Leticia Alvarez Gutiérrez a a University of Utah. Published online: 26 Jul 2013.

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1 This article was downloaded by: [Weber State University] On: 27 July 2013, At: 11:31 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: Registered office: Mortimer House, Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Theory Into Practice Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: Costo Alto de Política Anti-imigrante Sobre la Familia y Educación: The Adverse Consequences of Anti-Latino Immigration Laws Leticia Alvarez Gutiérrez a a University of Utah Published online: 26 Jul To cite this article: Leticia Alvarez Gutirrez (2013) Costo Alto de Política Anti-imigrante Sobre la Familia y Educación: The Adverse Consequences of Anti-Latino Immigration Laws, Theory Into Practice, 52:3, , DOI: / To link to this article: PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the Content ) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors, and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of the Content. This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at

2 Theory Into Practice, 52: , 2013 Copyright The College of Education and Human Ecology, The Ohio State University ISSN: print/ online DOI: / Leticia Alvarez Gutiérrez Costo Alto de Política Anti-imigrante Sobre la Familia y Educación 1 : The Adverse Consequences of Anti-Latino Immigration Laws The aim of this article is to provide indispensable background information about the significance of how anti-latino immigration policies impact unauthorized 2 and mixed status students and families, particularly from Mexico and Central America. Throughout this article, I maintain that understanding issues of anti-latino immigration are essential for the prospect of education and for the future of the profession in the United States. I argue that teacher education students and professional educators should be trained and provided professional development to be zealously knowledgeable and recognize how anti-latino immigration discourses spill into the education profession and how these are interconnected with local and school politics. I advocate that professional educators associate themselves with local and national social justice movements that attempt to divert anti-latino discriminatory social and educational policies that limit educational access and ultimately belittle the philosophy and practices of the profession. Last, the article concludes with a call to action. Leticia Alvarez Gutiérrez is an assistant professor at the University of Utah. Correspondence should be addressed to Leticia Alvarez Gutiérrez, Department of Education, Culture and Society, University of Utah, 308J MBH, 1705 Campus Center Dr., Salt Lake City, UT leticia.alvarez@utah.edu. How Arizona law hurts Hispanic citizens (Navarrette, 2012) Deported Dad Begs North Carolina To Give Him Back His Children (Wessler, 2012) New Arizona anti-immigrant bill threatens health care, education (Fernández, 2011) 169

3 Educational Policy and Youth in the 21st Century Deportations tear some families apart (Welch, 2011) Fear and Learning in Alabama: Undocumented Students Flee (Rivas, 2011) Latino Students Withdraw From Alabama Schools After Immigration Law Goes Into Effect (Katrandjian, 2011) Thousands of Kids Lost From Parents In U.S. Deportation System (Wessler, 2011) LIKE THESE inundate weekly HEADLINES news reports and illustrate how anti-latino immigration policies impact the overall livelihood of Latino immigrant children, youth, families, communities, schools, and social services rendered. These news headlines are consistent with the introduction of over 1,600 antiimmigrant bills in 2011 originating from all 50 states in the union. Approximately 141 of these 1,600 bills passed into law in 26 states (Suárez-Orozco, Yoshikawa, Teranishi, & Suárez-Orozco, 2011) and, for the most part, these antiimmigration bills racially profile unauthorized Latinos, as seen with Alabama s H.B. 56, Arizona s S.B. 1070, Georgia s H.B. 87, and Montana s referendum L.R. 121 to name a few. Anti-Latino immigration bills affect the estimated 6.6 million unauthorized families in the United States, a substantial number of them belonging to mixed status families in other words, families in which at least one parent is unauthorized and at least one child was born in the US (Passel, 2006, p. 8). In 2008, 16.5 million children age 0 to 17 had at least one immigrant parent, a 5 percent increase from 15.7 million in (Fortuny, 2010, p. 2). It is estimated that one in 10 children living in the United States is part of mixed-status families (Suárez-Orozco, Yoshikawa et al., 2011) and, contrary to popular belief, approximately 79% of these children are US citizens (Passel, 2006; Passel & Cohn, 2011) who attend K 12 public educational institutions. These numbers suggest that a majority of Latino children (regardless of immigration status) in classrooms across the country are impacted by anti-latino immigration policies (Chaudry et al., 2010). Equally important to note is that the national anti-latino immigration discourse has politicized and jeopardized the enhancement of the profession of education as seen with educational reforms that discriminate against Latino students and their families (e.g., Alabama s HB 56; Arizona s 2281). Researchers (Darling-Hammond, 2010; Goldstein, 2011; Lunenburg, 2011) have suggested that the overall profession of educators needs to be reformed by restructuring teacher training, changing the conditions under which teachers work, and providing professional development throughout a teacher s career (Lunenburg, 2011, p. 1). These suggestions are echoed throughout educational research, as well as in the Obama s administration plan, Our future, our teachers, for teacher education reform, improving preservice teaching programs and professional development. The Obama plan proposes professional development and career advancement opportunities that are aligned with their [teacher] identified strengths and needs, and states and districts must work with their teachers to set a clear and meaningful definition of teacher effectiveness, one that considers both a teacher s success in achieving student growth, a teacher s demonstrated contribution to a school s or district s success, and a teacher s instructional skills as measured by multiple measures of professional practices based on clear standards and a shared understanding of what effective teaching looks like and what effective teachers should be able to do. (US Department of Education, 2011, p. 15) Educational reform is urgent because 62% of new teachers feel unprepared for classroom realities or equipped to meet the needs of an increasing linguistically and culturally diversity of students (US Department of Education, 2011). However, rarely do educational reform initiatives integrate the significance of preparing educators to effectively challenge oppressive social, political, and economic structures, particularly under the current anti-latino immigration political climate aimed to limit educational access and curtail the philosophy of the teaching profession. 170

4 Alvarez Gutiérrez Adverse Consequences of Anti-Latino Laws The aim of this article is to provide indispensable background information about the significance of how anti-latino immigration policies impact unauthorized and mixed status students and families, particularly from Mexico and Central America. Throughout this article, I maintain that the prospect of successful education and the future of the profession lies on effective teachers knowing their craft, but also engaging students and families outside of the school, and critically understanding and advocating for solutions to concerns stemming from xenophobic, anti-latino immigration policies and rhetoric. I argue that preservice teacher education students and educators be purposefully trained and provided professional development to be zealously knowledgeable and recognize how anti-latino immigration discourses (or other political discriminatory practices) spill into the education profession and the importance of being interconnected with local communities and equitable school policies (Sleeter, 1996). I advocate that professional educators associate themselves with local and national social justice movements (Sleeter, 1996) to divert anti-latino social and educational policies that limit educational access and ultimately belittle the philosophy and practices of the profession. In the first section, I condense anti-latino immigration discourses and the Supreme Court s decision (June, 2012) on the constitutionality of Arizona s SB 1070, which ensued copycat laws in other states. In the second section, I provide the processes of how anti-latino immigration policies separate families due to deportation, and as a result, many children are put into foster care and often adopted with rare chance for family reunification. In the third section, I underscore the intersections that anti-latino immigration laws have with educational policies and practices, and how these racist laws jeopardize the profession s reputation, purpose, and philosophy. I conclude with a call to action and a list of helpful resources. I want to emphasize that this article is not intended to debate positions on immigration reform, but rather to highlight the intersections of how anti- Latino immigration discourses and policies contribute to family separation and academic and civic engagement, and instill distress in Latino children, youth, and families, regardless of their immigration status. Equivalently, I emphasize that anti-latino immigration policies are directly associated to the profession of educators, and often obstruct educators endeavors to provide safe school contexts, equitable educational access, and attempts to develop trusting relationships with Latino students, families, and communities, regardless of immigration status. Anti-Latino Immigration Mise en Scene 3 The introduction to over 1,600 antiimmigrant bills proposed nationally in 2011 is not startling, given that antiimmigration rhetoric and policies reflect the social, economical, and political climate of the time. Historically, in times of economic hardship, immigrants in the United States have been blamed for high crime rates, stealing jobs, and taking public and education services away from real Americans, as well as considered contentious for their resistance to assimilate to mainstream s cultural and linguistic norms (Lopez, Gonzalez Barrera, & Motel, 2011; Suárez-Orozco et al., 2010). Generally, antiimmigrant policies in the United States reflect selective immigration and have racially profiled individuals who do not reflect the mainstream ideals about who is legitimately part of the country s fabric. There are numerous antiimmigrant laws (e.g., Chinese Exclusion Act; Exclusion of Japanese; Operation Wetback) in the United States that have ostracized and stigmatized individuals based on their immigration status, national origin, accents, job, economic and educational opportunities, and social networks (Ayers, Hofstetter, Schnakenberg, & Kolody, 2009; Suárez-Orozco et al., 2010; Takaki, 2008). Unfortunately, antiimmigration practices and laws in the United States continue to racially profile and scapegoat particular immigrant groups, as seen with Arizona s SB 1070: Support Our Law Enforcement and Safe Neighborhoods Act (2010) targeting Latino immigrants. 171

5 Educational Policy and Youth in the 21st Century States across the United States paid close attention to the judgment made by the Justices on Arizona s SB 1070 because many states across the country replicated it, and often the copycat policies and laws introduced included harsher provisions (e.g., Alabama s SB 56). In June 2012, the US Supreme Court reviewed Arizona s SB 1070 provisions and issued a primary injunction preventing three of its four provisions from taking effect. The three provisions ruled unconstitutional in Arizona s SB 1070 by the Supreme Court Justices in 2012 include: (a) making it a crime (misdemeanor) for not carrying documents that verify legal status in the country, (b) making it a criminal offense for undocumented individuals to seek work or hold a job in the state, and (c) authorizing officers to arrest suspected undocumented immigrants without warrants when officers have probable cause that the person committed a deportable infraction (US Supreme Court, 2012). The only provision in SB 1070 that was sanctioned by the Supreme Court Justices (5 to 3), and the most controversial segment show me your papers authorizes local police officials to check the immigration status of people they stop, detain, or arrest if there is reasonable suspicion that the person is in the country unauthorized (Sherman, 2012). This is a disconcerting portion of Arizona s SB 1070 because it lawfully grants police officers to racially profile and target individuals who fit their subjective perception of who appears to be undocumented, proxy for Mexican. For example, Sheriff Arpaio of Maricopa County stated in an Arizona court hearing: Stopping Mexicans to make sure they are legal is not racist. If you have dark skin, you have dark skin. Unfortunately, that is the look of the Mexican illegal (US District Court Case 2:07-cv GMS Document 494, 2011, p. 28). This rhetoric is precarious because it reinforces stereotypes that spill into all social aspects, particularly into educational contexts, making it challenging for Latinos, regardless of immigration status, to thrive in the United States (Chaudry et al., 2010). The anti-latino immigration political climate has instilled anguish, fear, and anxiety, and has often resulted in the separation of families through detention and deportation. The next section details the process of detention and deportation that educators should be aware of, and sensitive to such experiences, particularly because students across the country have, or are experiencing, family separation due to deportation. Detention and Deportation Hazards It is projected that Latinos make up eight in ten (81%) of the nation s estimated 11.2 million unauthorized immigrants (Passel & Cohn, 2011) and in 2010, not surprisingly, Latinos (e.g., Mexico, Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador) accounted for 97% of deportees (Lopez et al., 2011). It is estimated that, annually, President Obama has, on average, deported upwards of 400,000 unauthorized immigrants since 2009 a rate that is 30% higher than the annual average during the second term of President Bush, and approximately twice the annual average during President G. W. Bush s first term (Lopez et al., 2011, p. 1). It is also projected that by 2014, President Obama will have deported over 2 million people more in 6 years than all deportees before 1997 (Golash-Boza, 2013). In 2011, 397,000 individuals were deported and the number increased in 2012 with the deportation of 409,849 individuals; approximately 204,810 involved parents with US-citizen children (Wessler, 2011). Approximately 100,000 US-citizen children have experienced their parents/guardians deportation in the last decade (US Department of Homeland Security, 2009). These statistics expose the astronomical number of Latino family members who risk deportation, and accentuate the number of Latino children across the nation s classrooms who are living in fear of detention and deportation (Han, 2006; Passel & Taylor, 2010; Wessler, 2011). The process of detention and deportation is distressing and safeguarded, and thus families are not often privy to the location of the detention center or deportation date (Wessler, 2011). Unauthorized individuals are typically detained 370 miles away from their homes, and no outside communication is permitted (Wessler, 2011). 172

6 Alvarez Gutiérrez Adverse Consequences of Anti-Latino Laws There are more than 250 private detention centers across the country and they profit more than $1.7 billion (Detention Watch Network, 2010) a year. Despite these astronomical profits, the conditions at many of these private detention centers are not ideal and often thought to be in violation of human rights. For example, detainees often wait weeks or months before receiving medical attention, are often not allowed to go outdoors, have minimal edible food, and are often placed in solitary confinement for weeks, or even months, for minor infractions (Detention Watch Network, 2012). To complicate matters, these centers make family reunification close to impossible because once individuals are detained, they often do not have access to outside contact. Family reunification requires that parents/guardians: (a) attend court hearings; (b) complete parenting classes; (c) provide a safe home; and (d) visit with children (Wessler, 2011). Detained parents/guardians are often perceived as giving up their parental rights but, contradictory to these perceptions, parental rights are stripped away due to the lack of information and social services available to detainees, as well as the lack of communication among government agencies (i.e., Immigration and Customs Enforcement [ICE], Child and Protective Services [CPS], and court judges; Pena et al., 2008; Southern Poverty Law Center, 2011). In 2011, there were approximately 5,100 children in 22 states who were put into the foster care system due to parents /guardians deportation (Wessler, 2011). It is estimated that in the next 5 years the number of children put into foster care will reach 15,000 and many of these children will be adopted without parental/guardian consent (Wessler, 2011). The children and youth who are separated from their families due to detention and deportation are often left with feelings of rejection, emotional trauma, psychosocial distress, posttraumatic stress, and depression (Gallo, Jimenez, Shivpuri, Espinoza de los Monteros, & Mills, 2011; Pena et al., 2008; Suárez- Orozco, Bang, & Kim, 2011). Family separation and adoption without parental/guardian consent should be avoided, and ICE and CPS, along with family court judges, should make it policy to communicate and provide the necessary legal mechanisms to keep families together. Anti- Latino immigration laws should eliminate coercive detention, but rather review individual cases to detain and develop alternatives to ensure that all prosecutions and deportation decisions are done respectfully and in line with human rights. The implications of growing up in an unauthorized family span a variety of developmental contexts shaping multiple outcomes, including psychological well-being, mental health, physical health, education, and employment (Yoshikawa, 2011). The US public educational system and all its constituents should protest the various laws that have banned unauthorized children, youth, and their families presence in the state, community, country, and worst of all, have excluded students from pursuing a quality and safe public education. All educators should be advocates for family reunification. Family reunification should always take precedence over detention and deportation, and parental/guardian rights should not be stripped away from detainees, especially when it may halt children and youth from thriving! Anti-Latino Immigration Policies Jeopardize the Profession Public educational institutions (K 12) are required to educate all children, including undocumented children, as ruled by the Supreme Court in the case 31 years ago, Plyer v. Doe (1982). The ruling in this case stated that all children in the United States are entitled to a basic public elementary and secondary education, irrespective of their race, color, national origin, citizenship, immigration status, or the status of their parents/guardians. Unfortunately, more often than not, politicians and lawmakers political agendas have plagued the profession and educational policies by passing laws that ban students from enrolling if they cannot provide proof of valid permission from children and families to be in the United State. For example, Alabama s HB 56 the Hammon-Beason Alabama Taxpayer and Citizen Protection Act is described as more discriminatory than Arizona s 173

7 Educational Policy and Youth in the 21st Century SB 1070, and some have even termed it The New Jim Crow (Costello, 2011). Specifically, Alabama s HB 56 requires school officials to: (a) request valid immigration documents from children prior to officially enrolling students in school, (b) determine which US-citizen students have parents/guardians who are undocumented, (c) report these numbers to the state education board, and (d) outlaw unauthorized students attendance to all higher educational public institutions (i.e., state universities). Alabama s HB 56 racially profiles Latino immigrants and much distress is felt among students and families, and equally felt among educators who philosophically do not agree with these types of educational discriminatory practices and do not want to take the role as ICE agents because these practices are discriminatory and jeopardize the ethics of the profession. However, there are some documents that the public schools (K 12) can legally request: (a) proof of residency within the school district (i.e., phone bill, water bill, lease agreement); (b) birth certificate to verify age requirements; (c) Social Security number, but only if student and parent/guardian are notified that it is voluntary and told how it will be used; and (d) race and ethnicity data if the school district has federal and state requirements; refraining from sharing a Social Security number or race and ethnicity is not sufficient reason to deny students enrollment (US Department of Education, 2011). Educators should question school practices if proof of legal status is preventing students from enrolling. Alabama s HB 56, along with other anti- Latino immigration bills, is in violation of federal law and tarnishes the integrity of the profession by requiring educators to report and racially discriminate against Latino students, and equally disrupts the trust and support that educators attempt to build with students, their families, and communities. Decisions about education are often thought to be politically neutral; however, educational decisions are always politically charged. Decisions in education reflect the sociopolitical context (e.g., laws, economic and educational structures, policies, ideologies); thus I advocate that the field of education and professional development incorporate in-depth reflections, training, and critical understandings of how sociopolitical discourses impact the profession and teach strategies on how to diligently ensure that the profession is not being diluted with political and discriminatory practices. It is necessary that educators, not only teachers but also administrators and school board members, express their outrage and ask why the 31-yearold Supreme Court s ruling in the case of Plyer v. Doe is not being respected and enforced. Why are educators being asked to serve as ICE agents? How are these practices contrary to the philosophy and ethics of the profession? Why are educators voices not heard in protests against these anti-latino discriminatory educational practices? Anti-Latino immigration policies that discriminate against any student go against the philosophy of the profession, so what roles and responsibilities do educators have to ensure that these discriminatory practices do not continue? Sam Brooke, staff attorney for the Southern Poverty Law Center, stated the following about Alabama s HB 56: By law, schools must ensure the rights of all children to attend school free from discrimination, including discrimination on the basis of immigration status. Section 28 interferes with that basic right. The legislature and the governor have claimed that Section 28 will not have any impact on enrollment, yet the Department of Justice reported that Alabama s own data showed a significant and measureable decline in Latino students school attendance. (Southern Poverty Law Center, 2011) Plyer v. Doe (1982) does not apply to institutions of higher education, therefore it is often challenging for unauthorized high school graduates to pursue higher education, but these youth, along with their families and allies, have created social movements to ensure their pursuit of higher education via the Development, Relief, and Education for Alien Minors (DREAM) Act. It is critical that the DREAMers be acknowledged for their bravery in dismantling discriminatory educational policies through protests, hunger strikes, letters, and court testimonies, to 174

8 Alvarez Gutiérrez Adverse Consequences of Anti-Latino Laws name a few techniques. The DREAMers and allies persistency resulted in President Obama s (2012) decision to issue an executive order of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) bypassing Congress. The DACA will permit approximately 1.4 million young people to qualify and stay in the United States legally without fear of deportation. The DACA is controversial because it allows undocumented children who were brought to and have grown up in the United States to apply for temporary legal status, receive permission to work in the country, and eventually obtain permanent legal status and be eligible for citizenship if they attend college or serve in the US military (Immigration Equality, 2012). Eligibility for the DACA (2012) includes: (a) being under 30 years of age; (b) having lived in the United States for at least 15 years; (c) being brought to the United States before 16 years of age; (d) residing for at least 5 years consecutive years prior to applying on August 15, 2012; and (e) having a clear criminal record (Fisseha, 2011). Ultimately, everyone benefits from the DACA, as this act will allow a population of young people to be educated and compete globally for the prosperity of the country. Evident throughout this article are the inevitable destructive outcomes that anti-latino immigration policies have on children, youth, their families, and communities, as well as on the profession. Educators should be trained to stand alongside youth and families, advocating for educational equity and access and basic human rights; after all, these are at the epicenter of the profession. The section that follows includes various calls to action that may support the empowerment of students, families, and communities while also maintaining the highest ethical practices and professional development in the profession. Call to Action Although there are vehement arguments regarding unauthorized individuals living and being educated in the US and on all sides of the immigration debate, it is clear that anti- Latino immigrant rhetoric and policies adversely impact children, youth, and their families and often separate undocumented and mixed status families (Passel & Cohn, 2011). It is also apparent that anti-latino discriminatory laws harm children s and youths capacities for successful academic, health, and social outcomes (Brabeck & Xu, 2010; Suárez-Orozco, Yoskikawa, et al., 2011; Weiss, Kreider, Lopez, & Chatman- Nelson, 2010). I maintain that it is against the professional philosophy of educators to serve as ICE agents and participate in discriminatory practices against any students and families (regardless of immigration status). Where are professional educators outrages against national anti-latino educational policies? Why are educators voices being silenced? As stated by the National Education Association s (NEA) code of ethics preamble: The educator, believing in the worth and dignity of each human being, recognizes the supreme importance of the pursuit of truth, devotion to excellence, and the nurture of the democratic principles. Essential to these goals is the protection of freedom to learn and to teach and the guarantee of equal educational opportunity for all. (NEA, 2013) Keeping in line with the code of ethics in the profession, I urge teacher education programs, professional development, school leaders, and educators to incorporate the following calls to action in the philosophy and practice of the profession: Critical self-reflection: Deportation is a daily trepidation for unauthorized and mixed-status children and youth, and their distress is most notable in schools because they spend a third of their day in educational public K 12 institutions (Yoshikawa, 2011), often with teachers. Teaching philosophies express personal values and beliefs, and aspirations about teaching, thus it is important to institutionalize critical self-reflection into everyday professional praxis. Critical self-reflection consists of asking: (a) What is the purpose of education? (b) How do educators background (i.e., race, 175

9 Educational Policy and Youth in the 21st Century gender, SES) influence philosophical perspectives on the type of educator she/he wants to be? (c) Do educators believe that all students, regardless of immigration status, are entitled to a public education? If not, educators should revisit their professional philosophy while simultaneously receiving strategies for social justice practices. This call includes providing continuous opportunities for educators to critically assess how their personal ideologies impact their professional philosophy through reflections, open dialogues about educational equity, and development of new methods on how to strengthen the professions praxis and ultimately determine the type of professional educator she/he aspires to be. Family engagement: Deep personal beliefs and teaching philosophies express the values and beliefs that motivate teachers to engage beyond the classroom. Research suggests that when educators engage students and families, particularly those who have been economically and socially disenfranchised, there are positive outcomes in science and math, and less behavioral issues and less absences (Weiss, Kreider, Lopez, & Chatman-Nelson, 2010). Family engagement is the beliefs, attitudes, and activities for families to support children s learning, whether at home, at school or in the community. This definition reflects the fact that families play significant roles in ensuring their children s learning, in guiding their children successfully through a complex school system, and in advocating for their children and for effective public schools. (Weiss, Kreider, Lopez, & Chatman-Nelson, 2010, p. xix) Family engagement is a reciprocal, mutually beneficial, respectful, and equitable principle for supporting students and families and consists of acknowledging and using funds of knowledge structural and cultural resources that not only provide the basis for understanding the cultural systems from which Latino immigrant, mixed status children emerge, but that they are also important and useful assets in the classroom (Velez-Ibañez & Greenberg, 2005, p. 47). Family engagement can include, but is not limited to, the following: (a) allowing educators to get to know families and communities outside of the school through home visits. Home visits also should be collectively planned and educators should have a clear agenda for the visit; (b) seeking and providing culturally sensitive school staff and community interpreters; (c) knowing what community-based organizations exist and the types of support available to refer families and students; (d) extending personal invitations to attend school events face-to-face, or via phone, paper, or ; (e) creating a safe classroom and open environment with plenty of opportunities for students and families to share various aspects of their lives, family s strengths, and stories; (f) creating a culturally and linguistically sensitive school climate where everyone is welcome regardless of immigration status; and (g) collectively developing monthly dialogues and activities to build on students and families funds of knowledge, learn about community concerns, and create mutual and reciprocal educational and community goals. Civic engagement: Civic learning and democratic engagement refers to educational experiences that intentionally prepare students for informed, engaged participation in civic and democratic life by providing opportunities to develop civic knowledge, skills, and dispositions through learning and practice (US Department of Education, 2012, p. 1). Education must prepare all students and educators alike for informed participation in civic and democratic life. Unfortunately, civic learning and democratic engagement are often treated as supplementary, rather than essential parts of the core philosophy of the profession or academic missions. It is necessary that education discontinue the banking system the act of depositing, rather focus on how knowledge emerges through invention and re-invention (Freire, 1994, p. 53). The solution is not to integrate students into the structure of oppression, but to transform the structure so that 176

10 Alvarez Gutiérrez Adverse Consequences of Anti-Latino Laws students can become beings for themselves (Freire, 1994, p. 55). Education includes critical inquiries that promote and guide both educators and students on social change and seek deeper associations with everyday life and curriculum. For example, educators and students can purposefully take part in the anti- Latino political discourse and collaborate with communities and other national organizations to survey, suggest solutions, and ultimately take leadership in the larger community issues. Civic learning is not only compatible with career preparation and improved graduation rates, but also is a core skill in preparing students to succeed as employees and citizens (U.S. Department of Education, 2012, p. 5). Like McDonald and Zeichner (2009), I call on teacher educators, administrators, and professional educators to join with other levels of the educational system as well as organizations in the public and private sector to improve the educational opportunities of students of color, low-income students, and English Language Learners (ELLs), and their families (p. 600). Participatory action research (PAR): PAR empowers educators to take ownership of their profession through reflection, collaboration, activism, change, and responsibility. PAR involves de-centering Whiteness and foregrounding the concerns of those who have been excluded or whose contributions have been excluded or whose contributions to knowledge production have been marginalized distorted or otherwise silenced (Cahill, 2010, p. 154). PAR is one method that educators can use to guide their professional development, examine their praxis, and carefully use research techniques to improve their own learning, as well as their students. Students also benefit from PAR because it has the ability to enhance and develop students critical thinking skills and civic engagement that heightens interest for collectively solving issues that students and families confront; PAR also helps to analyze data from and with students, share and analyze research, and discuss the relationships among practice, theory, student success, and research. Children s right to a K 12 public education should not be violated regardless of immigration status or anti-latino immigration discourses and policies. As described throughout this article, anti-latino immigrant policies, xenophobia, and the criminalization of immigrant children, youth, and families who appear to be unauthorized cause much despair. Antiimmigration policies are directly interconnected to the profession of educators and jeopardize the quality of relationships developed among educational officials, teachers, and undocumented and mixed-status Latino immigrant communities. Educators should be supported to be allies and take action in speaking out against the discriminatory anti-latino immigrant educational policies, and develop their own identities in the profession. Education as the practice of freedom as opposed to education as the practice of domination : : : education is thus constantly remade in the praxis (Freire, 1994, p. 65). Notes 1. Direct translation: High cost of political antiimmigrant policies on families and education. 2. The dehumanizing terms alien, illegal, and criminal are often used interchangeably to perpetuate xenophobic ideologies. In this article, I use unauthorized and undocumented interchangeably to challenge the dehumanization and criminalization of individuals based on their immigration status. 3. Mise en scene derives from the French term mise en scène that translates to putting on stage and refers to all that emerges before the camera and its arrangement sets, props, actors, costumes, and the positioning and movement of actors on the stage. I use mise en scene in this header to communicate the status quo meaning, rhetoric, actions and context of the anti-latino immigrant scene within the United States and the positions that politicians and policies have had on unauthorized children, youth and families. References Ayers, J. W., Hofstetter, C. R., Schnakenberg, K., & Kolody, B. (2009). Is immigration a racial issue? 177

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