SOCIO-DEMOGRAPHIC PROFILE OF THE RESPONDENTS

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1 SOCIO-DEMOGRAPHIC PROFILE OF THE RESPONDENTS The analysis of the socio-demographic profile of the respondents has its crucial importance in the social science investigation. It enables us to understand the diverse factors such as age, family structure, caste, their education attainment, economic status of the family etc that affects the value system of the respondents. In fact the way we feel, think and act directly or indirectly influenced and directed by our background. There are broadly two types of variables, which help an individual to occupy a particular position or status in society. One set of variable is called ascriptive where membership is not voluntary. It is an ascribed status by birth. It includes caste, kinship network of relationships, familial occupation etc. Another set is labelled as achieved which an individual attains or acquires by his/her own efforts throughout his/ her life like education, occupation, skill, etc. In addition of these two sets of variables, an individual s life experiences also influence his /her attitude and behaviour patterns. In this chapter an attempt has been made to identify the demographic characteristics of the respondents as well as their socio-economic background. This will help us to understand the social structure and social relations of the respondents under the study. The present chapter is divided into four parts. The first part takes stock of demographic variables such age and sex and the second part deals with the social profile of the respondents which includes caste and religion etc. The third part deals with the household profile of the respondents in which family background of the respondents will be discussed in the form of size and type of the family, whereas last section covers the earning and non-earning members in the families of the respondents. Demographic Profile 2.1 Age: Age is one of the important characteristics of a human being. It does not only determine the individual s physical and mental maturity, but also depicts his/her life mobility experiences. A man s life is normally divided into five main stages, namely infancy, childhood, adolescence, adulthood and old age. In each of these stages an 45

2 individual has to find himself in different situations and face different problems. He/ she also engage with different kind of responsibilities and works. The present study is related with the emigration so we are only concerned with respondents of last two stages. It is because people from the first three categories are not eligible for emigration to the Middle East countries as labourers. Table 2.1 Age of the Respondents Age of the S.B.S Jalandhar Kapurthala Hoshiarpur Total respondents In Years Nagar (18.66) 12 (16) 24 (32) 37 (49.33) 87 (29) (29.33) 27 (36) 34 (45.33) 24 (32) 107 (35.66) (21.33) 22 (29.33) 13 (17.33) 08 (10.66) 59 (19.66) (12) 11 (14.66) 03 (4) 03 (4) 26 (8.66) (13.33) 02 (2.66) 01 (1.33) 03 (4) 16 (5.33) Above (5.33) 01 (1.33) 00 (00) 00 (00) 05 (1.66) Figures in parentheses are column wise percentage The Table 2.1 reveals that a majority of the respondents per cent of the total are in the age group of years. In this way the sample is predominantly represented by the young people and per cent of the respondents are from the age group of middle age that is years. If we look closely, most of the respondents (84.32 per cent) are from the age group of 18 to 48 years which is the most productive age and suitable for labour works at abroad. Looking at the high proportion of young persons in our study we can say that emigration to the Middle East from Punjab is the emigration of young persons. Similarly, Jain (2003) also found that the majority of emigrants to the Gulf countries are young. In his study of Kerala it was found that 79 per cent of the emigrant workers were 35 years of age or younger. Another study found that as many as 84 per cent of emigrants were under 35 years of age and that about 50 per cent of the workers were unmarried (ibid). 46

3 2.2 Sex: After age, another important demographic variable is sex. Unlike emigration to other parts of the world emigration to the Middle East countries from Punjab is predominately is male emigration. 100 per cent of the emigrant respondents who had been interviewed for this study were male. In contrast to Kerala and Philippines from where huge numbers of females also emigrate to the Middle East as housemaids, and nurses etc. The emigration from Punjab to the Middle East is male emigration. It is because of two factors. First, it is because of the power structure in the patriarchal Punjabi society where male are always considered to be the head of the household and primary decision makers regarding emigration and generally avail the opportunity to emigrate. Also the primary responsibility for earning lies with the male in case of Punjabi family. Secondly, low skilled and blue collar workers in the Middle East are not allowed to bring their wives and children with them (Jain, 2003). It is because of low salaries, it is assumed by the host countries that they would not be able to afford the basic expenditure of families in the Middle East. 2.3 Marital Status Marriage is one of the deepest and most complex webs of human relations. It is the most essential part of civilized society and social system as well. It regulates the sexual behaviour of human beings. The family has its root in marriage and both are complementary to each other. Marriage has been more recently defined as legally binding contracts between man and woman that conveys certain rights and privileges including sexual exclusivity, legitimating of any children born of the union, and economic responsibilities. (cf Ratra, 2006) Table 2.2 Marital Status of Respondents Marital S.B.S Jalandhar Kapurthala Hoshiarpur Total Status Nagar Married 55 (73.33) 48 (64) 54 (72) 48 (64) 205 (68.34) Unmarried 13 (17.33) 22 (29.33) 19 (25.33) 24 (32) 78 (26) Widower 07 (9.33) 05 (6.66) 02 (2.66) 03 (4) 17 (5.66) Figures in parentheses are column wise percentages 47

4 The analysis of the marital status of the respondents is essential for any sociological study because it reflects the level of responsibilities towards the family of the respondents. The level of responsibility of the family left behind may be high among the married respondents instead of unmarried or single person. Findings from the Table 2.2 reflect that per cent of the respondents are married, and 26 per cent are unmarried. There are some respondents who are widower but their percentage is very low, only 5.66 per cent respondents come in this category. Social Profile 2.4 Caste of the Respondents Caste and religion can be seen as the main two pillars of Indian society. Caste in Indian context is a status group which defines the social and ritual position of an individual in society. It is defined as a relatively small and named group of person characterized by hereditary membership, endogamy and a specific style of life which also include the pursuit by tradition of a particular occupation and it is usually associated with a hierarchical order (Betteille, 1971). Many sociologists and anthropologists strongly believe that caste is an exclusive feature of Indian social structure. According to Srinivas (1962) the caste system is traditionally rooted in the Hindu religion. It provides ascribed status to individuals derived historically from a religious value system of Hindus based on the notion of purity and pollution. A caste entails a hierarchy; endogamy, hereditary occupation and restrictions on inter caste interactions (Ghurye, 1969). Risley defined the caste as a collection of families or group of families bearing a common name which usually denotes or is associated with specific occupation, claiming common descent from a mythical ancestor, human or divine professing to follow the name professional calling and are regarded by those who are competent to give as forming a single homogeneous community (Ketkar, 1979). In the present study, the analysis of respondent s caste is essential because in setup of the Indian society caste is closely associated with the occupation. Even some scholars (Ghurye, 1961, Nesfield, 1885, Ibbetson, 1974) felt that there is close correspondence between caste and occupations. They consider caste as a changed form of an occupational group. Occupation of a person also determines his/her economic position that further determines the lifestyle and way of life of the person. In the wording of Judge and Bal (2008) in India, caste and occupation had close proximity to the extent that even the caste names could reveal the nature of 48

5 hereditary occupation. For example, Chamar, Mochi, Bhangi, Lohar, Nai are some of the caste names that are the names of the occupations as well. In the present study all the respondents belong to the Scheduled Castes (Dalits). They were also known as untouchables whose even touch and reflection could pollute the upper caste person. Of all the states of the Indian, Punjab has the highest proportion of scheduled caste population. The proportion of scheduled castes in Punjab has also been growing at the rate that is much higher than the rest of the population of the country (Kumar and Jodhka, 2007). The proportion of scheduled caste in 1981 was 26.9 per cent which has risen 28.3 per cent in 1991 and further to per cent in 2001 (ibid). The Scheduled castes of Punjab like other parts of the country are divided into different communities with distinct social identities and experiences of economic development (ibid). According to the official list, there are 39 castes among the scheduled castes of Punjab (Table 2.3), out of which two namely, Chamars/ Ad-dharmis and Valmiki/ Mazabi, are the most numerous. Kumar and Jodhka (2007) divided caste of Punjab into three clusters, the first cluster constitutes Mazbhi Sikhs / Valmikis and Bhangies constitute a total 41.9 per cent of the total scheduled caste population. Similarly, the second cluster Ad Dharmis (15.74 per cent) and Chamars/ Ravidassia/ Ramdasia Sikh (28.85 per cent) together constitute per cent. The remaining 33 castes groups constitute only per cent of the total scheduled caste population of Punjab. According to Judge and Bal (2009) 92 per cent of the total scheduled castes are comprised of only ten castes, viz Mazbis Sikhs, Ramdassia, Ad Dharmis, Valmiki, Bazigars, Dumana, Megh, Sansis, Julaha and Dhanak. Therefore, it may be discerned that these are the major dalit caste groups in Punjab and other are marginally represented. Among these caste groups Ad-dharmis are numerically, politically and economically powerful and dominating in the Doaba region of Punjab. They are much more mobile and active than the rest dalit caste groups and came into existence after the advent of Ad-dharm movement which began in 1920 before they were Chamars. When talking about the Ad-dharm movement, Jodhka (2009) also noted that during its early days the Ad-dharm movement had aspired to bring all the ex-untouchable communities together into the new faith. But their appeal had remained confined mostly to the Chamars of Doaba region. However, a section among this caste had converted to Sikhism who had been given the name 49

6 Ramdasia (Judge and Bal, 2009). Some of them who became the followers of Dera Sach Khand Ballan District Jalandhar have changed their name as Ravisdasia. According to Judge (2005: 154) They recognise, venerate and worship Ravidas- a medieval saint as their Guru and his writings in the form of hymns occupy a holy status. Table 2.3 List of Scheduled Castes in Punjab Sr. No Name of Caste Sr. no Name of Caste 1. Ad Dharmi 21 Kori, Koli 2. Balmiki, Chura, Bhangi 22 Marija, Marecha 3. Bangali 23 Mazhabi, Mazhabi Sikh 4. Barar, Burar, Berar 24 Megh 5. Batwal, Barwala 25 Nat 6. Bauria, Bawaria 26 Od 7. Bazigar 27 Pasi 8. Bhanjra 28 Perna 9. Chamar, Jatia Chamar, Rehgar, Raigar, 29 Pherera Ramdasi, Ravidasi, Ramdasia, Ramdasia Sikh, 10. Chanal 30 Sanhai 11. Dagi 31 Sanhal 12. Darain 32 Sansi, Bhedkut, Manesh 13. Deha, Dhaya, Dhea 33 Sansoi 14. Dhanak 34 Sapela 15. Dhogri, Dhangri, Siggi 35 Sarera 16. Dumna, Mahasha, Doom 36 Sikligar 17. Gagra 37 Sirkiband. 18. Gandhila, Gandil, Gondola 38 Mochi 19. Kabirpanthi, Julah 39 Mahatam, Rai Sikh 20 Khatik Source: MSJE (2013) 50

7 Therefore Ad-dharmis, Ramdasia, Ravidasia all names are of one caste that is Chamar; all these categories are religious groups and should not be considered as castes because mostly accepted the features of caste as given by Ghurye (1969) such as endogamy, hierarchy, restrictions on feeding and social intercourse cannot be implemented on these terms. Even in the official list these castes are differently listed. Judge and Bal (2009) also noted that the change in nomenclature of different caste has emerged due to their different religious affiliations. Second, in India many caste groups are known by various names due to their different religious affiliations. According to Judge (2010) Bhangi were known as Valmiki in Hindus, Mazbies as Sikh and Mussali as Muslim. Even conversions to Christianity have just given them a new name i.e. Masih. Similarly Punjabi Chamars are also known as Ramdasias as Sikh, even recently they started claiming their separate religious identity as Ravidasias. Such change of names had no implication for improvement of their status in the caste hierarchy. It has been observed that among converted, the Churhas form sizable proportion that Christian and Churhas have become synonymous in Punjab (ibid). Table 2.4 Caste of the Respondents Caste of the Respondents S.B.S Nagar Jalandhar Kapurthala Hoshiarpur Total Julaha 02 (2.66) 10 (13.33) 10 (13.33) 09 (12) 31 (10.33) Ad- Dharmis/ Chamars, 58 (77.33) 36 (48) 39 (52) 48 (64) 181 (60.33) Ravidassia, Ramdasia Bazigar 03 (4) 08 (10.66) 13 (17.33) 02 (2.66) 26 (8.66) Valmiki / Mazbi 11 (14.66) 12 (16) 10 (13.33) 16 (21.33) 49 (16.33) Sansi 01 (1.33) 09 (12) 03 (4) 00 (00) 13 (4.33) Figures in parentheses indicate column wise percentages The Table 2.4 clearly depicts that a large number (60.33 per cent) of the respondents are Ad-Dharmis who are also known as Chamars, Ravidasia and Ramdassias etc and 51

8 the second largest group is Mazbi Sikhs/Valmikis or Chuhras, who constitute per cent of the total sample. Both Chamars and Chuhras changed their names following the various religious movements. Another group is that of Bazigars (8.66 per cent). They were traditionally known as nomadic community. According to Ibbetson (1974) Bazigar is a Persian word, which means he who does Bazi (Acrobats) or any shot of the game or play (c.f Judge and Bal, 2009). They are distributed in all parts of the Punjab. In the Doaba region they are concentrated mainly in the villages. The last caste group is that of Sansis who constitute 4.33 per cent of the total sample. Sansi is a nomadic tribe originally located in the Rajasthan area of northwestern India, but expelled in the 13th century by Muslim invaders and now living in the states of Rajasthan, Haryana, Punjab as well as scattered throughout India. During British rule they were placed under Criminal Tribes Act 1871, hence stigmatized for a long time after independence however they were denitrified in 1952, though the century old stigma continues (ibid). In some villages of Jalandhar district like Ganna Pind, Allowal, Bholewal they are in the majority as compared to the other parts of the state and since they are engaged with the criminal acts like illicit liquor, theft etc. 2.5 Religion Durkheim (1976) defined the concept of religion. According to him a religion is a unified system of beliefs and relative to the sacred things, that is to say things set apart and forbidden-beliefs and practices which unite into one single moral community called the Church, all those who adhere to them. Religion is a set of beliefs, symbols and practices which is based on the idea of the sacred and which unites believers into a social ways the religious community. On the other hand Weber (1976) believes that there was a strong relationship between the Protestant Ethics and the Spirit of Capitalism. Anthropology defines religion as the system of interaction consisting of those beliefs and activities that order human life by relating human to spiritual being and or power. According to Malinowski (1954) religion is mode of action as well as a system of belief, and a sociological phenomenon as well as a personal experience. But from the Marxian point of view religion is the part of the superstructure of society and it is shaped ultimately by the economy of the society. He also compared religion with opium which has been used to subjugate the masses. In contrast to Karl Marx, Max Weber (1976) rejects the view that 52

9 religion is always shaped by the economic factors. He does not deny that at certain times and certain places, religious behaviour may be largely shaped by the economic forces. But this is not the case under certain condition the reverse can occur, that is religious beliefs can be a major influence on the economic behaviour of the person. In nutshell it can be said that religion plays a very important role in all stages of one s life. In the history of India, we find that there are so many religious and secular movements carried on with the motive of uniting the masses and increase the numerical strength of their followers and propagated the modern ideas of social equality and equal access to economic opportunities to all the sections of the society. The present study deals with the emigration of lower caste people who were placed at the bottom of the caste hierarchy by the traditional Hindu society. They have been facing so many civil and religious disabilities. For centuries, the Scheduled Castes have remained downtrodden and have been treated as untouchables. They were also known as Sudras, Ati- Shudra or Chandals etc (Shah, 2001). There were many reform movements occurred to improve the socioeconomic status of the dalits. In the history of India there were four main movements that tried to change the values of the dalits or downtrodden mainly through conversion from Hinduism to their own fold. These were Christianity, Arya Samaj through its Shudhi Movement (purification), Sikhism and Sufyism. Initially main focus of all these movements were to abolish the caste system and merge the lower castes in the main stream of the society but later failed to do this, According to Judge (2010) the Sikh movement has failed to help Churhas (Valmikis) the lowest among the caste to enhance their status. Singh (1985) treats the Sikh movements as a plebeian revolution found that in the initial stages the Churhas were christened as Rangrets. Nowadays Sikh Churhas are known as Mazbis. They are still excluded from social interaction which characterizes a religious community (Judge, 2010). Sharma (1985) has examined the effect of reconversion on the status improvement of lower caste families. He found that the Shudhi movement failed to enhance the status of scheduled caste families. Further according to Oberoi (1994) the conversion to Christianity of some persons evoked a tremendous response among the three religious communities of Punjab. According to the Census of India, 2001, the percentage distribution of religious communities in Punjab is as follows: Hindu (36.9 per cent), Sikhs (

10 per cent), Christians (1.2 per cent) Muslims (1.6 per cent), Buddhist (0.2 per cent) and Jain (0.2 per cent). Religion of the Respondents S.B.S Nagar Table 2.5 Religion of the Respondents Jalandhar Kapurthala Hoshiarpur Total Hindu 48 (64) 41 (54.66) 52 (69.33) 40 (53.33) 181 (60.33) Sikh 22 (29.33) 25 (33.33) 15 (20) 17 (22.66) 79 (26.33) Christian 02 (2.66) 04 (5.33) 05 (6.66) 18 (24) 29 (9.66) Buddhist 03 (4) 05 (6.66) 03 (4) 00 (00) 11 (3.66) Figures in parentheses indicate column wise percentage Table 2.5 shows that dalit emigrants do not belong to a particular religion. A majority of the respondents per cent belong to the Hindu religion, and per cent are the followers of Sikh religion. Due to the impact of Christian missionaries, some have converted to the Christianity, before they were Hindus or Sikhs. Among the respondents mainly Valmiki/ Mazbi Sikhs have converted to the Christianity. In the Khanora village of Hoshiarpur district, A majority of Valmiki families have converted to the Christianity. There are few houses that are still following their traditional religion. Above table also shows that there are 3.66 per cent respondents who are Buddhist. They have also changed their religion in the influence of propaganda made by the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) and some dalit presser groups against Hinduism. 2.6 Education: Knowledge is the basic need of human growth and in turn depends upon the education. The education system is one of the subsystem, for the better understanding of its relevance and importance, it must relate to all other institutions in social system particularly caste and family institution. According to Dubey (1984) the education system has to take into consideration the technological development, the historical background and the geographical environment of the society and its one of the instruments of social change that transform society without creating instability (c.f. Adesoji, 2005). Education develops skills and attitudes and makes human resourceful for the society. It is a key to open the door of life which is essentially social in character and plays very important role in one s socio-economic status. Education is of such nature which control external behaviour of man as well 54

11 as internal motivation, impulses and attitudes. In the present study education is important because it has changed the work profile and the nature of the work of the emigrants working in the Middle East. A majority of the respondents in the present study are engaged with the construction work, they are performing manual labour jobs it is only because of their poor education level. The samples of the study show that emigrants who were emigrated as a carpenter, were performing the same work when they returned after many years. So there are no chances of upward mobility without education. Gulati (1986) also found that educational and skill levels of the emigrants to the Gulf countries appear to have been rather low. Data from Kerala state suggest that over two-thirds of the emigrants to the West Asian countries in the late 1970s had completed less than ten years of schooling. The same study also found that about 62 per cent of the emigrants were unskilled workers (ibid). On the basis of few sample surveys done in Kerala in the late 1970s, Nair (1986) suggests that by and large the Gulf migration from India represented predominantly a flow of excess operative and manual labour. He observed that because the proportion of highly quailed emigrants was small, not exceeding 10 per cent for most of the region therefore it did not constitute a serious problem of brain drain. Before detail discussions on the education level of the respondents, it will be worthwhile to provide data on the education of Dalits in the Doaba region. District wise literacy for the years 1991 to 2001 has been given in the Table 2.6. It is clear from the data that overall literacy rate among the dalits has improved in 2001 as compared to the data of The Hoshiarpur district has the highest literacy rate among the other districts of the Doaba region. Table 2.6 District Wise Literacy Rate of Scheduled Castes in Doaba Region of Punjab In 1991 To 2001 Name of the District Literacy Rate 1991 Literacy rate 2001 Kapurthala Jalandhar S.B.S Nagar * Hoshiarpur Source: Judge and Bal, 2009 (*) SBS Nagar or Nawanshehar was added as a new district in November 7, 1995, before it was part of the Hoshiarpur and Jalandhar districts of Punjab 55

12 Table 2.7 Education Qualification of Respondents Education S.B.S Nagar Jalandhar Kapurthala Hoshiarpur Total Illiterate 05 (6.66) 02 (2.66) 05 (6.66) 04 (5.33) 16 (5.33) Literate Nil (00) 01 (1.33) 02 (2.66) 03 (4) 06 (2) Blow primary 04 (5.33) 02 (2.66) 04 (5.33) 09 (12) 19 (6.33) Primary 26 (34.66) 32 (42.66) 09 (12) 18 (24) 85 (28.33) Middle 14 (18.66) 22 (29.33) 31 (41.33) 21 (28) 88 (29.33) Matric 15 (20) 10 (13.33) 18 (24) 12 (16) 55 (18.33) (9.33) 05 (6.66) 02 (2.66) 04 (5.33) 18 (6) Graduation 02 (2.66) 01 (1.33) 01 (1.33) 03 (4) 07 (2.33) Post graduation 01 (1.33) 00 (00) 00 (00) 00 (00) 01 (0.33) Diploma holder 01 (1.33) 01 (1.33) 03 (4) 01 (1.33) 06 (2) Figures in parentheses indicate column wise percentages Figure 2.1 Education Level of Respondents Number of Respondents

13 The above analysis in the Table 2.7 and Figure 2.1 clearly depict that literacy rate among the dalits emigrants is very low. About 78 per cent of the respondents have the educational level between primary to matriculation. It also reveals that per cent of the respondents are illiterate and 2 per cent are literate per cent acquired education up to blow primary level. The majority of them per cent have gotten education up to primary level and per cent respondents have passed Middle class and matriculation respectively. There are few who have received higher education but their number is very small, only 2.33 per cent have done their graduation and 0.33 per cent are post graduates. There are also 2 per cent respondents who have a professional diploma like electrical and ITI etc. Although a majority of the respondents are not much educated but they are capable of doing their skilled work with great expertise and skill. 2.7 Education of the Family Members Although Table 2.7 shows the low literacy rate among the respondents emigrated to the Middle East but when we look at the education profile of the families of the respondents then a slight improvement can be seen with regard to their education level. Table 2.8 provides the information regarding the education profile of the Most Educated Male in the families (MEM) of the respondents. It is evident from the data that the respondent s family members are more educated than emigrants. Interestingly per cent of the MEM in the respondents families has education level between middle class to secondary level and per cent have received higher education. And 6.66 per cent are educated up to only primary level. Only 0.66 and 0.33 per cent are illiterate or just literate respectively. Similar is the case with most educated females in the family (MEF), Table 2.9 provides the information regarding this variable per cent of MEF in the respondents families are educated between middle class to secondary class which is slightly higher with a difference of 1.33 per cent than MEM per cent MEFs have received higher education, 2.66 are blow primary and 4.66 per cent are just primary level. 57

14 Table 2.8 Education Level of Most Educated Male in the Respondent S Family Education S.B.S Nagar Jalandhar Kapurthala Hoshiarpur Total Illiterate 00 (00) 00 (00) 02 (2.66) 00 (00) 02 (0.66) Literate 01 (1.33) 00 (00) 00 (00) 00 (00) 01 (0.33) Blow primary 00 (00) 01 (1.33) 03 (4) 00 (00) 04 (1.33) Primary 08 (10.66) 03 (4) 04 (5.33) 05 (6.66) 20 (6.66) Middle 10 (13.33) 20 (26.66) 14 (18.66) 20 (26.66) 64 (21.33) Matriculation 23 (30.66) 24 (32) 23 (30.66) 16 (21.33) 86 (28.66) (24) 15 (20) 20 (26.66) 17 (22.66) 70 (23.33) Graduation 10 (13.33) 08 (10.66) 04 (5.33) 12 (16) 34 (11.33) Post Graduation 02 (2.66) 03(4) 02 (2.66) 03 (4) 10 (3.33) Diploma Holder 02 (2.66) 02 (2.66) 03 (4) 02 (2.66) 09 (3) Figures in parentheses indicate column wise percentages Table 2.9 Education Level of Most Educated Female in the Respondent s Family Education S.B.S Nagar Jalandhar Kapurthala Hoshiarpur Total Illiterate 01 (1.33) 02 (2.66) 01 (1.33) 00 (00) 04 (1.33) Literate 01 (1.33) 00 (00) 00 (00) 00 (00) 01 (0.33) Blow primary 02 (2.66) 00 (00) 03 (4) 04 (5.33) 09 (1) Primary 04 (5.33) 03 (4) 03 (4) 04 (5.33) 14 (4.66) Middle 16 (21.33) 08 (10.66) 13 (17.33) 22 (29.33) 59 (19.66) Matriculation 20 (26.66) 20 (26.33) 26 (34.66) 20 (26.33) 86 (28.66) (25.33) 22 (29.33) 18 (24) 20 (26.66) 79 (26.33) Graduation 10 (13.33) 15 (20) 04 (5.33) 03 (4) 32 (10.66) Post Graduation 02 (2.66) 03 (4) 07 (9.33) 02 (2.66) 14 (4.66) Diploma Holder 00 (00) 02 (2.66) 00 (00) 00 (00) 02 (0.66) Figures in parentheses indicate column wise percentages 58

15 Family Profile 2.8 Type of family Family is a special subset of the social system and is structured by a unique set of inter-gender and inter generational relationships. The family has been considered as a basic unit of society from where the socialization of the person started and learns the basic behaviour pattern. It has been seen a universal institution and investable for human society. Murdock (1965) also believed the universal feature of the family institution. Sharma (1992) defines family as a basic kinship unit, in its minimal form consisting of a husband, wife and children. In its widest sense it refers to all relatives living together or recognized as a social unit, including adopted persons. Like other institutions of the society tremendous changes are occurring in the family institution. In many cases the traditional family has under severe attack, though it has not fallen apart, crack are clearly visible. The Joint family system has been the prevalent form of family in the traditional agrarian society. However with the passage of time the family system has undergone considerable change. In the modern industrialized society joint family system has been replaced by the nuclear family system. Further nuclear family system is the feature of urban society and the joint family system can still exist in the rural society due to need of rural society and functions. Table 2.10 Type of Family Type of S.B.S Jalandhar Kapurthala Hoshiarpur Total Family Nagar Joint 28 (37.33) 23 (30.66) 17 (22.66) 24 (32) 94 (30.66) Nuclear 45 (60) 51 (68) 57 (76) 51 (68) 204 (68) Extended 02 (2.66) 01 (1.33) 01 (1.33) 00 (00) 04 (1.33) Figures in parentheses indicate column wise percentages Table 2.10 clearly depicts that per cent of the respondents belongs to the joint families, because the joint family system is beneficial for the emigrant s family left behind from the point of security, socialization of children, and for other 59

16 domestic needs. Most of the states of India have a patriarchal system in the families so in the absence of the husband, his wife needs somebody to look after her children. Judge and Bal (2009) said the logic of the joint family is not simply linked with the modern life; it is much more complex than it is generally thought. But following the change in the family institution, a majority of 68 per cent respondents belong to the nuclear type of family. Very few of them 1.33 per cent are living in the extended families. 2.9 Size of Family The size of the family is an important variable because it affects the respondents socio- economic status and most importantly it affects the use of remittance by the family left behind. Table 2.11 provides information on the size of the families of the respondents. There are three categories of the families of respondents in the table mentioned above. The first category shows the small size of the family having 2-3 members in a family second category deal with the medium size of family having 4-6 members and last category shows the large size of the family having 7 and above members in a family. Data shows that more than half of the respondents (60 per cent) belong to the medium size of the family per cent have small size of families. There is a prevalence of the large size of families among the Dalits of rural areas of Doaba region where per cent of the respondents belong to the large size of families having more than 7 and above members in a family. If we compare the data on the size of the family with those of type of family, then it becomes clear that the number of large size families is almost equal to the number of joint families. Data also shows that the number of nuclear families and small and medium size families are also almost same having little difference of 2.66 per cent. Therefore analysis of Tables 2.10 and 2.11 shows two important points. First, a sizable proportion of respondents of the present study live in the large size joint families. Second, even those who are living in the nuclear families majority of them belong to the large size of nuclear families with more than 4-6 members. 60

17 Table 2.11 Size of Family of the Respondents Number of Members S.B.S Nagar Jalandhar Kapurthala Hoshiarpur Total (5.33) 12 (16) 13 (17.33) 03 (4) 32 (10.66) (73.33) 45 (60) 36 (48) 44 (58.66) 180 (60) 7 and above 16 (21.33) 18 (24) 26 (34.66) 28 (37.33) 88 (29.33) Figures in parentheses indicate column wise percentages 2.10 Headship of Household Household means all persons who live in the same dwelling unit. It may be a house, an apartment, or a group of rooms or a single room. Even in modern context a person living alone is also considered a household. According to Kapoor and Gupta (2007) household is the collective name, a particular synthesis of private and common ownership, so that this right is shared indivisibly among members whose number may be indeterminate, the household is the forum of consumption, and its stability is integral to social and political stability. Table 2.12 shows the headship of the households of the respondent s data and it reveals that a majority of the respondents per cent are the head of their houses and per cent are not the head of their households. The analysis of the headship of households is important because of two reasons. First, if the respondent is the head of household the level of responsibility towards family would be high. Secondly, it is closely associated with the authority structure in the family institution. It is found that female headed households are increasing in case of emigration of the head of the family. Table 2.12 Whether Respondent Head of Household or Not Response of Respondents S.B.S Nagar Jalandhar Kapurthala Hoshiarpur Total Yes 41 (54.66) 47 (62.66) 57 (76) 43 (57.33) 188 (62.66) No 34 (45.33) 28 (37.33) 18 (24) 32 (42.66) 112 (37.34) Figures in parentheses indicate column wise percentage 61

18 2.11 Earning and Non-Earning Members Number of earners and non earners in a family are also significant variables and also determine the socio-economic status of the family. As the analysis of the Table 2.10 and 2.11 shows that large numbers of respondents are living in large size of nuclear families and the rest of them also belong to the large size of families in the form of joint and extended families. So the study of the earners and non earners in the family of the respondents became important because of two main reasons. First, if the number of earners are higher in a family, the quality of life would be better. Secondly, more the earner in the family more would be the income. In order to understand the economic and social status of the families, the respondents were asked to state the numbers of earners and non-earners in the families. Table 2.13 Number of Earners in the Family Number of Earners S.B.S Nagar Jalandhar Kapurthala Hoshiarpur Total One 27 (36) 34 (45.33) 32 (42.66) 19 (25.33) 112 (37.33) Two 23 (30.66) 17 (22.66) 27 (36) 23 (30.66) 90 (30) Three 18 (24) 18 (24) 08 (10.66) 25 (33.33) 69 (23) Four 04 (5.33) 03 (4) 05 (6.66) 04 (5.33) 16 (5.33) Five 01 (1.33) 02 (2.66) 03 (4) 02 (2.66) 08 (2.66) Above Five 02 (2.66) 01 (1.33) 00 (00) 02 (2.66) 05 (1.66) Figures in parentheses indicate column wise percentages It is found that majority per cent of the respondents have one and two earners in the family. 23 per cent said they have three earners in their families. About 5.33 per cent reported that they are having four earning members in their families. Only 4.32 per cent reported that they are having five or more earners in their family (Table 2.13). Further it is equally important to know the non earning members in the families 62

19 Table 2.14 Number of Non Earners in the Family Number of Earners S.B.S Nagar Jalandhar Kapurthala Hoshiarpur Total One 05 (6.66) 00 (00) 02 (2.66) 00 (00) 07 (2.33) Two 16 (21.33) 04 (5.33) 02 (2.66) 03 (4) 25 (8.33) Three 25 (33.33) 10 (13.33) 29 (38.66) 14 (18.66) 78 (26) Four 15 (20) 30 (40) 23 (30.66) 15 (20) 83 (27.66) Five 11 (14.66) 25 (33.33) 14 (18.66) 24 (32) 74 (24.66) Above Five 03 (4) 06 (8) 05 (6.66) 19 (25.33) 33 (11) Figures in parentheses indicate column wise percentage The data in this regard reveal that a majority, per cent of the respondents have 3 to 5 non-earners in the family (Table 2.14) only per cent of the respondents have 1-2 non earners in the family. Further some of them 11 per cent have above five non- earners in the family. In a nutshell, the socio-economic profile of the respondents reveals that the socio-economic condition of the workers working in the Middle East is relatively different from the other emigrants working in the developed countries. The first major finding is that all the respondents belong to one gender that is male. It means unlike other parts of the world, emigration from Punjab to the Middle East is the emigration of only males. Secondly, the majority of the respondents belong to the young and middle age group which is suitable for the labour work and required by the companies of the Middle East and majority of them are married. Thirdly, large numbers of the respondents are not much educated. Fourthly because the study is only focusing on the dalit s emigration that are divided among the 39 different castes all over the state but in the present study Ad-Dharmis/ Chamars are dominating numerically among the Punjabi Diaspora community in the Middle East. They are more progressive and mobile as compared to the other caste groups among the dalits of Punjab. Fifth, although dalits of Doaba region belong to the different religions but the respondents in majority belong to the Hindu religion second popular religion 63

20 they reported is Sikhism. Some of them has changed their religion and converted to Christianity. Those who converted from Hinduism/Sikhism to the Christianity are in majority and belong to the Valmiki and Majbi Sikhs caste. Sixth, a majority of them belong to the large size nuclear families having 1-2 earners. A large proportion of respondents were heading the households. 64

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