin is f wrking age. In 1979 Asian men were the nly grup whse unemplyment rate was nt significantly higher than that f lcal British wrkers. By 1981 the unemplyment rates fr all immigrant ppulatins were dramatically higher than the rates fr wrkers generally. Thus, the unemplyment rate f West Indian men had dubled frm 9% t 18% while the rate fr Asians had mre than tripled - frm 3% t 12% fr men, and frm 4% t 13% fr wmen. The rate fr the wrking ppulatin as a whle in 1981 was 8%. 74

88 A gap is particularly apparent in the case f unemplyment, where the figures shw unmistakably that when unemplyment generally is rising, the numbers amng ethnic minrities increase mre rapidly than in the case f the rest f the ppulatin. As a percentage increase f the minrity ppulatins the figure, and the impact, is even greater. Calculating ethnic minrity unemplyment rates is particularly difficult as it invlves making assumptins abut the size f the ethnic minrity ppulatin that is ecnmically active. There are n reliable statistics but estimates suggest that while there is a mre rapid increase in the rate f unemplyment amng ethnic minrities when unemplyment generally is rising, they appear t imprve their psitin relative t the rest f the ppulatin when natinal unemplyment ges dwn. There is n bvius explanatin fr this apparent pattern. On the basis f estimates, unemplyment amng West Indian wmen seems t have fllwed the natinal pattern quite clsely. But fr Indian, Pakistani and Bangladeshi wmen, unemplyment rates rse much mre rapidly than the average between 1975 and It wuld appear that West Indian men and Asian wmen are mre vulnerable t unemplyment than West Indian wmen and Asian men wh are, nevertheless, mre vulnerable than whites (Labur Frce Survey, 1977). Within each ethnic grup as well as fr the white British ppulatin, unemplyment rates are highest in the yunger age grups. Hwever, this situatin is greatly increased amng Pakistani and Bangladeshi and West Indian grups. The 1985 Labur Frce Survey als shwed that the Pakistani and Bangladeshi ppulatins experienced relatively high levels f unemplyment amng thse aged 45 and ver (Figure 21). Figure 21 Unemplyment Rates by Age and Ethnic Origin Great Britain, Spring Pakistani/ Bangladeshi 20 H West Indian Indian White /64 Age Grup Nte: female retirement age 59 and male 64 Surce: Emplyment Gazette (1987) - l l >85 Labur lrce Survev 75

89 Sci-ecnmic status The prgress f a minrity grup twards a psitin f equality within the verall ecnmic system wuld be indicated by a measure f the cmparative distributin f members acrss the sci-ecnmic range. As might be expected frm their uneven distributin acrss sectrs f industry and emplyment, the pst-war immigrant ppulatins are nt spread acrss sci-ecnmic grups in the same prprtin as the ppulatin as a whle. The picture differs t sme extent fr each grup. The verall psitin f the West Indian ppulatin imprved quite substantially between 1966 and 1971, althugh the psitin f the British ppulatin as a whle als imprved. The West Indian mbility was achieved thrugh a large increase in the prprtin engaged in white-cllar wrk, but the prprtin f West Indians in prfessinal jbs fell cnsistently during the perid. The imprvement in the sci-ecnmic psitin f West Indians seems t be mainly accunted fr by the rise in the prprtin f wmen entering white-cllar, nn-manual wrk (rising frm 31% t 40%). In 1966 the Indian-brn ppulatin had a sci-ecnmic distributin which was clearly superir t that f the general ppulatin with almst ne in ten in prfessinal emplyment (chiefly in the dental and medical fields). Since then, the relative psitin seems t have declined markedly with a fall f almst 10% in the prprtin ding nn-manual wrk by Still, the prprtin f prfessinals remained almst twice that fr the ppulatin as a whle. The majrity f the (registered) Pakistanis and Bangladeshis in the labur frce are male, s verall figures tend t express the psitin f men nly. There has been a gradual increase in the prprtin ding nn-manual wrk between 1966 and 1971, but the inadequacy f the data make it impssible t indicate any measures f change. THE IMPACT OF IMMIGRATION UPON LABOUR AND INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS When nn-white immigrants first entered the labur frce in large numbers in the early 1960s, many trade uninists resented them because they feared that they wuld act as a cheap labur surce and, as cmpetitrs, frce dwn the wages f British wrkers. In the event, the shrtage f labur in the UK during the 1950s and int the 1960s kept wages the same fr immigrant and native wrkers. Impact f immigratin upn the Trade Unins In the effrt t secure their rights at wrk, black wrkers in large numbers sught t jin their relevant trade unins. Fllwing repeated cmplaints by the migrants f discriminatry treatment at wrk, finally in 1979, the unins adpted an equal pprtunities plicy. Yet few unins ever had fficers specially appinted t deal with ethnic minrity matters, and nearly all the unins have been ppsed t keeping ethnic

90 minrity recrds alng the Cmmittee tr Racial Equality guidelines. (Black Wrkers, The Lndn Labur Plan, Lndn Strategic Plicy Unit, 1980). Examinatin f the Trade Unin Cuncil (TUC) plicy and practice between 1954 and 1973 has shwn that the TUC's failure t act psitively fllwed frm the way in which it chse t interpret the situatin cncerning migrant wrkers in the UK. Althugh it had a general plicy f ppsitin t all frms f racial discriminatin, it did nt believe it necessary t take any direct actin t deal with it. A mre serius prblem is seen as the unwillingness f sme black immigrants t 'integrate', thus transferring the nus fr actin t black wrkers in general. Finally, the TUC General Cuncil, with varying degrees f emphasis, expressed sme cncern abut immigratin, especially that frm the NCWP. Althugh it declared itself ppsed t any frm f immigratin cntrl that was racially biased, it nevertheless failed t ppse the 1971 Immigratin Act n these grunds until (Miles and Phizacklea, 1977). The impact f immigrant wrkers upn industrial relatins During the early 1970s there was a substantial number f industrial disputes invlving immigrant wrkers in which allegatins f discriminatin by white trade uninists were made. Tw majr disputes at this time invlved nt nly cnflict between (Asian) emplyees and management but als between (Asian) unin members and unin fficials. Such three-crnered disputes ccurred regularly in industrial relatins situatins, but in these tw cases there was an additinal element, that f allegatins f racial discriminatin against bth emplyer and unin by the Asian strikers. IMPACT OF IMMIGRATION ON OUTPUT A study by E. J. Mishan and L. Needleman (Llyd's Bank Review, 1988), indicated a decline in the capital-labur rati and a fall in utput per head f the immigrant ppulatins in the decade. Certainly New Cmmnwealth immigrants, whilst cntributing significantly twards the British labur frce, have nt been accmpanied, persnally r indirectly, with capital resurces which might have been used t imprt additinal prductive assets. Large mvements f persnal capital have prbably never been a feature f majr migratry flws, and the pst-war migratin t the UK prved n exceptin. It wuld seem that any reductin in the capital-labur rati as a result f immigratin wuld be limited by a cnsequent rise in the rate f return t capital and a greater inducement t invest. T the extent that lw ppulatin grwth has been inhibiting investment, it is nt incnceivable that a wave f immigratin wuld induce s much new investment that the capital-labur rati actually rises. Hwever, induced capacity f this srt wuld be mre likely t ccur where spare capacity was available, than where resurces were fully emplyed. The UK hardly fell int such a categry in the early 1960s. It is mre realistic t assume that the supply f new capital in the UK resulting frm migratin depends n the cmmunity's prpensity t save. Frm the data surveyed, it seems prbable thai even when remittances abrad are excluded 17

91 frm calculatins, the prpensity t save f New Cmmnwealth immigrants is, initially at least, cnsiderably higher than that f the indigenus ppulatin. It has been estimated that even n the basis f pessimistic assumptins abut immigrant induced develpments in the capital-labur rati, the indigenus ppulatin taken as a grup shuld suffer little either in terms f lwer actual incmes per head r even f imprvements fregne. Regardless f the impact f immigratin n the capital-labur rati, in the absence f any divergence between marginal private and marginal scial prduct, an immigrant will receive n mre than his/her marginal prduct and will nt, therefre, lwer either the ttal incme derived frm natively wned factr units r the per capita incme f natives. In shrt, if an immigrant family's cntributin t extra utput with its wages can be identified, and if the assumptin is made that the family cnsumes n mre resurces than are represented by its wages, then the amunt f utput left fr the indigenus ppulatin will nt have been reduced and its incme per head will nt have declined. If ne is cncerned nt nly with the first generatin New Cmmnwealth migrants but the secnd generatin as well, the evidence suggests that their average incme is belw the indigenus level. In these circumstance, the arrival f immigrants culd, theretically, reduce the average incme per head f the ttal ppulatin, whilst leaving untuched the average living standards f the indigenus ppulatin. As far as the impact f New Cmmnwealth immigrants n scial living standards f the indigenus ppulatin is cncerned, it appears that the amunt f scial capital available fr the indigenus residents f the UK has nt been materially affected by the immigratin. In the case f husing, which is the mst imprtant frm f scial capital, the arrival f the immigrants may actually have been a factr in accelerating the imprvement in indigenus standards, by stimulating the urban-suburban mvement f ppulatin and stimulating the prcess which led t the enlarging and imprving f public husing stck. In the case f schls and hspitals, again a neutral if nt a slightly psitive impact f immigratin seems the mst prbable. In the pst-war UK, perids f faster grwth in manufacturing industry invariably led t severe labur shrtages which slwed dwn the grwth f utput. All this suggests that a higher rale f grwth culd nt have been maintained unless mre manpwer had been made available t the manufacturing industry. It wuld seem reasnable t cnclude that, in general terms at least, there have been psitive implicatins f additinal labur supplies thrugh migratin fr prmting grwth and prductivity. Such a beneficial prductivity impact takes n accunt f any structural imprvements that derive frm the arrival f the new wrkers, althugh there is sme uncertainty abut the extent f such benefit. 78

92 EARNINGS, SAVINGS AND INVESTMENT OF IMMIGRANTS Trends in the cmparisn f immigrant ppulatin earnings and that f the verall UK ppulatin can nly be inferred with cautin. In the higher sciecnmic grups minrity men earn substantially less than white men, while in the unskilled and semi skilled manual categries minrity men earned mre than whites (Smith, 1976). This is partly a result f the yung age structure f the minrity labur frce which helps t bst their relative earnings in less skilled manual jbs. Als, male immigrants tended t wrk lnger hurs than their white cunterparts, and tended t have a higher prprtin f shift wrkers amng them than did white grups (Smith, 1976; Rex and Tmlinsn, 1979). Yet, female immigrants earned 18% mre than white wmen. Calculatins shw that the distributin f male minrity wrkers in brad ccupatinal categries can nly explain a small prprtin f the difference in incme between minrities and white. The distributin f minrity men in the majr sci-ecnmic grups explains abut ne third f the incme differential. This indicates that sme f the mst imprtant aspects f minrity disadvantage in emplyment are nt apparent when brad jb classificatins are used. It may be that while minrities are fairly well represented in a wide range f ccupatins and industry, they are cncentrated in the lwer rungs f the ccupatinal ladder fr each kind f jb. - Incme and pverty Because minrities, in aggregate, d nt earn much less than whites, it des nt mean that they are n mre likely t be pr than whites. The reasn minrity men wrk lnger hurs and mre shifts is precisely t bring their pay int line with that f whites. Furthermre, dependency levels are critical factrs in determining pverty and these vary cnsiderably between different minrity grups and the white British ppulatin. An indicatin f dependency levels is given by husehld size. The average size f Asian and West Indian husehlds is greater than that f the ppulatin as a whle. The PEP study prduced figures fr the number f dependants per wrking adult as: 1.17 fr whites, 1.49 fr West Indians, 1.87 fr Indians, and 1.72 fr Pakistanis and Bangladeshis. In the West Indian cmmunity there is a high prprtin f ne-parent families - 13% f all husehlds with children, cmpared with 97c f the ttal ppulatin and 1% fr Asians (Smith, 1976). OVERALL ECONOMIC IMPACT OF IMMIGRATION The increase thrugh immigratin f the cuntry's labur resurces has been shwn t imprve the ttal utput. Mre debatable, is the extent t which it raised r lwered utput per capita thereby affected general living standards in the hst cuntry. (Attentin will be fcused upn this questin in the cntext f NCWP immigratin in the perid 1961-bb.) There is n lack f thse data which culd suggest the impact f immigratin n the cuntry's utput per capita, but the difficulty stems frm the absence f an accepted bdy f thery int which the relevant data can be used t

93 prduce a measurement f the precise grwth impact. Fr examining the theretical pssibilities, the mst cnvenient framewrk was fund t be ne in which grwth impacts f immigratin are first cnsidered in 'static cnditins', fllwed by a mre 'dynamic' evaluatin. In the cntext f British ecnmic develpment and plicy in the past decade, interest is directed twards the impact f immigratin with respect t structural ecnmic adjustments, grwth, the rate f inflatin, and the balance f payments. Hwever, any csts and benefits f immigratin under these headings need t be cnsidered alngside the scial csts and benefits befre a general assessment f the advantages can be made. The ties between scial and ecnmic impacts are at sme pints s clse that it is virtually impssible t treat scial and ecnmic impacts separately. While the mst significant ecnmic advantages f recent immigratin are widely thught t derive frm the structural changes that it facilitates, the scial prblems raised by immigratin culd well be due t the very cncentratin f immigrants which such an ecnmic cntributin requires. Cmpared with the research effrt devted t the scial implicatin f recent migratin t the UK, it has been nted that "the ecnmic cnsequences have been rather neglected" (Jnes and Smith, 1970). Mrever, the cnnectins between ecnmic benefit and scial cst are issues which have hardly begun t be understd. 80

94 CHAPTER VI POLITICAL IMPACT POLITICAL ATTITUDES AND ACTIVITIES OF IMMIGRANTS The gvernment respnse t immigratin in the 1960s cntained elements f acceptance f the racist argument abut immigratin and gradually cnceded every demand frm the anti-immigratin lbby except repatriatin. Simultaneusly, gvernment implemented legislatin t deal with racial discriminatin plicies but these, as innumerable cmmentatrs have pinted ut, were ultimately incmpatible. Implicatins f pst-war immigratin fr electral plitics Despite immigratin being widely cnsidered a key factr in the 1964 general electin, the issue f West Indian and Asian immigratin cannt be shwn t have had a majr plitical impact in the general electin f 1966 in terms f vting behaviur. In seats significantly affected by immigratin the swing t Labur was 3.8%, cmpared with 2.6% fr the UK as a whle. Mre imprtantly, in the West Midlands, the areas widely regarded as being the mst likely t prduce deviant results as a cnsequence f resentment n the immigratin issue, the swing L> Labur was als significantly abve the natinal average at 3.7%. The evidence f pinin plls pints in the same directin. Natinal Opinin Plls in 1965 fund that nly ne persn in twelve ranked immigratin as the mst imprtant issue lacing the cuntry, and ne third placed it last in significance in a list f seven issues. The picture was mdified when areas f high immigrant settlement are cmpared with thse nt affected. A series f 16 cnstituency investigatins shwed that the prprtin f thse rating immigratin as a majr issue frm a list f twelve, varied frm 43% in Smethwick, where there was a high immigrant cncentratin, t 6% in Yrk, where there are virtually n immigrants (A. J. Allen and Assciates, 1966). In shrt, the electral handicap frm which the Labur Party suffered in 1964 as a cnsequence f being 'sft' n immigratin seemed t have disappeared by 1966 (Lawrence, 1970). "We have buried the immigratin issue", said ne Birmingham Labur MP n electin night. On a mre sphisticated level, the victry f the Labur Party in the electin culd be interpreted as a return f supprt, cancelling ut the results f 1964, since in the intervening tw years, the plicies f the tw majr parties had cnverged n the immigratin issue. A number f plls, taken by Gallup in the Midlands, fund that respndents cnsidered that there was 81

95 very little t chse between the psitins f the tw majr parties n this issue (Lawrence, 1970). The mst significant element in this cnvergence was the White Paper issued by the Labur Gvernment in 1965 which inaugurated further drastic restrictins n the number f immigrants entering the UK frm the Cmmnwealth. One pinin pll fund that there 88% f thse plled were in favur. The effects f this and ther plls taken during the curse f the actual campaign, lend supprt t the view that Labur was seen by the electrate as having 'mended its ways' and cme int line with public pinin. Equally, radical ppnents f the Gvernment's White Paper represented a ptential surce f ppsitin t the cnsensus. This sectin f the ppsitin fell int tw categries: the immigrant rganizatins and the grup f critics bth within and utside the Labur Party whse views fund expressin in the platfrm f the Radical Alliance. N ne leader r grup f leaders spke fr the immigrants; the Campaign Against Racial Discriminatin was the nearest apprach t a federal rganizatin, but this has been described as being n mre than 'a multi-racial calitin f metrplitan intellectuals' (Lawrence et al, 1970). - The migrant perspective Varius lcal rganizatins had cnsiderable authrity within their respective cmmunities, but this authrity was nt always emplyed in a specifically plitical manner, r if it was (as in the case f the Indian Wrkers Assciatin) the cntext was purely lcal. One exceptin t this general rule ccurred during the 1966 campaign when a jint statement was issued by West Indian, Indian and Pakistani rganizatins in the Birmingham area urging immigrants nt t supprt tw Labur candidates (Ry Hattersley and Brian Waiden) wh had incurred the disapprval f the rganizatins in questin by their supprt f the Gvernment plicy. Significantly, bth increased their majrities. The basis f the ppsitin t the Labur Gvernment's plicy lay in the Campaign fr a Ratinal Immigratin Plicy rganized after the White Paper was issued, but in March 1966 nearly all its leading figures were busy fighting cnstituencies fr the Labur Party. In cnclusin, the 1966 General Electin was a significant watershed in the implicatins f immigratin fr British electral plitics. Far frm the view f the immigratin issue being 'dead', it had shifted away frm the particular issue f immigratin and repatriatin and had changed int the larger, lng term, and mre cmplex issue f the integratin f new ppulatin sectrs int the British scietal system. The impact f Islamic issues n UK plitics The migrant ppulatins' plitical supprt fr the Labur Party which had becme fairly well established by the 1980s was, nce mre, in questin ver Salman Rushdie and the Satanic Verses affair (See Chapter IV). Secure Labur Party seats were threatened by Muslims, wh were willing t vte Cnservative if the Labur party did nt supprt them n the issue. 82

96 Althugh the Rushdie Affair fcused Muslim's attentin n their alleged abandnment by the left, the Islamic Party, referred t in The Guardian (April, 20, 1990) as, "Britain's newest plitical frce", (centred in England's nrth west, in the twn f Bltn), had nly 10 members at the time f the 1990 Lcal Electins. The Party leaders hped t gain the. supprt f the Muslim ppulatin and were cunting n the fact that the twn's nine msques had pledged supprt. This, the reprt cntinued was " wrrying Labur, which hlds 36 f the cuncil seats, and used t take Muslim vtes fr granted". In respnse t Labur Party warnings that the new Party culd nly result in self-inflicted apartheid, the Islamic Party fficials claimed that their wish t participate in the demcratic prcess was nw being used against them. The Islamic Party will, as they put it, "raise their vice n the [lcal] cuncil because Labur is nt listening" (The Guardian, April 20, 1990). It is significant that the Party did nt use the Rushdie affair t whip up vtes. The cmmunity had their wn mre immediate plitical agenda - such as husing. Furthermre, the wider natinal plitical fcus upn ethnic integratin was meaningless in an area where a cherent Muslim cmmunity exists, residentially cncentrated in ne part f the twn served by Muslim shpkeepers selling Muslim fdstuffs, as well as cntaining nine msques. What they perceived t be lacking was a plitical vice in lcal affairs thrugh the electin t the cuncil f their wn representatives. ETHNICITY AND CLASS IN IMMIGRANT POLITICAL ACTIVITY The establishment f a separate Islamic Party is a new develpment in the plitical activity f the pst-war migrant ppulatin. The mre usual pattern has been class- based frms f plitical actin, smetimes rganized alng distinct ethnic lines due t the racial exclusin f white British wrkers in the industrial sphere. It wuld appear that where there is cnflict between the class and ethnic interests, there are already taking place different types f allegiances and alliances. This matter will be f imprtance in terms f the cntinuing, lng term plitical impact f the pattern and prcesses which characterised pst-war migratin t the UK. Allegiance t class Where members f the ethnic minrities see their wn prblems and experiences within the wider UK class structure, s their plitical allegiances will reflect the extent t which they see their class interests best served. The available data shw that West Indians, Indians and Pakistanis and Bangladeshis in the UK are just as likely as white British wrkers, if nt mre s, t vte fr the Labur Party. A study by Miles and Phizacklea n vting behaviur in the Octber 1974 General Electin shwed that 71% f West Indians as against 52% f English wrkers vted Labur. In cntrast t ther wrk (fr example that by Lawrence) in which very few West Indians vted Labur fr class reasns, the Miles and Phizacklea study shwed the prprtin f West Indians giving reasns f class interest fr their Labur vte was the same as fr 83

97 English wrkers. Of thse wh vted Labur in Octber 1974, 40% f the West Indians and 39% f the English wrkers explained their vte in terms f class interest (Miles and Phizacklea, 1977). As time has passed, it appears that an increased prprtin f ethnic minrity wrkers have cme t identify, at least in electral terms, with the majrity f the British wrking class. Althugh it is limited, the evidence suggests that class unity in frmal plitics is a reality in the sense that black and Asian wrkers tend t vte Labur and jin the trade unins but with class, as a basis fr participatin and unity in actin, the cnclusin is less clear cut (Miles and Phizacklea, 1977). Despite the initiatives and nging plitical activity f the revlutinary left, it has gained n significant membership frm either West Indian r Asian wrkers. In the 1980s the Cnservative Party gained supprt amng Asian businessmen but it is regarded as very unlikely that large sectins f any f the West Indian r Asian cmmunities wuld be persuaded t vte Cnservative, given the party's recrd n race and immigratin cntrl (Miles and Phizacklea, 1977). Meanwhile, there has been increased supprt fr the Liberal Demcrat Party amng prfessinal Asians. Vting behaviur in the 1979 and 1983 General Electins shwed a decline in the Labur Party supprt amng bth Caribbean and Asian ppulatins and a slight increase in their supprt f the Liberal Demcrat Party (Table 4). The significant factr is that the ethnic minrities have becme active in electral plitics and a study by Anwar (1986) shwed that by 1979 electral registratin was ver 80% fr all grups (Figure 22). Figure 22 Electral Registratin, by Ethnic Origin, 1979 (survey f 24 cnstituencies natinally) Registered Nt Registered 0 White Afr-Caribbjn Asian Ethnic Origin Surce: Anwar (1986) Other 84

98 Table 4 Vting Patterns by Ethnic Grup, 1979 and J983 General Electins (survey f 24 cnstitutencies natinally) White Afr-Caribbean Asian Labur Cnservative Liberal/Alliance Other Labur lead ver ther parties Surce: Anwar (1986) Plitical rganizatin alng ethnic lines In the shrt term, it wuld appear that ethnic plitical rganizatins wuld develp amngst Indians and Pakistanis because f their cmparatively greater cmmunality. In terms f any pssible unity between different ethnic grups, there is certainly n indicatin f such a trend nr any likelihd that it wuld develp in the freseeable future. West Indian and Asian wrkers in Britain have a similar migratry experience and were subjected t a similar level and type f discriminatin upn and after arrival. But these factrs d nt cmpensate fr the cultural distinctiveness between Asians and West Indians. This partly explains the residential segregatin f Asian and West Indian cmmunities and their ccupatinal segregatin (Smith 1981). It undubtedly als helps t explain their differing plitical attitudes and activity. There wuld be n likely shrt-term change in this pattern since the secnd generatin f the ethnic minrity ppulatins have generally adpted parental ethnic affiliatins. In frmal plitics, members f racial and ethnic minrities bth jin and participate in the traditinal rganizatins and institutins f the wrking class and, t a much mre limited extent, the middle classes. In the field f infrmal plitics, class unity wuld be demnstrated by relatively equal participatin f racial and ethnic strata in revlutinary parties and mvements, rank and file trade unin mvements and lcally based rganizatins. While the frmal sphere f plitics will attempt t accmmdate itself t ethnic interests, where such accmmdatin is inadequate r des nt ccur, varius frms f prtest activity has been adpted in the infrmal sphere. Miles and Phizacklea (1977) estimated that the ethnic rganizatin prcess in the infrmal sphere f plitics, particularly in the industrial sphere, is a necessary frm f respnse t racial discriminatin and disadvantage. The Islamic Party has been the nly attempt by an ethnic minrity grup t establish frmal separatist party plitics. 85

99 MIGRANT LEADERSHIP It has been argued that in accrdance with the demcratic plitical traditins f the Anglphne Caribbean, West Indians have been quick t frm rganizatins in respnse t the cnditins they have fund in the UK (Gulburne, 1988). Generally speaking, it is pssible t depict patterns f leadership in terms f the kinds f grups which have emerged since the 1950s. During these decades there have been numerus grups in all the areas where West Indians have settled. Gulburne identifies leadership in three main spheres f activity: that f welfare/cultural grups, brker grups and plitical grups. The vast majrity f West Indian grups are expectedly f the first kind, that is, they deal with the welfare and cultural cncerns f the West Indian cmmunities. Perhaps the mst imprtant and widely represented f these have been the churches. They were almst amngst the first grups t emerge in the grwing West Indian cmmunities. Unlike the church in Black America, the immigrant churches in Britain appear t have little r n interest in plitics. The utstanding example f the brker grups is the West Indian Standing Cnference (WISC). Funded in 1958 in the aftermath f the Ntting Hill Rits, WISC perceived itself as a bdy representing West Indians as a whle and has cntinued t make representatin n a reginal basis. Althugh essentially a brker rganizatin, WISC has, nnetheless, been able t embrace bth plitical and cultural/welfare issues, as indeed have thers amng the predminantly cultural grups. In general terms plitical leadership has exhibited different rientatins. With respect t the West Indian leadership rientatins in Gulburne identified three : The first, he referred t as patrician plitics; the secnd, the plitics f identity and prtest; the third the plitics f engagement and participatin. - Patrician plitics Individuals and grups in this categry brught the West Indian middle-class sense f the 'right' r 'duty' t 'represent' the case f the less frtunate. Sme f the characteristics f these kinds f plitics invlved negtiatins between the plitical leadership f the hst cmmunity as well as cperating with members f the liberal wing f the establishment. - Identity and prtest Frm the late 1960s t smetime in the mid-1970s a radically different type f leadership emerged and rapidly became the main frce in the West Indian cmmunities. They were strngly cmmunity based and chiefly aimed t represent the cmmunity in which they were situated n specific issues. - Engagement and participatin The plitical activity and leadership f the migrant cmmunities was prvided in the 1970s by the mre vert and self-cnscius plitical grups such as the Black Unity and Freedm Party which wrked n very specific issues in areas f Suth and Nrth Lndn as well as Manchester under the leadership f a Trinidadian. This grup emerged with the Black Panther Mvement in 80

100 Brixtn, ut f the defunct Universal Clured Peple's Alliance which was funded in In several ther parts f the cuntry where West Indians were t be fund in sizeable numbers similar grups emerged during the early 1970s. They variusly addressed themselves t issues such as the alarming numbers f black children wh were being sent t schls fr the educatinally subnrmal, plice brutality n the streets and ther issues abut which members f the black cmmunity felt strngly. In terms f direct participatin in natinal plitics, West Indian plitical leadership develped during the late 1970s and has cntinued thrugh the 1980s int the 1990s. It is described by Gulburne as that f engagement and participatin because individual West Indian pliticians prfessing allegiance t ne r ther f the majr parties, principally Labur, emerged and have grwn in number and effectiveness. It includes cuncillrs, mayrs and members f the Westminster parliament fr the first time. Hwever, even when accepted as a candidate by the party, nt all cnstituencies will vte irrespective f his/her clur. The rw ver the acceptance f a black lawyer as Cnservative candidate in the Cheltenham Cnstituency in the 1992 electin, and his failure t win a safe Cnservative seat, demnstrated this pint. There is still n black r Asian member f the cabinet r shadw cabinet (Gulburne, 1988). POLITICAL REACTIONS TO IMMIGRATION Mainstream party plitics The rle f Left, Chen (1988) pints ut, that is the rle f the trades unins, the Labur Party and the early scialist rganizatins, has been crucial in the idelgical justificatin and material strengthening f immigratin cntrls thrughut this century. The agitatin fr immigratin cntrls at the turn f the century cincided with the frmatin f bth industrial uninism and the first scialist rganizatins. Bth campaigned fr cntrls, which ensured that natinalism and racism were incrprated int the labur mvement, and therefre subsequently the Labur Party, frm its inceptin. It can be seen that immigratin cntrls were fficial TUC plicy frm 1892 and at n stage in the establishment f the Labur Party was ablitin f cntrls part f its prgramme. In 1950 the Labur Gvernment set up its wn Cabinet Cmmittee in rder 'fr a review t be made f the further means which might be adpted t check the immigratin int this cuntry f clured peple frm the British Clnial territries'. The campaign fr cntrls culminated in the first Cmmnwealth Immigrants Act f While ppsed by Labur when in ppsitin this Act was immediately strengthened in 1965 by Labur in pwer, and the number f wrk vuchers issued fr further immigratin f restricted grups reduced. Further, the 1968 Act was supprted by the left. The Cnservative Gvernment, in intrducing the 1982 Immigratin Act maintained in defense f the restrictins, that it wuld nt be in the interests f the ethnic minrities themselves if there were a prspect f further mass inward mvement. That prspect wuld increase scial tensins, particularly in

101 the cities. "That is why", a Gvernment Minister stated, "we say firm immigratin cntrl is essential if we are ging t have gd cmmunity relatins" (Hansard ). The idea that gd 'race relatins' demanded the minimum number f black immigrants was als the Labur Gvernment's ratinale fr its 1968 Act. In seeking smehw t harmnise the relatinships, bth f the main plitical parties capitulated t the racist psitin and enacted legislatin t restrict the entry f nn-white grups. "This, Chen cmments, " is the plitics f Laburism as much as Tryism". Extremists A further element f the impact f immigratin upn British plitics, is the backlash against black and Asian migratin. - Pwellism The underlying assumptin f "Pwellism" in the 1960s was that the differences between peple frm the New Cmmnwealth and their children and thse in the UK were significant in scial and plitical terms. The impact f Ench Pwell's plitical campaign against further immigratin frm the New Cmmnwealth, and the demand fr a reductin in the size f the existing immigrant ppulatin, gave credence and fficial sanctin t racism, and strengthened the unfavurable steretypes f clnial and nn-white peple which had develped in previus perids f British experience. Pwellism thus stirred up the irratinal, latent fears f peple twards thers f whm they had little cherent infrmatin. This prcess f 'racializing' pst-war immigratin was t have majr implicatins fr subsequent gvernment plicies and prvided a spurius fundatin n which much f the pst-war scietal develpments have been based. - The Natinal Frnt The main aim f the Natinal Frnt, which was frmed in 1967, was t bring an end t immigratin and t start the repatriatin f black immigrants frm Britain. Althugh they have been the mst prminent, they have nt been the nly extreme, racist grup in Britain in the pst-war perid. Other similar rganizatins include the Natinal Party, the Natinal Demcratic Party, the British Mvement, the British Natinal Party (Cmmittee fr Racial Equality, undated reprt). As a legally cnstituted plitical party, the Natinal Frnt regularly put up candidates fr parliamentary and cuncil electins. The tw General Electins f 1974 marked an attempt by the Natinal Frnt t establish itself as a reputable natinal plitical party with the aim f achieving plitical pwer thrugh the electral prcess. In the February, 1974 electin it had 54 candidates and was the fifth largest party. In Octber it had 90 candidates and was furth largest (Miles and Phizacklea, 1977). They have never wn a seat and rarely have even achieved as much as 8% f the ballt. Electral plitics has nt been the Party's nly arena f activity. It has als placed itself in the public cnsciusness by respnding t and taking up issues by means f public demnstratins. Activity has included marches, demnstratins and vcal bjectins t immigratin and the black and Asian 88

102 immigrant presence. Sme f their activities have been sufficiently vciferus as t prvke cunter demnstratins, sme t which have resulted in vilent clashes. Mst significantly, thrugh such activities, they have als attracted t themselves cnsiderable free publicity bth thrugh press and televisin cverage. In respnse t the grwing racial tensin incited by the extremist grups, many vluntary grups were frmed t cunter the inflammatry prpaganda and racialism being dispersed. These grups included, fr example, the Federatin f Cnservative Students' Campaign Against Racialism in 1977, the Anti-Nazi league and the Jint Cmmittee against Racialism (Anwar, 1986).

103 CONCLUSION OVERVIEW OF THE PAST AND ISSUES FOR THE FUTURE A number f themes can be identified with regard t the nature and impact f UK immigratin since Wrld War II. The dminant theme in terms f immigratin was the departure frm the pre-war pattern f small-scale immigratin, principally f Eurpean peples, t the large-scale immigratin f nn-white peples frm the New Cmmnwealth and Pakistan (NCWP) in the first three decades after the war. Selective immigratin legislatin frm 1962 nwards brught this mvement t a virtual end but the right f settlement and citizenship f the NCWP grups meant that the riginal migrants frmed the basis f permanent ppulatins usually identified in terms f their specific ethnic backgrund. In respnse t the circumstances and impact f these grups public attentin and gvernment plicies were preccupied at first by issues cncerning immigratin, and then by cncern fr the maintenance f scial stability by attempting t influence race relatins and the integratin f the ethnic minrities. The issue f immigratin t the UK in the freseeable future is likely t be dminated by questins cncerning refugees, the Hng Kng Chinese after 1997 and the implicatins f Eurpean Cmmunity plicies fr the UK (Hammar, 1985). OVERVIEW - THE IMPACT OF POST WORLD WAR II IMMIGRATION ON THE UK The demgraphic, sci-cultural, ecnmic and plitical impact f immigratin n the UK have been treated separately in the freging chapters but the imprtance f their interrelatedness shuld nt be verlked. Immigratin after the war had a demgraphic impact which prvided the augmentatin f the labur frce at a rate which culd never have been achieved thrugh natural increase. The ecnmic implicatins f this facility t find an immediate and cheap labur frce fr pst-war industrial recnstructin was the means whereby ecnmic recvery was pssible and scial cnditins thus imprved thrugh raised living standards f the wrking classes. The lng run implicatins at the scial and plitical levels f subsequently changing class relatins and f an ethnic cmpnent within the wrking class are impssible t assess. Thugh the immigratin was initially encuraged and endrsed by all sectrs f British sciety fr the purpse f increasing the labur frce, the 91)

104 cntinued arrivals and subsequent settlement f the immigrants in mst f the majr industrial cities f the UK brught abut mixed public and gvernment reactin. The immigrants had prduced bth a visibly bvius and culturally distinct ppulatin in the UK which has had lasting impact n the scicultural, ecnmic and plitical aspects f British life. As in all previus situatins where immigrants settled in British cities, there have been pckets f lcal resistance and even utright hstilities. At the ecnmic level, the pst-war migrants stimulated grwth by their participatin in the labur frce. At a time f recessin and relatively high levels f unemplyment, the ecnmic benefit tends t be seen as a negative factr and immigrant ecnmic cntributin measured slely in terms f any large scale cmmercial activity which they initiate. The ecnmic decline fcuses attentin n the immigrants in a negative way as peple seek t apprtin blame. Hwever, the fact that sme sectrs f sciety perceive the situatin in a negative way simply reflects their wn pririties. The clse interrelatinship between the varius aspects f the immigratin impact makes it impssible t establish any srt f balance sheet indicating psitive and negative cnsequences. This is the case quite apart frm the fact that the identificatin f psitive and negative aspects are subject t very different interpretatins bth frm plicy-makers and members f the public. It wuld certainly be unfrtunate if the negative reactins f sme sectrs f sciety wh speak either thrugh ignrance f, r thrugh deliberate misinterpretatin f the rle f immigrants in the pst-war UK, shuld prevent the benefits f immigratin frm being recgnised. The challenge fr sciety is t seek means f preventing the persistence f antagnisms int future generatins which culd reduce the pprtunities f a multi-cultural sciety. POLICY ISSUES FOR THE 1990s Refugees Cnsideratins f refugee status currently remain subject t the 1951 United Natins Cnventin relating t the status f refugees and the 1967 Prtcl t which the UK is a party, which define a refugee as a persn wh "wing t well-funded fear f being persecuted fr reasns f race, religin, natinality, membership f a particular scial grup r plitical pinin, is utside the cuntry f his natinality and is unable, r, wing t such fear, is unwilling t avail himself f the prtectin f that cuntry" (Huse f Cmmns, Library Research Papers, Backgrund Paper N. 247, April, 1990). This is nt directly stated in UK law nr is there any direct reference t refugee status in the 1971 Immigratin Act, except fr a statement that full accunt is t be taken f the prvisins f the Cnventin and Prtcl Relating t the Status f Refugees (p cit). The immigratin rules incrprate prcedures fr cnsidering applicatins fr asylum in the UK and since 1984 applicatins fr asylum and refugee status have been cnsidered tgether. T date, therefre, prcedures fr the determinatin f refugee status is a matter f Hme Office administrative practice. The granting f refugee status is usually determined n an individual y i

105 basis, hence the prblems which have arisen where grups f peple have fund themselves in a situatin in which they wuld require refugee status. In such situatins, the UK gvernment has agreed t take a quta as was the case with Vietnamese between 1979 and 1989, Czechslvaks in 1968 and Chileans in the 1970s. The refugees wh enter the UK are nrmally given leave t remain fr ne year at first and then fr three years, with indefinite leave t remain r t settle, given after fur years. Fllwing the events in China f June 1989, applicatins frm Chinese natinals fr exceptinal leave t remain utside the Rules were viewed sympathetically. Tw additinal issues affecting the UK plicies twards immigrants, including refugees, relates t the specific case f the Hng Kng Chinese and the implicatins fr immigratin f Eurpean Cmmunity plicies. Hng Kng citizens The issue cncerns the 3.28 millin Hng Kng British Dependent Territries Citizens (BDTCs), wh frm 1 July, 1997 will be eligible nly fr British Natinal (Overseas) status (Huse f Cmmns Research Papers, Research Nte N. 458, June 1989). While the Hng Kng Chinese have been given assurances frm China that they wuld autmatically be Chinese citizens there are a further 12,0 nn- Chinese minrity BDTCs in Hng Kng wh might risk statelessness after 1997 if they d nt acquire an alternative citizenship r right f abde prir t that date. A number have already mved t Australia r the United States, but fr thse wh d nt wish t btain alternative places f settlement, Britain will be faced with the mral bligatin t allw them int the UK based n its histric cnnectins with Hng Kng. The Eurpean dimensin Whether Chinese r nn-chinese, any persns frm Hng Kng wh btain UK citizenship, will be allwed right f mvement t any ther cuntry within the Eurpean Cmmunity. Shuld they be granted the right f abde but nt citizenship, freedm t reside and wrk in ther EC cuntries wuld nt apply. Where refugee status is accrded any persn within a member cuntry f the Eurpean Cmmunity, it was agreed (1964) that special cnsideratin be accrded applicatins frm refugees t wrk in anther member cuntry. This refers bth t refugees wh are first admitted int anther Eurpean cuntry and then wish t wrk in the UK, as well as thse refugees accepted first int the UK and wh later wish t mve elsewhere within the EC. The plicies and prcedures relating t the initial admittance f refugees therefre has immigratin implicatins fr all ther EC cuntries. The Treaty f Rme, t which the UK is a signatry, made prvisin fr the freedm f mvement bth f new immigrants and fr existing citizens f the member cuntries, including thse f the s-called ethnic minrities. Wide

106 ecnmic disparities in natinal supprt structures inhibit the value f cmmn labur market plicies and diverse levels í welfare cnstitute majr impediments t scial plicy develpment. Britain's recent acceptance (1993) f the Scial Charter agreed at Maastricht, indicates its inclusin in EC plicies relating t rights f wrkers. Hwever, given the relatively weak scial plicy directives f the EC n issues cncerning race and migratin, Nantn (1992) suggests that the UK culd usefully fcus n tw distinct paradigms. One, which is currently dminant and seems likely t cntinue t be s, emphasises the imprtance f natinal plicies given the different interests and migratin histries f the EC cuntries. Within this paradigm the EC may well be defined as 'frtress Eurpe' nt because f Eurpean-wide interests r a cmmn view but because f the cnvergence f the different natinal interests n these issues. A secnd perspective n the situatin wuld be t distinguish natinal plicies frm EC plicies. While EC plicies fcus n the rle f 'wrkers', natinal plicies pay particular attentin t 'ethnic' r 'immigrant' grups. Hw plicies will be interpreted and articulated and hw it will affect future immigratin t the UK and the rights f UK citizens derived frm previus immigrant grups frm the New Cmmnwealth and Pakistan are matters which will remain cntrversial thrughut the rest f the 1990s and beynd.

107 Appendix l.a. Surces f Infrmatin n Ethnicity/Cuntry f Birth, Great Britain Data Surce Frequency Definitin Used 1 Census Census Census 1971 Census Sample Surveys Labur Frce Survey General Husehld Survey Internatinal Passenger Survey Natinal Dwelling and Husehld Survey 3 Demgraphic Events Birth Registratin Death Registratin biennial (frm 1979) annual annual 1977/79 annual annual Cuntry f birth Cuntry f birth; Parent's cuntry f birth Cuntry f birth; Ethnic Grup Ethnic Grup; Cuntry f birth Clur; Cuntry f birth; Parent's cuntry f birth Cuntry f birth; Citizenship; Cuntry f rigin/ destinatin Ethnic Grup Cuntry f birth f parents f child Cuntry f birth f persn Surce: after Editrial, Ppulatin Trends 28 (1982) Appendix l.b. Frm f Ethnic Questin used in the Labur Frce Survey (LFS) and General Husehld Survey (GHS) Ethnic Grup T which f the grups listed n the card d yu cnsider belngs? White West Indian r Guyanese Indian Pakistani Bangladeshi Chinese African Arab Mixed Origin Other 94

108 Appendix 2.a. Cuntry f Birth Questin frm the 1991 Census f Ppulatin, Great Britain Cuntry f Birth Please tick the apprpriate bx. If the 'Elsewhere' bx is ricked, please write in the present name f the cuntry in which the birthplace is nw situated. England Sctland Wales Nrthern Ireland Irish Republic Elsewhere 2 3 Q 4 Q 5 Q If elsewhere, please write in the present name f the cuntry Appendix 2.b. Ethnic Grup Questin frm the 1991 Census f Ppulatin, Great Britain Ethnic Grup White O Black-Caribbean Q 1 Please tick the apprpriate bx. Black-African Q 2 Black Other please describe Indian [_] 3 Pakistani 4 Bangladeshi Q 5 Chinese Q 6 Any ther ethnic grup please describe If the persn is descended frm mre than ne ethnic r racial grup, please tick the grup t which the persn cnsiders he/she belngs, r tick the 'Any ther ethnic grup 1 bx and describe the persn's ancestry in the space prvided.

109 Appendix 2.c Census Ethnic Grup Full Classificatin Cdes 0 t 6 are the pre-cded bxes in the questin, as abve. Cdes 7 t 34 were used fr multi-ticking, and fr 'write-in answers' given under 'Black Other 1 r 'Any ther ethnic grup' Cde Categry 0 White 1 Black-Caribbean 2 Black-African 3 Indian 4 Pakistani 5 Bangladeshi 6 Chinese Black-ther: nn-mixed rigin 7 British 8 Caribbean Island, West Indies, r Guyana 9 Nrth African, Arab, r Iranian 10 Other African cuntries 11 East African Asian r Ind-Caribbean 12 Indian sub-cntinent 13 Other Asian 14 Other anwers Black-ther: mixed rigin 15 Black/White 16 Asian/White 17 Other Mixed Other ethnic grup: nn-mixed rigin 18 British - ethnic minrity indicated 19 British - n ethnic minrity indicated 20 Caribbean Island, West Indies r Guyana 21 Nrth African, Arab, r Iranian 22 Other African cuntries 23 East African Asian r Ind-Caribbean 24 Indian sub-cntient 25 Other Asian 26 Irish 27 Greek (including Greek Cyprit) 28 Turkish (including Turkish Cyprit) 29 Other Eurpean 30 Other answers Other ethnic grup: mixed rigin 31 Black/White 32 Asian/White 33 Mixed White 34 Other Mixed The 35 cdes abve are gruped int 10 categries as fllws: White Black Caribbean Black African Black ther Indian Pakistani Bangladeshi Chinese Other Asian Other Other 0,26-29,33 1,8,20 2,10, 22 7,14,15, , ,16,18,19,21,30-32,34

110 Great Britain 54, , Nrth 026, ,184 Tyne & Wear MC,095, ,632 Yrks & Humberside 836, ,221 S. Yrkshire MC,262, ,450 W. Yrkshire MC i,013, ,887 East Midlands East Anglia 027,4 910, Suth East 208, ,274 Greater Lndn 679, ,658 Suth West 609, ,071 West Midlands ,723 W. Midlands MC 551, Nrth West 243, ,615 Gtr. Manchester MC 499, ,927 Merseyside MC 403, , Wales 835, , Sctland 998,567 4,849, ^ S NJ 525 NJ NJ NJ NJ NJ NJ ,157 í NJ NJ VO vo CO VJ s VO vo NJ NJ t 4k 4k VO s. NJ V V] NJ OO 380 NJ 4k 4k 499, , , H i NJ VJ 4k 4k ON sie NJ CO 063 v OO VJs t NJ vo 4k t Oí NJ a VJ NJ NJ ON NJ NJ VO a 4k VJ ON 4k 4k VO v NJ eis VO VJ 55 2 N) vo VJ VO NJ NJ O 2 NJ Ttal Persns tal rsns linuk % Ttal Persns brn in U ^ vu 3 Black Caribbean % Black Caribbea Black Caribbean brn in UK a n m 3* 3 u 5* w 09 ST 3* a* 2 " ON NJ ON VO VO VJ Oí CO CO Oí VJ VO NJ VJ NJ CO 4k O vo CO VO Oí VO ON t NJ 93 vo 4k i 46J 55 NJ S VJ VJ VO O ON NJ vo ON B IO NJ vo M* 16 % Black Caribbea brn in L Black Caribbea as % f A Ethnic P Oí T3 = 3

111 Great Britain 212, ,315 Nrth 1, Tvne & Wear MC Yrks & Humberside 4,885 1,823 S. Yrkshire MC 1, W. Yrkshire MC 2,554 East Midlands 3,467 1,642 East Anglia 2, Suth East 177,232 63,211 Greater Lndn 163, ,414 Suth West 2,820 1,059 West Midlands 5,305 2,469 W. Midlands MC 4, ,870 Nrth West 9, ,277 Gtr. Manchester MC 5, ,228 Mersevside MC 2, ,505 Wales 2, Sctland 2, r r S Black African % Black African Black African brn in UK ON r 7 178, , , , , ,348 2, ,384 6, r 4» r r CO ON CO 361 r VO at r í VO 303 CO ON N ON. VO vo r VJ 4» ON 561 S 188 4t N ON r vj vo 4» O 4>, O 431 VJ 4* ON 4. ON c O 3 r ON 8 VO vo ON VJ vo CO r vj.951 r O4* 4» VJ i i 4* CO v: v ON âë 4* VJ 36 CO 899 r VJ vo ON 37 vo O 1 ON ON vo r v CO vc vo ON r r vo VJ CO VJ r r r vo r 4». a 4k ON 869 CO CO VC 4k VO CO Vi UI 4». V 36 V - 5 vc "O r % Black African brn in U Black African as % f A Ethnic P Black Other % Blaci Other Black Other brn in UK % Black Other brn in L Black Other as % f A Ethnic P

112 Great Britain 840, , Nrth 7, , Tvne & Wear MC 4, , Yrks & Humberside 40, , S. Yrkshire MC 3, W. Yrkshire MC 34, East Midlands 98, _26 East Anglia Su h East Gre<jter Lndn 347, Su h West , West Midlands 158, , W. Midlands MC 141, , , ,507 Nrth West 55, , , ,837 Gtr. Manchester MC 29,741 13,774 49,370 25,668 Mersevside MC 2,646 1, Wales 6, ,502 5,717 2,869 Sctland 10,050 4, , ,5 83] 4k Ul S r VJ Ul UJ UJ VO i VO Ul u> Os ë u ü" V Os VO r r 4k VO U Ul vo 4k O- UJ r Ul VC U) U) ' 4k V] Ul UJ u 8 Ul UJ Ul! u r U) Ul vo Ul u r U) r 4k i i Ul 8 Os r VJ 931 S91 á Ul Ul s 4k Ul t'l Os Ul r 4k 4k 4k Ul VJ Ul Ni r Os!u 4? r UJ 4k OS UJ 4k Os 4k VO r r O S t'l VO Os Ul r vo r Ul Ul SO 4k 4k Mi VJ Ul ui VJ S r B 4k 8 VD 4k 4k 4k VJ VO UJ Os Ul r 2 ë 4k VO 4k 4k 2 vo OS Ul r Ul s r r VJ Ul Ul 4k OS UJ 4k Ul O ë g UJ Ul Ul Ul Ul India. r 1 5" Ui 3 Ul Indiai brn in 4k C * ^ % Indiai brn in L 3 * - Indian as % f A Ethnie P S3 v = Pakistani % Pakista 3 vj " Pakista brn in Ul C 3 ui 7\ "' r % Pakista brn in U è «2. Pakistani as % f All Ethnie Pp.

113 j Se 0 3 Ù1 rmc Yr mberside kshire rkshir East Midlan nclia Su East Gre ;r Lndn Su West vlidlainds dland West Gtr ancheíster iv yside ~) V* n O? n y &> 3* T] /! "> a n n c" H 2 Gre Si Brítai w v t i es S i» Ul t ,835 a 0) ngladeshi a* S t VJ 05 - j r S g S S t t P 09 tu CL S VJ Ov VJ > O -u vi Ov VJ v v VO t vi 60 VJ *«. * <*> VJ :«J NJ > vo t* Ov 17 VJ v»» Öt J> Ov r> VI VI cs *-» 58 VO á -^ Ov vo Ov Ov VI H S Ov VJ 56 VI vo $ r Ov VO './J 87 VI rj VC - VI vo t r r VJ r r f. 35 r (-J Sí t t r ^ VI O VO VI VI VD t VI VO t VI r«< *) Ov vo vo» vo VJ r vs û. >N CS VI 7v 3* 3 S? S" 8«3 _ sr C " Ov 3* E? S g 3 3 n S5 09 S í -a -> Q. > S *. "O _ 3* n i 3! Ov vc 3 2 O r r VJ 22 VJ p» (71 t 85 O t <*J s 8 t VJ í r Ov t r Ov t VI VI Ov O t *-» ÍTv Só r Ov.*» VO _ * v r 640 r VJ í O Gí *-» VO Ov r Si Oí» r vo r VI VO r Ov O VI O Ov vc r O VO r t t VO 5v O VO * r v 93 VJ Cîv r VO O VI t r 72 O r Ov O3 VC r v 07 Ov ~^ VI O n 3" g t i/> VD O ín 3 3" Í» - " 3 Ov ("* ^ i 7Ñ g" sa 3 n t 33 P r- 0 Ov VJ - ON Ov t VJ ve.!7v r r Ov OS vo t 4-- VC VD _^ r VO VI rr. r - r vc O 3 ^ rr n c )

114 Great Britain 197,534 Nrth Tyne & Wear MC 622 Yrks & Humberside 259 S. Yrkshire MC 355 W. Yrkshire MC 615 East Midlands 242 East Anglia 750 Suth East 936 Greater Lndn 807 Suth West West Midlands 483 W. Midlands MC 8,852 Nrth West 915 Gtr. Manchester MC 931 Merseyside MC 277 Wales 677 Sctland 604 0J s ees i i r 3? r vj vj Other Asian S, ,256,558 69, VJ , g s Os t VJ Os t s S g t t VO OO vj t >» t N> O VJ t t r 5s 633 S VO Os Sä t vj ,590 V] VJ 4-. g r t VJ r vj ô v) Os VJ t i»» t t vj VJ Os VO CO - VO t g t vc r t VO t c VO VO t VO VC r VO 039 Ôs VJ es t t vj r vo t 2, ,579,036 t 0O n 85 t'l vc vj pi H i t t i i vj VJ t VO Os ' _ i r r _? a r a r vo 27 < vd vj t ê t vj t Os Os t r 90S c vg t Os 43, VO C c VJ VC vc t ÍO 0 Os 6 % Othei Asian Other Asian brn in UK % Othei Asian brn in I ^ Oí T3 S Other Asian as % f A Ethnic P Othei Othei % Othei Other Other Other brn in 1 C % Othei Other brn in U Other Other as % f A Ethnic P 101

115 Great Britain 3,015, Nrth 38, Tyne & Wear MC Yrks & Humberside S. Yrkshire MC W. Yrkshire MC East Midlands East Anglia Suth East Greater Lndn Suth West West Midlands W. Midlands MC Nrth West Gtr. Manchester MC Merseyside MC Wales 41, Sctland 62, j 4*. Ul 8 i à Ul Ul 819 S VJ VO i t t t Os t Ov Ul 4> S OS vo Ul Os t vo t t t'l VJ S Ul Ul t Ul ÛÎ t t Ul t OS t t Ul t Ul VO vo 4* i t VI VJ v All Ethnic Minrity % All Ethr Minrit) n All Ethnic Minrity brn in UK % All Ethr Minrit) brn in U **i 102

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119 Marmt, M.G., Adelstein, A.M. and Bulusu, L. (1984) Mrtality by Cause in Immigrants in England and Wales, O.P.C.S. Studies n Ppulatin and Medical Subjects, N.47, Lndn, H.M.S.O. Miles, R. and Phizacklea (1977) "Class, race, ethnicity and plitical actin" Plitical Studies vl.xxv, n.4. Nantn, Philip (1992) "Caribbean immigratin and 1992" unpublished paper, University f Birmingham Pattersn, S. (1963) Dark Strangers Lndn, Penguin. Peach, Ceri (1968) West Indian Migratin t Britain: A Scial Gegraphy Oxfrd University Press fr the Institute f Race Relatins. Peach, C, Rbinsn, V., Maxted, J. and Chance, J. (1988) "Immigratin and ethnicity" in Halsey, A.H. ed. British Scial Trends since 19 Lndn, Macmillan. Prashar, U. et.al. (1985) Sickle Cell Anaemia - Wh Cares? Lndn, The Runnymede Trust. Pryce, K. (2nd editin 1986) Endless Pressure: A Study f West Indian Life Styles in Bristl Bristl, Classical Press Rathwell, T. (1984) "General practice, ethnicity and health services delivery" Scial Science Medicine vl.19, n.2. Rathwell, T. and Philipps, D. eds. (1986) Health, Race and Ethnicity Lndn, Crm Helm. Radical Statistics Grup, (1980) Britain's Black Ppulatin The Runnymede Trust. Rees, Tm (1982) Immigratin Plicies in the U.K. Lndn Rex, J. (1988) The Ghett and the Underclass: Essays in Race and Scial Plicy Avebury, Gvver. Rex, J. and Tmlinsn, S. (1979) Clnial Immigrants in a British City: A Class Analysis Lndn, Rutledge & Kegan Paul. Rex, J. and Mre, R. (1967) Race, Cmmunity and Cnflict: A Study f Sparkbrk Oxfrd University Press fr the Institute f Race Relatins. Rse, E.J. et.al. (1969) Clur and Citizenship Oxfrd University Press fr the Institute f Race Relatins. 106

120 Salt, J. and Jhnsn, J.H. (1990) Labur Migratin: The Internal Gegraphical Mbility f Wrkers within Develped Natins Lndn, Fultn. Salt, J. and Cleman, D.A. (1992) The British Ppulatin: Patterns, Trends and Prcesses Oxfrd University Press. Smith, D.J. (1976) The Facts f Racial Disadvantage: A Natinal Survey Lndn, Plitical and Ecnmic Planning. Smith, D.J. (1977) Racial Disadvantage in Britain: The P.E.P. Harmndswrth, Penguin Bks. Reprt Smith, D.J. (1981) Unemplyment and Racial Minrities Lndn, Plicy Studies Institute. Taylr, M. J. (1981) Caught Between: A Review f Research int the Educatin f Pupils f West Indian Origin Windsr, NFER-Nelsn. Thmas-Hpe, E.M. (1980) "Hpes and reality in the West Indian migratin t Britain" Oral Histry: Turnai f the Oral Histry Sciety vl. 8. Thmas-Hpe, E.M. (1982) "Identity and adaptatin f migrants frm the English-speaking Caribbean in Britain and Nrth America" in Verma, G.K. and Bagley, C. (eds.) Self-Cncept, Achievement and Multi-Cultural Educatin Lndn, Macmillan. Thmas-Hpe, E.M. (1986) "Caribbean diaspra - The inheritance f slavery" in Brck, Clin (ed.) Legacies f West Indian Slavery: Aspects f the West Indian Experience in Britain, France and the Netherlands Lndn, Frank Cass. Thmas-Hpe, E.M. (1992) 'Immigratin and health: Sickle Cell and Thalassaemia cmmunity care in the U.K." Gejurnal vl. 26, n. 1. Thmas-Hpe, E.M. and Nutter, R.D. (1988) "Occupatin and status in the idelgy f Caribbean return migratin" in Appleyard, R.T. (ed.) The Impact f Internatinal Migratin n Third Wrld Develpment Paris, OECD. Tmlinsn, S. (1990) "Educatin and training: Reprt" New Cmmunity vl.16, n.3. Ward, R. and Reeves, F. (1980) "West Indians in business in Britain" Scial Science Research Cuncil submissin t the Hme Affairs Cmmittee n Race Relatins and Immigratin. Wilcx, R. (1966) Venereal Disease and Immigrants Wlstenhlme, G.E.W. and O'Cnnr, M. (1966) Sympsium n Ethics in Medical Prgress, CIBA Fundatin Lndn, Churchill. 107

121 Wright, P. (1968) The Clured Wrker in British Industry Oxfrd University Press fr the Institute f Race Relatins. Yinger, J.M. (1981) Racial and Cultural Minrities: An Analysis f Prejudice and Discriminatin New Yrk, Plenum, (5th. editin) OFFICIAL PAPERS AND REPORTS The Black Reprt, The Cullingwrth Cmmittee, 1969 The Plwden Reprt, 1967 The Rayner Reprt, Department f Emplyment, 1981, H.M.S.O. The Ramptn Reprt, The Scarman Reprt, 1982 The Swann Reprt, 1985 The Yellwless Reprt, 1980 The White Paper n Cmmnwealth Immigratin, Hme Office, Reprt f the Cmmissin fr Racial Equality (1977) Reprt f the Cmmissin fr Racial Equality (1979) Reprt f the Cmmissin fr Racial Equality (1985) Reprt f the Cmmissin fr Racial Equality (1989) Cmmissin fr Racial Equality, (n date) "Mid-1980 estimates f the ppulatin f NCWP". Office f Ppulatin Censuses and Surveys (1978) Labur Frce Survey, 1977 Lndn, H.M.S.O. Office f Ppulatin Censuses and Surveys (1988) Labur Frce Survey, 1987 Lndn, H.M.S.O. Office f Ppulatin Censuses and Surveys, (1987) Internatinal mngraph series n.13, H.M.S.O. Migratin Ppulatin Trends (1982) N. 28, Lndn, H.M.S.O. ID«

122 Ppulatin Trends (1986) N. 46, Lndn, H.M.S.O. Ppulatin Trends (1988) N. 54, Lndn, H.M.S.O. Huse f Cmmns, Library Research Divisin, Backgrund Papers: N. 458 "Hng Kng and Immigratin t the U.K." (1989) N. 228 "Hng Kng after the Crisis in China" (1989) N. 247 "The British Citizenship Scheme fr Hng Kng" (1990)

123

124 : The Internatinal Organizatin fr Migratin (IOM) was established n 5 December 1951 in Brussels t deal with the migratin and resettlement f displaced persns in Eurpe, and with the rderly migratin ßf natinals t verseas cuntries.- * V : ;.-; ;.,* ; *; : ;' "' :. ;.-: - -". " :., :,? : : \\ : ':- ; :* -;*f- ':.;:" " :^/*:f- : :V. ; : : :;' : -"":':.-v-". ' While the early activities f the Organizatin were limited tppulatin mvements frm Eurpe t Nrth America, Latin America and Oceania, internatinal develpments gradually led t an extensin f the Organizatin's activities n a wrld-wide basis. Likewise, its glbal rle and mandate were reinfrced. " " " r 7 fom's main bjective is t ensure, thrughut the wrld, the rderly migratin f persns wh are in need f internatinal migratin services. T meet this bjective, the Organizatin carries ut the fllwing f u n c t i n s :., :, ;...:.-..;. 1: -.,/-. -. ', ;,..,<<. 4. :--;7 -, -,;., ;.:', '. ' '«the handling f rderly and plannedi migratin f natinals, tó meet -specific needs f emigratin ànd ; ; : ""' : : "; immigratin cuntries; ':.'. the transfer f qualified human resurces t prmte the ecnmic, scial and cultura! advancement ; ':." f the receiving cuntries;. :/.-. ; the rganized transfer f refugees, displaced persns and ther individuals cmpelled t leave their; í*- :: í,*. hmeland;.. '. ". ' ; :.. ' '\^:*'::!:/S/-!jh'?f:j : ::?ii; i: : the prvisin f alfum t States and ther partners t discuss experiences, exchange viewsïdëvise J': ;; measures and prmte cperatin and crdinatin f effrts n migratin issues,,,,,;,, : IOM is an intergvernmental rganizatin. At present, it s cmpsed f 48 Member States and 33 Observer States. Since its creatin in 1951, IOM has assisted mre than 5 millin individuals wrldwide, including 3.9 mífliñ- refugees and 1.1 millin natinal migrants. IOM publishes a quarterly review,. Internatinal Migratin, n current migratin issues.,. ^ {»^ii-i^liii-^ii^^íi"^;*^:'*]^-*:^;^----^:^;"^.}' 1 : The Cmmittee fr Internatinal Cperatin in Natinal Research ín Oemgráphy (CÍORÉDJ was created as a result f the meeting f directrs f natinal ppulatin.research institutes, rganized by the Ppulatin Divisin f the United Natins Secretariat in Lyns (France) frm 3 t 11 June : At that time, the United Natins was preparing the Wrld Ppulatin Cnference, freseen fr 1974, and the Ppulatin Divisin was seeking a means f establishing sme kind f link with the wrld cmmunity f natinal ppulatin research institutes. Mrever, during the Lyns meeting, a number f participants emphasized the necessity fr prviding supprt t natinal research and f develping mutual cllabratin. : r I CICRED is a nn-prfit assciatin, its members are all the 3 centres cnducting, ppulatin research in the wrld. The budget is jintly shared by UNFPA and the French Gvernment. The activities "f CICRED are currently cvering three fields: :V;í." ; ';^.V; : \ ^./fív-f;^-:-;;;;^^;::,*;;;;.^,-*' :* : ' : -;.'.'; : :V..-; : ' ; ;..:: :; '::.v ; : (i) ppulatin literature strage, retrieval and exchanger ' : f;:' : ':: : ::Í^:^:^-^'!-:jfT^hll:^;^i^~'\'::-[i~:i (M) prmtin f inter-institutinal cperative research n ppulatin tpics; ;\^z : '-f' : alj ÍÍl}-cL: h)^,{iíí) assessment f ppulatin research ptentialities.,....., ;.,...,,,, \ - : ": :;; '; :. ::.':;::*.V : ;v ; :.- : ;i:';: : CICRED publishes a quarterly, the Review f Ppulatin Reviews, and several bks gathering the : findings f its varius cllabrative research prjects.... \,, :,,.