INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL CF ISLAND AFFAIRS

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1 Title: Insula: international journat of isl.. Cat. no: Subscription no: Note: Date: 07 Mar 201 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL CF ISLAND AFFAIRS April 1994 ISSN Year 3 No. l ^

2 l 1 C, ni l l l: ^ '. l Î'I^]' r'r ^ il-,; REÇU - TIO l THE DS -*- ontents Bibliothèque/Library UNESCO 7 place de Fontenoy PARIS 07 SP - FRANCE Editorial Pier Giovanni d'ayala Mount Athos: An Island of Spiritiiality..^ Ognien Babic News from and about Islands Interview^ with MeUna Mercouri International Campaign "Let'sAdopt an Atoll"- A Challenging Appeal from Micronesia Global Conférence on thé Siistainable Development ofsmall Island States KevinHm Sustaindble Development and Small Island States Bishnodot Persaud Thé "Ârchipelagos" ofmelina Mercouri: A héritage to share 46 Islanders at Work Ecotourism in Fermentera Archipelago oftke Baléares 48 Edouard Pittet Within thé framework of thé Mediterranean Spécial Programme for Action (MEDSPA), promoted by thé European Community - Général Directorate for thé Environment - two significant projects hâve been implemented over thé last two years. Thé Presidency of thé Région of Sicily commissioned substantial réclamation work on thé coastal area of thé Egadi Islands and, in particular, thé cteaning up and restoration of certain areas of natural beauty of thé Island of Marettimo. which had been drastically polluted by thé deliberate dumping of hydrocarbons in thé sea. At thé same time, effective coopération between thé Région of Puglia and thé Comune of thé Tremiti Islands has allowed for completion of thé reorganization of thé system of solid waste collection, transport and treatment in thé arcipelago, a task which included thé intégral land réclamation of thé dumping sites throughout thé whole territory. Dossier: Tourism ui Islands Island Tourist Profiles across thé Destination Life Cycle 12 Jérôme McEh'oy and KIaus de Albuquerque Perspective on Ecotourism in Island Development 19 Sïisan Bookmdn Absorbtive Capacity and thé Diversification o f thé Small Tourist Economy: Thé Case o f thé Commonwealth of thé Northem Marianas 22 Hu'oshi Kakazu Tourism in thé Arctic 32 Stéphane Abouaf and Laurence Gu-ard Iskind Tourism in Croatia and thé Economies ofsmall Scale 37 Vesna Mikacic and Mladen Montana Cultiire and Traditional Knowledge Textiles: Web ofryukyu's History and Culture 51 Amanda Mayer Stinchecum Insula's Page 56 UNESCO and MAB's Page 57 Book Reviews 58 Letters to thé Editor 60 Annotinceinents 62 Support WSULA 63 Application for Meinbership 64

3 International Journal ofïslandaffairs ditorial ISSN April 1994 Year 3 No. l Editorial Board Editer: Pier Giovanni d'ayala Co-editor: Lino Briguglio Scientific adviaory committee: Prof. Salvino Busuttil, Malta Dr. Ronald G. Parris, USA, Caribbean Prof. Nicolas Margaris, Greece Prof. Patrick Nunn, Fiji Prof. G. Prakash Reddy, India Prof. Hiroshi Kakazu, Japan Prof. Orazio Rossi, Italy Dr. Henrique Pinto da Costa, Sào Tome e Principe Published by INSULA, thé International Scientific Council for Island Development, with thé support of UNESCO in collaboration with thé Foundation for International Studies, Malta. Articles published in this journal do not necessarily reflect thé opinions ofinsula, or of thé Fouadatibn for International Studies, or of UNESCO. Material appearing in this journal cannot be published without thé prier penmssion of tha Editer. Insida, thé Interaational Journal oflsland Affairs, is distributed free to INSULA's individual and institutional members. For subscription and information please write to: INSULA c/o Division ofecological Sdences l, Rue Miollis Paris, CEDEX 15 France Tel: , Fax: Produced by Formatek Ltd., Malta. Coverpicture'. Achildfrom Ulithi e did not plan this issue as a spécial one in thé conventional sensé. But thé increasing interest for tourism problems in islands as expressed by contributors and readers of our journal, was convincing enough to encourage us to open a debate on thé pros and cons of this powerful service industry and its impacts on small island environments and societies. Sustainable development will be discussed in relation with tourism and other topics. Such development be promoted by a strong political will supported by a better historical and philosophical understanding of thé potential represented by thé natural and cultural héritage for an innovative pattern of progress. Human values and a wise application of new technologies mayjoin hands within a context of tradition and modernity. We refer hère to thé "Aegean Polynesian" dear to ail of us, islanders and not. Her Excellency Mrs. MelinaMercouri, GreekMinisterof Culture introduces us, as Insula's guest, to her project "Archipelagos" aiming to bring together glorious ancient events with future oriented creativity in full respect with thé aesthetic, ecological and cultural values of thèse beautiful Greek islands. Thé concept ofislaûd as a methaphore, loaded with multifaceted psychological values, has also been brilliantly explored by thé late Prof. Abraham Moles, opening our debates towards expériences and views from other parts of thé insular world. We travel from thé tropics to thé Arctic till that particular spiritual island,. represented by thé Mount Athos monastic community Altogether thé content ofthis issue challenges us to use island resources creatively in a way which will ensure their long term survival. This means managing thé process of change in such a manner that it occurs in as smooth a way as possible, rather than by incontrollable impulses. Thé concept of sustainable development is infiltrating thé policy framework ofgovemments and international organisations. Thé challenges that face policymakers in islands should not be underestimated when sustainable development is at stake. This justifies in our view thé forthcoming UN Conférence to be held late April 1994 in Barbados. It is thé first important offspring of thé world conférence on environment and development held in Rio de Janeiro in It is not an accident that thé Barbados venue will address, itself to small developing island states sustainable development, an issue of course with obvious geo-strategic implications. Thé journal will inform its readers of thé Barbados outcomes which will certainly be feature in future éditions ofinsiila. As usual dear readers we welcome your contributions and comments.

4 News fi'om thé Islands and thé World ews froin and about slands nt rnational Gampaign (< ^.et's dopt an Atoll" hallenging ppeal from icronesia e are not speaking hère of a mythical island where dreams and leisure-time focus on untouched nature, improbable paradise of white sand, flowers and palm trees together with smiles of almost ghostly natives. We are speaking of a real atoll, UUthi and a real island therein: Falalop. A smallspotonthemaps to be traced onthe borders ofyap, one of thé Federated States of Micronesia in thé middle of thé Pacifie. could not believe their eyes when thèse two Europeans disembarked on thé island from thé."'crossed Mosquito", thé small aircraft belonging to thé protestant missionaries based on YAP. Covered with welcome flowered necklaces, thé European "Long noses" were brought to thé house ofchief Philip Yatch, who entered directly in thé subject matter. "Our idea is to participate in thé market economy without paying for its worst conséquences". Thé "worst conséquences" are well known to thé Ulithians who hâve travelled to modernized islands like GUAM or SAIPAN fmding there, in their words, corruption, robbery and prostitution. "There is no police on this atoll confirms John Rulmal, "we live hère in peace and freedom". "We do not wish that our children start to adore thé god dollar" he adds. "However we must confront reality. In thé year 2000, six years from now, thé US contributions, which since 1986 supportedmicronesia, Free-Association Agreement will corne to an end. We are obligea to plan thé survival of thé atoll and its more than thousand inhabitants, includingthe200 students of thé boarding high school which receives youngsters from ail small islands of Micronesia. Thé food we produce presently in our atoll is simply insufficient, everything is imported". "Health care is also déficient: thé two small dispensaries onfalalop and Mogmog islands are in need ofmedicinals and renewal". Little by little thé différent needs of thé atoll were plainly discussed. Let's résume them hère: Télécommunications. An autonomous satellite fax and téléphone line, also usefùl for tele-medicine purposes, are needed. Health. A médical doctor is needed and thé two dispensaries made functional and equipped. Administration. Completionofthe chiefs' office which will host thé télécommunication déviées is essential. It will also host banking services. Water. Renewal and building of rain water collecting ponds is called for. There are actually no underground wells. Gardeningand horticulture. Most of thé fertile soil has been compacted during World War II for military purposes by thé Americantroops. Itcannotbe recovered by hand. An appropriate engine is needed. Solar or wind energy. Electric energy is needed. 'Fuel is extremely costly on thé atoll and difficult to obtain. Dangerous rusted iron devices from World War H. Old tanks, wrecks and other iron remains should be removed for thé saké of children's safety, and also because a dangerous coastal érosion phenomenon is taking place on thé Real people, friends of INSULA live on Falalop. They also hâve a dream: not of thé kind pf those who live in crowded continental cities for which an atoll, an island, is an imaginary scapegoat from daily stress. On thé contrary, -the dream ofour friends ofmicronesia is to open a dialogue from their island, from within their culture towards other people and islanders beyond thé Une of thé horizon. It is not a paradox when they say that they wish progress, they wish to hâve access to modem communication-technologies both to insure better health care for their people and for their cultural future. They want to be in thé midst of people from islands and elsewhere which consider their presence in thé world a@ a commonly shsired héritage. Falalop high school students. (Photo: Vittorio Giannella, AIRONE) They want to participate on an equal level in thé strùggle for a better future for their youngsters, thé préservation of their unique natural endowments and of course their culture which they consider as thé outmost treasure of their traditions. This is thé message that John Rulmal, spokesman of thé traditional chiefsoffalalop, sent as if in abottle in thé océan. It reached INSULA and thé Man and thé Biosphère (MAÊ) programme at UNESCO. When we received it, we considered thé Ulithians appeal as a challenge to do something concrête for our faraway friends and support their will to engage in a self-meinaged sustainable development project. It was decided thus to share our effort with ail persans of goodwill we may contact worldwide through our journalandunesco's relations. Our first enthusiastic partner was thé internationally known Italian magazine AIRONE, whose director Salvatore Giannella suggested thé idea of'let's Adopt an Atoll" international campaign. Thé campaign was enthusiastically agreed upon by thé Ulithian traditional chiefs and was approved by Mr. Petrus TUN, thé YAP State govemor. Ajournalist, Duccio Canestrini, and a photo reporter, Vittorio Giannella, travelled to Ulithi. John Rulmal and thé traditional chiefs of thé atoll Mr. Sogrui, traditional chiefin Mogmog- thé sister island ofulithi (Photo: Vittorio Giannella, AIRONE)

5 International Campaign "Let's Adopt an Atoll" News fi'om thé Islands and thé World lobai Conférence on thé Sustainable evelopinent Of Sinall sland States Kevin Hill Air strip in Falalop built in World War II (Photo: Vittorio Giannella, AIRONE) island ofmogmog due to thé skeleton of a wartime dock. Teaching. Courses on technical matters needed on thé island should be introduced in thé highschool curricula. Yet there are no qualified teachers nor suitable teaching materials. Thé highschool library is also outdated, new books are needed especially on other islands of thé world and their problems. Cold storage room. Such a device, possibly run by solar or wind energy, is a must for thé so called Fishing opportunity programme" which aims to stock thé products of fishermen in order to supply thé high-school and to avoid importing canned food. Thé coopérative. Thé création of a coopérative would commercialize directly thé imported goods in order to avoid costly middlemen and reduce transport costs for thé benefit of thé population. Guest-house. Thé island needs twelve equipped rooms, not for insensitive tourists but as temporary résidence for selectedguests, in particular those who hâve contributed to "adopt thé atoll". Eco-tourism. A small resort built with traditional materials and design should be located on a small inhabited islet of thé atoll. It would host small groups of visitors wishing to dive in thé incredibly rich lagoon. This would create a job opportunity for some enterprising young people and fishermen of thé islsind. Dear readers, some US $ 300, 000 in cash and/or in kind are needed in order to bring to fruition our Ulithian friends' dream and provide a sound financial basis for their sustainable development project. Ail ofyou, private people, companies, foundations and regional or international orgemisations are urged to open thé bottle cast in thé sea from Ulithi and partidpate generously in thé campaign "Let's Adopt an Atoll". Thé name of ail ofyou will be carved on thé board of Falalop's Çhiefs house. Your visit will always be welcome as old friends. Some practical suggestions are in order hère. Your contributions in cash (déductible from your income taxes) can be sent by chèque in US $ to INSULA - MAB, in thé Paris address given below. Thé contributions in kind such as satellite telefax and téléphone, cold storage room, books etc. should be made known to INSULA at thé same address, and we will provide you with instructions for shipping to Ulithi. Some ofyou may wish to contribute to thé campaign through your professional compétence andyour time. As an example, through thé campaignlaunchedby "AIRONE" a couple of Italian médical doctors, husband and wife, offered to spend a sabbatical year in Ulithi at their own expense. A welcome générons offer indeed! Wehopethatteachers, engineers, architects and, why not, artists will follow thé Italian doctors' initiative. Callorwriteus atinsula-mab, UNESCO House, l rue Miollis, 75732, Paris. Téléphone (33-1) Fax (33-1) he first Global Conférence on thé Sustainable Development of Small Island Developing States wiil be held in Bridgetown, Barbados, from 25 April to 6 May. Thé purpose of this Conférence, as outlined in thé United Nations Général Assembly résolution 47, 189, is to adopt a set of plans, programmes and other mechanisms which would allow them to develop in a sustainable manner. Thé Genersd Assembly also decided that in order to achieve thèse objectives, thé Conférence should examine stratégies for national and international action. Thé in- stitutional framework designed to support this process was thé establishment of a Preparatory Committee (PrepCom), and thé holding of two régional technical meetings. Thé small United Natiens Secrétariat's rôle was to as- Kevin HiU is an advisor to thé Secrétariat for thé Global Conference on thé Sustainable Development at Small island Developing States. He is a national ofjamaica sist thé PrepCom's work by providing reports which formed thé basis of thé negotiations on national and international strategies. Thé purpose of thé two regional technical meetings was to provide a mechanism for technical aspects on priority issues of concern for small island developing States in thé development of thé stratégies. Thé PrepCom looked at thé various reports of thé United Nations together with thé reports of thé régional technical meetings, and attempted to synthesize thé required stratégies into focused SMALL ISLANDS Thé publicity poster for thé Global Conférence to be held in Barbados plans, programmes and/or mechanisms. ThePrepComdidnotcompieté this task at its first session and it was decided that it should meet again at a resumed session. One of thé more influential political groups involved in thé negotiations is thé Alliance of Small Island Stated (AOSIS). This is an ad hoc group that had been formed during thé negotiations on thé Framework Convention on Climate Change, and which also met during thé negotiations on thé United Nations Conférence on Environment and Development's Agenda 21. Indeed, thé Global Conférence on thé Sustainable Development of Small Island Developing States is a follow-up to Agenda 21. AOSIS developed their list ofpriority areas, which was put forward as thé position of thé Group of77 (thé one hundred plus developingmember States of thé United Nations and China). At thé organizational PrepCom in April 1993, most developed countries argued that thé focus of thé con- ference should remain within thé context of thé issues discussed. Thé océans chapter ofagenda 21, on small island developing States on thé other hand argued that thé outcome of thé Conférence should address ail of Agenda 21. Reading thé enabling résolution ceirefully, it is clear that ail of thé issues of Agenda 21 are to be addressed by thé Conférence, but should in particular address marine and coastal resource management. Quoting from thé United Nations Général 6 s

6 Sustainable Developnient and Sniall Island States News firoin thé Islands and thé World Assembly résolution 47/189: "4. Décides that thé Conférence shall hâve thé following objectives: (a) To adopt plans and programmes to support thé sustainable development ofsmall island developing States and thé utilization oftheir marine and coastal resources, which includes meeting essential human needs, maintaining biodiversity andimprovingthe quality of life for island peopie; (b) To adopt measiires that wiu enable small island developmg States to cope efeectively and creatively and in a sustainable manner with environmental changes and to initigate thé impacts on and reduce thé threats posed to marine and coastal resources;" Thé Preparatory Committee has now developed a draft Programme of Action which is to be finalized by thé Coitference. Thé draft Programme of Action contains a listing of actions at thé national, regional and international level which broadly constitute strategies. Theenablingresolutionalso deddedthatthe stratégies should be examined "with a view to arriving at spécifie agreements and commitments by Govemments and inter-govemmental organizations". What kinds of agreements and commitments can and will thé programme of action elidt at thé Conférence? Thé section of thé draft programme of action dealtng with implementation, monitoring and review is intended to relate to thé previous sections on sectorsd and cross-sectoral issues. Itisthrough this section, for thé most part, that one would expert most of thé commitments to corne from througli thé Conférence. For example, 'this may include thé development of régional centres for sust'ainable development and thé development of an information network focused on small islands. Thèse two potential outcomes were alreadyidentified in Agenda 21. Thé question therefore anses as to whether t-his new I^-ogramme of Action goes fùrther in thé development of thé priority expectatiens. Small islands. What sets Small island developing states apart from au other coimtries? Agenda 21 suigled this group as a spedal case for sustainable development because of their relatively smau size, limitedresources, géographie dispersion and isolation from markets which places them at an économie disadvantage and prevents them from achieving economiesofscale. Thèse States must therefore look for opportunities for sustainable development and hence must consider thé marine and coastal environment as an mvaluable resoiirce. Looking at both thèse considérations, one stratège programme could hâve been an integrated coastal zone management programme. This concept is not new, and was thé focus of thé World Coast Coiiference in November Another programme could be one that focuses on thé potential threats of thé impacts of climate change. As thèse include sealevel rise and climate change as a global phenomenon, this programme could focus on, for exampie, research and development in planning for and mitigating thé impacts of sea-level rise. Thé difgculty in reachmg economies of scale may be most effectively addressed by a better linking of économie and other sectors. For example, would it not be sustainable to recycle waste paper, using environmentally sound technology to reduce thé imported costs. While this may be an expensive proposition, it is a good example of sustainable development. A major tenet of sustainable development is closed systems. That is, thé provision of a product could be sustained if it relied to a lesser extent on outside factors. However, this is not to say that a perfect System of sustainable development has no inputs. Entropy is a physical law whereby everything wiu tend to disorder without thé input ofenergy. This applies hère as well. There wul always be a need for inputs, however, thé "waste" products of a desired product can either be raw material for thé ssime or other products. Thé cost of transforming thé waste products into usable raw materials may be very expensive, requinng new technologies. This immediately raises thé problem of accessibility; most, ifnot au, high-end technologies are proprietary and developed by thé private sector and therefore are not that accessible to developing countries. Some Govemments hâve said time and time again that they cannot force thé private sector to maketheir technologies available on either concessional or preferentialterms. OtherGovemments hâve responded that donor Govemments could be thé intermediary by which thèse technologies could be made more accessible. What is required to get thé commitment by donor countries to actively explore mechanisms to participate fairly and equitably in thé sustainable development of small islemd developing States? We get back to thé purpose of thé Conférence. If thé Conférence can corne up with good, sound and focused programmes sind plans, perhaps thé donor communitywill make appropriate commitments. It had been thé intention sifter thé United Nations Conférence onenvironment and Development that spécifie stratégies would be developed to enable thé implementation of Agenda 21, and that thèse stratégies would efeectively elicit contributions from thé donor community. or small island developing states (SIDS) size is a constraint to development even though some ofthem are able to surmount thé disadvantages through good management. For many ofthem, size constraints combined with, and aggravated by, demanding environmental pressures arisingfrom insular factors, pose sévère problems for thé achievement of sustainable development. Thé Global Conférence on thé Sustainable Development ofsmall Island Developing States is therefore of gréât importance. While in thé context ofcurrent intemational circumstances and appredation of thé extent and significance of thé spécial sustainable development problems of SIDS, thé results may fall short of requirements, thé issue should be seen in a longer-term context and thèse states must continue to strive to get their strong case recognised and ensure in Barbados that institutional means are set up that will help in this process. Thé Conférence must be seen also not only in thé context ofwhat thé international community can do for SIDS. Thèse states can do much for themselves and a better understanding of how they can approach sustainable development could be a significant contributionofthe Barbados conférence, its preparatory process and its follow-up. Spécial Characteristics In thé preparatory work for thé Conférence, there was a tendency BraNasmw Bfa^Kidat Pw^wd Sustainable Development and Small sland States Bishnodat Persaud Thé logo of thé UN Global Conférence on thé Sustainable Development of Small Island States for SIDS and their supporters to say that thèse states hâve peculiar environmental problems. Thé issues however are thé same as those facinglarger states although size, geography and ecology resuit in problems which apply with greater force and a mix of them which borders on thé peculiar. Nearly ail thé issues concemed hâve therefore been considered by thé Earth Summit in Rio in In concentrating on thèse spécial characteristics and problems and thé particular mix, however, thé Conférence provides a renewed opportunity for thé intemational community to show will in implementing Agenda 21, thé Action Programme fi-om Rio, by assisting in clarifying thé issues affecting small states, inhelping them to improve their capacity to take effective action and through other régional and mternational action that canhelp thèse states. Since thé Earth Summit, there has beensome loss ofmomentum, not only in movingto action but in interestin environmental issues especially as they pertain to developing countries. Barbados could revive attention in sustained action in implementing Agenda 21. One achievable objective is getting enhanced awareness of thé spécial problemsfacingsids. Thé Earth Summit achieved much in promoting awareness of environmental problems. Thé potential of Barbados in this connection is far from being realised. A gréât final effort, which must be largely political, is therefore called for to promote interest and action. A pervasive factor in ail this has been that international interest is not yet aroused in thé Barbados Conférence. Bigger countries - developed and developing - do not yet take seriously thé constraints posed by size and insularity in achieving sustainable development and thé challenging management problems involved. Per Capita Inconie An influential iniplicit background factor has been thé fact that per capita incomes are on average higher in small island 8 9

7 Sustainable Development and Small Island States News froin thé Islands and thé World states than developing countries generally. In 1991 thé per capita income of states will populations of less than one million was thé respectable figure of $4,000 - four times thé average of ail developing countries. This is an issue which must be faced. SIDS hâve attempted to dodge it by emphasizing thé weakness of GDP calculations, as an indicator of welfare. However while GDP figures, as presently calculated, greatlyunderestimate environmental costs, this approach by SIDS is not convincing in view of thé wide dispanty involved. Even when thé broader human development index is used, small island states do well. There were nine ofthem among thé first fifteen developing countries according to thé last calculation of thé Human Develppment Index. When thé issue is thé achievement ofsustainable development however, especially as it applies to small island states, a much better case could be made. Small Size Size has generallybeenrecognised as a constraint to development. Diseconomics of scale anse from limited domestic markets; small volumes of imports and experts, thé high per capita cost ofinstalling some infrastructure e. g. ports, international airports, etc, and of providing public services. There are difficulties in training, keeping and attracting high level expertise and in making full use of their capacity. Economists at one stage regarded populations ofless than 15 million as small. Since that time however that maximum has been considerablyreduced andthe spectacular économie achievement of some very small states with limited natural resources hâve led to less emphasis on size as a constraint except for micro states. Thé expérience points to some advantages of smallness. Small states hâve been forced to be outward looking and in this some hâve made a virtue of necessity. Openness has not only greatly widened markets but has quickened modernisation with ail thé advantages that corne from thé infusion of new ideas and new technologies. Some small island states do not find it easy to open up. Low volurnes and long distance from markets sometimes meanhighfreight costs and airfares, and some island small states especially those in remote locations hâve found it difficult to transform their subsistence économies. There are many examples ofthis in thé South Pacifie. Very small states are finding it difficult also to make économie breakthroughfromopenness. Thé major markets are not easy to penetrate. Capital markets are costlytotap. Foreignprivatecapital seeks countries with large potential. Where populations are below l million, économie treinsformation to diversified and selfsustaining économie structures becomes dif&cult and development is usually resource based with gréât dependence on one or two industries. Ït is this difïîculty in achieving économie treinsformation and moving away from narrow économie structures that is a persistent feature ofsmàll economies. It confirms thé size constraint and leaves development too dependent on a resource base and too vulnérable to market, natural and sustainability hazards that may face thé particular industries concerned. Thé narrow range ofeconomic activity, usually a concentration on commodity or service experts, is often subject to high risks of pervasive damage from market factors or natural circumstances such as hurricanes, volcanic activity, water shortage or pests and diseases. Tourism has been a popular route to quick development but it has its own demanding management and sustainable development characteristics. Environmental Fragilities Thé addition of environmental fragilities to économie risks increases thé vulnerability ofsmall island économies. Small States can be unduly influenced not only by larger states but by large business houses. Thé spread of drug trafficking and commercial crime increases thé risks. It is this complex of économie and environmental vulnerabilities, enhanced by their interactions that confirms thé case for very spécial attention to small island states. They need support to achieve sustainable development, especially through human resource and institutional capacity building, and to enable them to contribute to global welfare through thé spécial biological resources - terrestrial and marine Thé beauty ofislands - often concealing their high degree of économie and enviromnental vulnerability they control and thé leisure activities that their pleasant climate and beach resources often make possible. Global responsibility for their fate also anses fi-om thé spécial risks they face from climate chsinge and sea-level rise arising from their limited land space and marine exposure. Population Small island states tend to hâve dense populations. This leads to pressure onresources such as land and unless land is widely distributed, cultivationis encouraged on steep hillsides and other marginal lands thus promotingland degradation. In flatter coral islands, rainfall tends to be low or moderate and with dense populations and substantial tourism development, thé adéquate availability of fresh water usually poses a problem. Increasingly island small states hâve been resorting to expensive desalination plants to ensure adéquate fresh water supplies. Resource Managenient Thé protection of watersheds is particularly crucial in ail island small states since forested areas tend to be limited and forest destruction has implications not only for water supply but for loss of biodiversity, thé aggravation of soil érosion and thé incidence of flash floods. There is insufficient récognition of thé extent to which thé biodiversity issue applies to small islguid states which with continental isolation, biologically rich coastal zones and enhanced dégradation of land and forests pose urgent problems. What is crucial in thé circumstances is resource management to ensure that thé limited range of resources in small island states is not reduced by unnecessary degradation. Proneness to natural and man-made disasters e. g. hurricanes, earthquakes, oil spills and sewage and other marine pollution enhances thé resource management requirements. Thé 200 mile Exclusive Economie Zone is a gréât boom for small island states but they need to manage and protect thé marine resources provided, not only for themselves, but for ail mankind. Thus they must be assisted to ensure protection against illégal poachingoftheirfisheries, predatory forms offishing, oil spills and thé dumping and passage through their waters of toxic and other dangerous wastes, mangrove and coral reef destruction and beach érosion. Artifîcial Eléments More generally, it must be remembered that small island states hâve artificial éléments in their per capita incomes which hâve been ignored in considering their achievement ofsustainable development. Highlevelsof préférence for their experts which apply to a wide range ofislands in thé Caribbean, Pacifie and Indian Océans induce a significant income enhancement. Another anses from high levels of per capital aid. In 1991 per capita aid ofislands with populations ofless than Imillion was $145 - over seven times thé level ofdeveloping countries generally. This relative position of small island states in aid allocation has however been declining. Thèse states hâve spécial needs in thé area of technical capacity, and mainteneince of support for them in this area to deal with their complex sustsdnable development problems would be crucial. Recoinniendations Some good recommendations before thé Barbados Conférence are thé establishment of régional sustainable development research, training Eind information centres and thé setting up of spécial international information and technical assistance Systems to meet thé needs of small island states. However thé problems are so many, so common, so cpmplex and so crucial that thé question intrudes whether one does not also need a major international sustainable development research, training and information centre for thèse small island states. This could pioneer a multidisciplinary approach to ail thé major scientific, technological, économie, environmental, social and management problems facing small states. Setting up ICSDSIS This International Centre for thé Sustainable Development ofsmall Island States (ICSDSIS) could be made a part of thé UN University, similar perhaps in organization to thé World Institute for Development Economies Research (WIDER) but situated in a small state. As with thé UN University or WIDER it would not hâve to rely on assessed contributions and independent arrangements could be made for its financing. Governments, charitable foundations and others concemed about small island states could make separate provision possibly through an endowment fond. Institutional or programme support could also corne from thé UNDP or thé Worid Bank or both in a joint effort. Both hâve spécial responsibilities and interests in capacity building, especially to achieve sustainable development. Thé International Agricultural Research Institutes supported through thé Consultative Group, for International Agricultural Research and involving both thé World Bank and UNDP provide a precendent for such a joint effort. ICSDSIS is an idea ail small island states should support and put on thé Agenda for Barbados even at this late stage. 10 s 11

8 Dossier : Tourisni in Islands ossier: Introduction According to Rrippendorf (1982, p. 137), tourism is "thé so-called gold mine of thé twentieth century and will become thé world's leadingindustry by thé year In thé postwar era visitor arrivais worldwide hâve increased at a robust 3. 5 percent per year, placing exponentially rising pressures on unique natural enviromnents and délicate sociç-cultural systems. In tropical island destinations of thé Caribbean and Pacific, tourism growth siq,ce thé 1960s has exceeded 6 percent per annum and, particularly in thé smallest resource-poor areas, is now thé leading engine in thèse microstate économies (Wilkinson, 1989). In fact, tropical island tourism has been so successful that thé future sustainability of thé industry is threatened precisely in thé most experienced traditional destinations and in thé most rapidly growing emerging areas because of thé induced intrusions on thé natural and cultural amemities Jérôme L. McBlroy ia Profassor of Bconomte», Saint Mary's CoUege, Notre Dame, Indian». Klaas de AIbaquerque is ProfBaaor (rf Sociology, Coilegc o Charleston. Chartosfam. SC, USA urisni in islands sland ourist rofiles ac oss thé Destination Life Cycle Jeroine L. McElroy and Klaus de Albuquerque that form its capital base. Because oflarge-scale hôtel, condominium and transport infrastnîcture development, there is accumulating documentation in fragile touristdépendent microstates, of irreversible coastline and mountain scape altérations, reef damage, wide-spread beach érosion and loss of stratégie wetlands and mangroves, excessive urbanization and crowding, visual pollution and crass commercialization destroyingthe pace and flavour of traditional island life (Cohen, 1978; Innskeep, 1987; Dann and Cohen, 1991; McElroy, 1991). Problems Why is this so? Thé literature suggests several reasons. First, Horseshoe Beach in Bermuda thé open-ended mass-market style of international tourism, so commonly in vogue in small islands, has a built-in propensity to overrun thé limited absorptive capacity of closed insular Systems "as powerful external économie forces seek to exploit thé touristic potential of thé destination on a scelle which surpasses local resources" (Dann and Cohen, 1991, p. 159). Moreover, admission fées for access to natural amenities are rarely high enough to constrain demand within thé ecosystem's carrying capacity (Lindberg, 1991). In addition, thé concentration of large-scale mass-tourism facilities and infrastructure, with accompanying seasonally intense visiter flows, along délicate coast- Unes and across fragile mountain faces often disrupts thé most vul- nerable and precious marine and terrestrial attractions. Accordingto Cohen ( 1978), this is a recipe for transformational environmental impacts and long-term asset destruction. A second reason involves thé disjunction between tourist benefits and costs as they occur asymmetrically aver time (Stough and Feldman, 1982). Thé former - foreign exchange, jobs, investment plus improved résident access to infrastructure, recreational facilities, cultural offerings and historical sites, beautification - are incrementally visible, occur quickly in thé short run, and palpably drive industry promotion from year to yeïir. Thé costs, however, suffer from thé same lumpiness oflarge-scale fixed ' investment, are often nonlinear, and surface much later as sustainable natural, social, and visitor densities are breached. Crowding and visible pollution suddenly appear along with infrastructure breakdown and amenity loss. In this way through time, thé habitual but increasingly marginal benefits are soon "overshadowed by thé unexpected side effects of tourist development" (Cohen, 1978, p. 219). Third, insular économie policy siiffers from a certain rigidly aggressive expert promotion strategy that does not easily adjust or selfcorrect. During boom periods when thé capacity to diversify is strong, there is little incentive to change. During stagnation, "while thé political will to diversify is strong, thé capacity to restructure is undermined by chronic trade and budget déficits" (McElroy and dealbuquerque, 1990, p. 47). Asaresult, thesta(us quo persists despite mounting evidence that pervious insular carrying capacities hâve been violated. In addition according to Krippedorf, (1982, p. 144), there TaM*l. Tourisim DeiMity Rankî^s for Carîbbean and Pacifie Islamds (188&-90) laland High Dexsity l St.. Maartan Bahamas Cayman Islands Bermuda Northern Marjanas US Virgin Islands Aruba Intermediate High Density 8. Bonaire 9. Turks & Caicos 10. Barbados 11. Ouam 12. Antigua 13. Cook Islande 14 St. Lucia Intermediate Low Density Low Density Curaçao Grenada Martinique American Samoa French Polynesia Guadaloupe Dominica Pyi Ninue Western Samoa New Caledonia Vanuatu Tonga 8&loaoa Islands Density* A ss 3fi * Denaity r nrasund as tk av^raga daily visiter per 1,000 population. Source McEIroy (1981a) hâve been "no spectacular collapses which hâve brought about any internationsd awareness" of thé dangers of high-volume, indiscriminate mass-tourism policy serving primsirily thé short-term needs of technology and thé economy rather than thé longterm intergenerational requirements of thé ecology. Fourth, because of its national and international pervasiveness, islîind tourism tends to solidify a formidable array of vested interests strongly committed to business as usual. Internally thèse groups include local policy makers who myopically measure success in rising annual visiter counts (Holder, 1988), local landowners seeking short-run spéculative profits, and thé myriad of construction, service and transport workers whose fortunes are closely tied to thé season. ExternaUy 9 7 e 6 s 3 l they include international airline, cruise, hôtel and travel interests committed to thé intensive use oflargescale facilities to recover sunk costs and ever rising visiter volumes (Cohen, 1978). Bothgroups, together, produce a policy propensity for elastic short-run growth, irrespective of thé future, high-volume merchandising, andyear-roundtourism. This mass orientation in thé deep structure of thé insular polity further constrains either a change in direction or in promotional intensity. Fifth, tourism is not only a complex multi- iimensional process embracing visitors, résidents, host impacts and thé System itself, but it is also dynamic and difîicult to capture (Dann and Cohen, 1991). In addition, its gestation and pervasive impacts occur unevenly through time on thé environment and particularly on soft socio-cultural Systems highly sensitive to thé compliçated interactions and differential perceptions between hosts and visitors. As a result, tourism research is uneven in quality and often lacking both in theoretical rigor and empirical sophistication (Dann, 1988). Another result is that no universal model of tourist evolution as yet dominâtes our understanding nor reliably provides policy makers with thé tools for maximizing short-run çconomic benefifs and minimizing socio-enviromnental costs, and a priori with a long-term strategy for achiëving intergenerational sustainability. Destination Life Cycle PEirticularly in thé island literature, as postwar expérience has accumulated, thé most oft-quoted model oftourism évolution is But

9 ~" ' - ' Island Tourist Profiles across thé Destination Life Cycle Dossier : Tourisni in Islands ler's (1980) formulation of thé destination life cycle. This theory posits that resorts pass through a séries of predictable stages from low to high-density development along an S-shaped curve in a continuum of increasing institutionalization and cumulative ecological impact (Dann and Cohen, 1991). Patternedlooselyafterthe product life cycle, thé stages can be broadly characterized as four: (l) initial exploration and emergence, (2) followed by rapid growth and consolidation, (3) until saturation is reached at maturity, (4) after which thé area either experiences décline or rejuvenation. Varions authors hâve further theorized about thé various characteristics of thé stages (Wilkinson, 1987), thé inevitability of thé progression (Cohen, 1979; Noronha, 1977), and thé necessity Qf post-saturation decline (Machlis and Burch, 1983). Yet little systematic progress has been achieved because of thé lack of quantitative testing and comparative analysis (Dann, 1988). Nevertheless, thé life cycle has been loosely invoked by Holder ( 1988) - his so-called "self-destruct theory of tourism" - to broadly characterize thé postwar growth ofmass tourism in thé Caribbean. Minerbi (1988) similariy has sketched tourism's pénétration across a handfùl ofpacificislands. Our récent study (1991) of20 small Caribbean islands employing over a dozen indictors basically confirmed Butler's life cycle in three stages: newly emerging Stage l destinations characterized by lowdensity, long-staying visitors; Stage II or intermediate destinations characterised by rapid hôtel and visiter growth; and mature Stage III leaders typified by slow growth, high densities and thé prevalence of man-made attractions. In a follow-up study (McElroy, 1991) of 38 small Caribbean and Pacifie destinations combined, similar results were observed. Based on thé very limited data readily available, average daily densities per 1,000 population and Km2 revealed thé three basic stages with thé intermediate or transitional islands in Stage II fallinginto two distinct clusters of more and less penetrated groupings. Table l reports a representative sample of 28 destinations along Butler's S-curve. While imperfect and rudimentary, thé visiter density rankings roughly correspond to thé differe±it levels oftourist development across thé two oceanic régions. Stages III and II are dominated respectively by thé traditional mature resorts and thé rapidly growing areas of thé Caribbean, while Stage l exclusively comprises thé mainly emerging remoteislandsof thé Pacifie. Thèse régional variations are in large part explained by obvions differences in geography, levels ofmodernization, and commercial and colonial history. Scope Thé présent study focuses on thé tourism characteristics of a subsample of thèse islands for which limited survey and other data are available. Thé purpose is twofold: (l) to détermine whether thé behaviour oftourism across both oceanic régions conforms generally to patterns thé life-cycle model suggests, i.e. increasing trends towards scale, commercialization, eind assumed ecological impact, and (2) to provide background for a summary discussion on thé model's implications for sustatnable development. Thé thirteen destinations examined include: in thé Caribbean- Aruba, Bermuda, Bahamas, Caymans, St. Lucia, Ti.irks/Caicos, and thé U. S. Virgins (USVI); and in thé Pacific-Cook Islands, Guam, Northern Marianas, Solomons, Tonga, and Vanuatu. Analysis Table 2 présents tourist profiles of thé a number of destinations using vanous variables. Because of sévère data liinitations, however, and thé usual caveats regarding definitional uniformity and small number problems, caution must be exercised in thé interpretation of thé findings. Nevertheless, thé results veryroughly conform, with some regular exceptions, to thé three basic stages of thé life-cycle continuum. Population Ail destinations are small-less than.300,000 in population-but they range considerably froin thé Solomons (285, 000) to thé Turks/ Caicos (14, 000). They are loosely rankedin order ofincreasingtourist pénétration and industry institutionalization from thé Solomons to Bermuda. According to thé data, thé lowdensity Stage l group comprises thé three typical remotè Pacifie islands of Tonga, Vsinuatu, and Solomons. Thé high-density Stage III contains thé typical mature renowned CEiribbean destinations like Aruba, Bahamas, Bermuda and USVI. Stage II is populated primarily by thé rapidly growing transitional areas far into takeoff like Caymans and Turks/Caicos in thé Caribbean and thé U. S. Pacifie territories of Guam and Marianas. Bothintermediateand mature islands tend to be highly spedalized towards tounsm with visiter expenditure ranging between one and two-thirds ofgdp. For thé more diversified emerging islands, thé ratio is less than 15 percent. It is also thé older and more saturated islands in Stage III that expérience thé slowest population growth (less than one percent per year) largely as a fonction oftheir maturity and level of industry consolidation. Ontheotherhand, Table 2 - Selected indicators for selected Caribbean and Pacifie Islands (1990 or latest year) Island G H M Mature Benauda Aruba Bahaaas OSVI Intermediate Cayman Guam Marianas Turks & Caicos St Lucia Cook Islands Enier^mg Tonga Vanuatu Soioaoas 69 se SI , 712 6, 818 8,788 11, ,808 11, ,880 2, 929 1, 162 1, , Î ,415 1, S l , , 162 5,348 5, 248 6,670 12,074 3,3 6 9, 583 2,214 1,085 8S l S 8^ eo (Us ) 87 (Uï l 8fi CO 8 ) 84 (U.B ) 80 (CS) 82 (Japan) 75 (Japan) 66 (US) 28 (US) 47 (NZ) 40 (U S./N Z ) 58 (AUST ) 37 (AUST.).OUBC»: ror thé Oar*ll««Bl, W»9 Canbbea Tourna StBtiatoal Repllrt(199t);for thnpldfic, Visiter Arrivai StatirtiulBPC, 1991), AnnudStatiatical Report 1988 (PATA, 1990), StatuticalAbltmcts, and Visiter Sarveys fer Ceofefe, T^^a. Vanuate, ffis^ Seïem(His A s population E = Annual population growth I = Visrtor expenditore (US$ millions) M s Ratio of Holiday visitors B = Ratio sf visiter? = Total Visitors **(000s) J = Visiter expenditure per capita N = Primaiy^market. Share (Country) Expenditure to GNP G =Growth in Rooms( ) K= Percent Visiter Growtfi( ) 0= Ratio o^ Hôtel Visitors ^ _. C s Par capita GOP (US$) H =Avg. daily Visiter Densrties Km2 L= Ratioofholidayvisitors P= Ratio of hôtel vi D s Population per Kn2 Q Average totagth of stay = with thé exception ofcook Islands still undergoing regular emigration to.new Zealand, thé intermediate islands are characterized by thé most rapid démographie growth between 2-8 percent per annum largely according to thé immigration pressures caused by rapid tourist and construction growth. Thé slower pace of Stage III islands is primarily a function of modest modernization and resulting relatively high rates of naturalincrease. GDPperCapita Thé more tourist-oriented Stage II and III destinations are also clearly thé most affluent, exhibiting GDP levels be^ween $7,000 and $20, 000 on a per capita basis. Figures for Stage l islands are less than $1, 200. Moreover, thé mature islands tend to hâve thé highest population densities (above 300 persans per Km2), in part because of their heavy reliance on labour-intensive tourism. Population densities for thé two other stages tend to décline roughly corresponding to thé level oftourist development. Industry Size Thé représentative Stage III destinations are also thé typical Caribbean leaders in terms ofindustry size. Ail four islands average aver half million visitors annually (hôtel and cruise). Ail possess well-established port and dutyfree gift and liquor shopping facilities, important indicators of industry consolidation. Thé ratio of annual cruise to total visitors ranges ft-om one-fifth in Bermuda to two-thirds in thé USVI. Among thé intermediate islands, Caymans, Guam, and Marianas dominate in terms oftourism size and visiter loadings, averaging aver a half million combined. Thé Stage l Pacifie destinations receive less than 30, 000 visitors annually, reflecting their relative isolation and lack of international visibility. Patterns of total visiter growth between also typify expected behaviour across thé lifecycle S-curve. Tourist growth for Stage l islands is relatively modest Emd volatile, consonant with their emerging status. Stage II islands undergoing heavy development thrusts average nearly 70 percent. Similarly, their growth in hôtel rooms averages over 50 percent over thé same period. On thé other hand, Stage III ciestinatiens, withthe exception ofaruba, «a Î7 84 se so are typified by slow or négative growth both for total visitors and hôtel rooms. Taken together, thèse differential rates of change across thé life-cycle continuum parallel thé S-shaped growth trajectory predicted by Butler's model. Tourist Density Likewise, thé behaviour of averâge daily visiter densities per Km2 provides more évidence of thé expected pattern ofincreasing tourist pénétration and, indirectly, of rising pressure on fragile insular ecosystems. With thé exception of land-rich Bahamas, densities for mature destinations range from 141 visitors per Km2 in Bermuda to 37 in thé USVI. Thé intermediate group ranges roughlybetween 10 and 20 for thé more advanced islands and less than 10 for thé less advanced. Thé emergkig destinations exhibit densities considerably less than one. Thèse density trends are paralleled by visiter expenditure data. For exeimple, among thé Càribbean leaders where total visiter expenditure ranges from $350 million (Aruba)to$1. 3billion(Bahamas), annual visitor e^penditure in 1990 èxceeds $5,200 per 14 15

10 Island Toiirist Profiles across thé Destination Life Cycle Dossier : Tourism in Islands résident. In thé smaller of thé Stage II islands (Caymans and Marianas), it ranges above $9, 500. In thé new Pacifie areas, per capita visiter expenditure is less than $100 per résident. Such highly skewed figures suggest significantly différent impacts of tourism across thé environmental continuum similar to thé visitor density data. Holiday l Business Torists Another rough indicator ofindustry sophistication is thé percent of total visitors on holiday as opposed to on business or familyrelated trips. Thé higher thé holiday ratio, thé more developed and internationally visible thé destination. AccordingtoTable2, both Stage II and Stage III areas hâve holiday ratios, by and large, above 80 percent. Thé 60 percent and lower ratios for Stage l Pacifie islands reflect not only their relative isolation and lack of infrastructure and visibility, but also their relatively large flows ofbusiness travel and inter-island migration. Likewise, even given obvious geographie efîects, thé percent oftotal visitors from thé primary origin market country can be loosely considered an index of industry consolidation. Thé larger thé ratio, thé higher thé institutionalisation. ExceptforAruba, withits dependence on Venezuela, ail Stage III destinations are over 80 percent dépendent on thé U. S. Thé ratio is clearly lower for Stage II islands with Caymans and Turks/Caicos dépendent on thé U. S. andguamandmarianasjust as dépendent on Japan for honeymoon and other package tours. Thé exceptions are St. Lucia, a favourite British (23%) and Caribbeanlslander(22%)destination, and Cook Islands, oriented towards New Zealand. Stage l islands exhibit thé lowest primary market ratios, drawing from thé key origin markets in thé South Pacifie, New Zealand and Australia. In part thé low ratios reflect thé prevalence of retuming native migrant workers. Tourists in Hôtels In comparison with newly emerging Stage l destinations, resort areas in Stages II and III also exhibit higher percentages of total visitors who stayed in hôtels. This additionally suggests Mgher levels of tourist pénétration and an expsindingtourist plant as destinations progress up thé life-cyclé curve. For example, thé four Stage III islands average over 70 percent ofovernight visitors staying in hôtels while thé available ratios for Stage II islands average close to 60 percent. Thé low averâge hôtel ratio of less than 50 percent for Stage l suggests thé prevalence of informai facilities and low-budget accommodations- -cottages, guest houses, apartments, with family/fhends-characteristics oflow-density destinations in thé early exploratory phase of tourism development. Similarly, thé ratio of hôtel rooms in large (100+ rooms) and/or fullfacility international standard hôtels is another index ofincreasing pénétration as well as a surrogâte measure of thé présence of large-scale transport infrastructare and cumulative environmental pressure. Thé data reveal predictable life-cycle patterns. For Stage III islands thé ratio of hôtel rooms in large hôtels averages above 70 percent while it is less than 50 percent and considerably lower in Stage II and l destinations respectively. Such differences indirectly capture thé propensity in mature resorts for largescale convention business and generallyhigh-volume mass-market tourism. Average length of hôtel stay figures reveal similar predictable différences. Stage III areas are characterized by relatively short stays averaging less than a week because of their high-density (crowding) character and thé prevalence of package tours and convention trade. Stayseire somewhat longer for Stage II areas like St. Lucia and Cook Islands, with exceptions for thé U. S. Pacifie territories heavily dépendent on short honeymoon trips and other weekend package tours from Japan. In contrast, thé emerging Stage l areas are characterized by relatively long stays over 10 days because pf their unspoiled naturai assets and relatively cheap facility structure. Life-Cycle Profiles Despite thé small sample of islands and obvious data deficiendes, thé profiles that surface from this analysis tend to confirm thé three basic stages of thé life-cycle model. Thé low-density Stage I. Pacifie islands tend to be less developed with small tourism sectors and small-scale facilities and infrastructure. They expérience slow growth correspondingto their entry position on thé S-shaped curve. Theirvisitors, attractedby thé pristine amenities, are relatively long-staying with a belowaverage préférence for standard hôtel accommodations. Stage II destinations, by and large, are distinguished by rapid economic and démographie change in général and rapid visiter growth and hôtel room construction in particular. They are generally characterized by intermediate visitor densities and average stays. They also exhibit very high ratios of holiday visitors and primary market dependence, and their profiles suggest an increasing orientation towards largescale facilities and infrastructure and, in some cases, towards manmade attractions like duty-free shopping to cater for cruise demand. Thé most affluent, highdensity Stage III islands at thé top of thé life cycle are typified by large-scale tourism sectors and slow démographie, visiter, and hôtel room growth consonant with their mature status. They are generally thé most penetrated and established older Caribbean destinations with usually thé highest ratios ofholiday visitors, hôtel visitors, roomsinlarge hôtels, and primarymarketdependence. Previous research (McElroy and dealbuquerque, 1992) suggests they also are characterized by thé highest levels of promotional expenditure, year-round tourism, environmental damage, and manmade attractions. Iniplications Thé broad implications for sustainable tourism are straightforward. Island tourism is dynamic and, as thé life-cycle model predicts, its practice across two oceanic basins suggests an increasing tendency towards intrusive mass tourism that threatens thé ecological integrity of thé asset base. Thé advanced Stage III islands oftoday were emerging destinations a génération ago. Many Stage II islands already hâve thé large-scale transport and facility infrastructure either in place or in blueprint to pass across thé threshold to high visitor density status aver thé next décade. In thé mature resort areas, there is a clear risk that "business as usual" mass-merchandising will prove ultimately disruptive in thé short run and nonsustainable in thé long run. Violating insular carrying capacities-environmental and socio-cultural-cannot occur "ad infinitum" (Butler, 1980) without visibly damagingthe destination's appeal, "... leaving behind derelict tourist facilities, littered beaches, and a countryside and résident population that cannot return to its old way of life' (Holder, 1988:121). Serious efforts must be made to shift traditional policy away from thé aggressive pursuit ofeverrisingvisitor volumes towards maximizing visiter expenditure by encouraging expanded stays and local purchases. Such a restructuring in tourist strategy has been successfully mounted in Bermuda. Bermuda According to Manning (1979), Bermudan tourisin began in thé late 1800s when wealthy New Yorkers began monthly steamboat trips to "thé English tropics." Between thé world wars, growth spurted as a result ofheavy resort investment by thé local landed aristocracy. With thé addition of five new steamship lines and thé construction of a modem airport, Bermuda was positioned in thé immédiate postwar period for thé transition from sélective to mass tourism. Between 1950 and 1980, thé number ofvisitors (hôtel and cruise) rosé aver six-fold, largely as thé result oflarge-scale foreign hôtel chain investment and expanded cruise traffic. During thé 1970s intense résident and visitor crowding and environmental damage surfaced, and efforts were launched to promote more sustainable development by controlling visiter densities, improving product quality, retainingupscale visitors (Archer and Riley, 1990), and regulating thé construction and design oftourist and residential facilities (Bermuda Development Plan 1983, 1989). Such plans hâve specifically involved limiting visitor arrivais (567, 000), controllingthe number and daily distribution (no weekends) of cruiseship calls, and allowing a décline in accommodations available as cottage and guest-home facilities are gradually converted from tourist to residential use. As a direct result, since 1980 total visitors hâve decline 10 percent, hôtel rooms and hôtel employment hâve fallen aver 6 and 15 percent respectively, and thé ievel ofyear-round Visitation hasbeenreduced. Althoughnominal visiter expenditure has risen aver 50 percent, real spendinghas declined aver 5 percent (Bermuda Digest, 1991). Two noteworthy aspects of this new "soft" tourism policy are thé detailed emphasis on visual quality and thé widespread community participation and support that hâve facilitated implementation. In thé first case, there are spécifie ordinances for preventing development that would disturb spedalnaturalvistas, agricultural landscapes, and délicate areas rich in species diversity and historical memory. In addition, there are Pélican time-share resort and casino in St. Maarten 16 s 17

11 Island Tourist Profiles across thé Destination Life Cycle Dossier: Tourism on Islands detailed and enforced régulations for thé use of natural local material in facility construction to preserve thé old world ambience and colonial architectural flavour. There are also spécifie guidelines for residential landscaping and retaining endémie végétation. Most importantly, thé impetus and direction for change came from strong citizen environmental awareness andpride andwidespread popular support. A récent survey (Bermuda 2000, 1991) of résident attitudes towards thé growth-environment trade-offrevealed thé depth of this support. Nearly 90 percent of thé respondents felt Bermuda's physical appearance was "extremely important" not only for sustainable tourism but also for their own quality oflife. Over fouï-fifths felt Bermuda was suffering from visitor saturation. Remarkably, thé majority were prepared to accept some réduction in their standard of living to préserve thé natural physical quality and pace oftraditional Bermudan life. Such a strong consensus, on such a polarizing issue is ail too rare in insular societies normally fractured on minor matters by partisan politics, long-standing ethnie cleavâges, and inter-island rivalries. Conclusion In summary, given thé fragile ecology ofsmall islands and their propensity to promote large-scale mass tourism with its seeming inévitable life-cycle dynamic toward cumulative environmental décline, thé appearance of thé Bermudan model-comprehensive planning to control visitor densities and to préserve thé natural, cultural, and visual heritage-provides a fresh and promising step in thé right direction. Overtimeit is hoped that thé général thrust of Bermuda's slower-paced and lower-density tourist strategy will becoine more thé rule than thé exception, especially for mature islands at thé high and precarious northeast end of thé destination life cycle. Références Archer, B. andc. RUey(1990), "Bermuda: Thé Rôle of Tourism Research, " in G. Cooper (éd.), Progress in Tourism, Récréation, andhospitality Management, Vol. 2. Lymington, HantS, UK: Belhaven Press. Butler, R. (1980), Thé Concept of thé Toiirist Area Cycle of Evolution: Implications for Management of Resources. Canadian Geographer Vol 24, pp Caribbean Tourism Organization (1991), Caribbean Tourism Statistical Report Christ Church. Barbados: CTO. Cohen, E. ( 1978), Thé Impact oftourism on thé Physical Ehvironment. Annals of Tourism Research (ApriVJune): pp Cohen, E. (1979), Rethinkingthe SociologyofTourism. Annals oftourism Research, Vol. 6, pp Dann, G. (1988), Tourism Research in thé Caribbean: An Evaluation. Leisure Studies, Vol. 10, pp Dann, G. ande. Cohen (1991), Sociology and Tourism. Annals of Tourism. Research,Vol. 18, pp Govemment of Bermuda (1989), Bermuda Development Plan Hamilton, Bermuda: Department of Planning. Govemment of Bermuda (1991) Bermuda 2000:Facing thé Future. Hamilton, Bermuda: Department of Planning. Govemment of Bermuda (1992), Bermuda Digesto f Statistics Hamilton, Bermuda: Ministry of Finance, Statistical Department. Holder, J. (1988),"Pattern and Impact of Tourism on thé Environment of thé Caribbean," Tourism Management, pp Innskeep, E. "Environmental Planningfor Tourism,"A7irafflZs oftourismresearch, 'Vo[. 14, pp Krippendorf, J. (1982), "Towards New Tourism Policies: Thé Importance of Environmental and Sociocultural.Factors, "Tourism Management (September): pp Lindberg, K. (1991), Policies for Maximizing Nature Tourism's Ecological and Economie Benefits. Washington, B. C. : World Resources Institute. Machlis, G. and W. Burch (1983), "Relations Between Strangers: Cycles of Structure and Meaning in Tourist Systems, " Sociological Review, Vol. pp Manning, F. (1979), "Tourism and Bermuda's Black Clubs: A Case of Cultural Revitalization, " in E. dekadt (éd.), Tourism: Passport to Development? New York: Oxford University Press. McElroy, J. (1991), "Thé Stages of Tourist Development in Small Caribbean and Pacifie Islands,' Paper presented to thé Symposium on Thé Island Economies: Policy Models for Planning Development. IMEO, Lesbos, Greece (November 11-12). McEh-oy, J. andk. dealbuquerque (1990), Managing Smaiï-Island Sustainability: Towards a Systems Design. Nature and Resources, Vol. ~26, pp McEhwy, J. and K. dealbuquerque ( 1991), "Tourism Styles and Policy Responses in thé Open Economy- Closed Environment Context, " in N. Girvan and D. Simmons (eds. ), Caribbean Ecology and Economics. St. Michael, Barbados: Caribbean Conservation Association. McEhwy,J. andk. dealbuquerque (1992), AnIntegrated Sustainable Ecotourism for Small Caribbean Islands. Bloomington, IN: Indiana Center on Global Change and WorldPeace, OccasionalPaperNo. 8. Minerbi, L. ( 1988), Alternative Forms of Tourism in thé Coastal Zone: Searching for Responsible Tourism in Hawaii. Honolulu: Department ofurban and Régional Planning, University of Hawaii. Noronha, P. (1977), Social and Cultural Dimensions of Tourism: A Review of thé Literature in English. New York: World Bank (mimeo). Pacifie Asia Travel Association (1990), Annual Statistical Report San Francisco, ÇA: PATA Research. Stough, R. andm. Feldman, ( 1982), "Tourist Attraction Development Modelling: Public Sector Policy and Management," Review ofregional Studies, Vol. 12, pp Tourism Council of thé South Pacific( ), "VisitorSurveys for Cook Islands, Tonga, Vanuatu, and Solomon Islands Tourist Profiles" WUkinson, P. (1987), "Tourism in Small Islands, A Fragile Dependence, " Leisure Studies, Vol. 6, pp Wilkinson, P. (1989, "Stratégies for Tourism in Island Microstates. Annals of Tourism Research Vol. 16, pp I. Introduction Previously underestimated and undervalued, tourism is today one of thé world's largest industries by many économie measures, and there is a widespread view that it will continue to grow strongly into thé foreseeable future. While such trends appear to be virtually thé same for widely différent countries and types of tourism, thé question arises as to whether such patterns mask more complex and less encouraging patterns for specifictourist destinations. Inmany communities and areas, debating whether tourism is bénéficiai may be merely académie, as a variety of factors may virtually preclude économie alternatives. This is particularly thé case of small island nations where thé common features of peripheral location, impart dependence and limited resource and investment bases create a developinent environment where options are few and a significant amount of economic activity is inevitably generated by tourism (Wilkinson, 1989). Arguably, in thé shortterm, thé économie rewards of tourism can be a windfall for many islands badly in need of foreign exchange to supplément their lagging économies. However, investment in tourism can be a gamble, and often thé médium and long term effects oftourism can be more than thé island's socioeconomic and ecological Systems can endure. Susan Bookinan ia Spécial Pngecta Coordinator at thé International Instituts of Tourism Studiea, Washington Univeraity, Washington D. C. erspective on cotourisin in sland evelopinent Susan Bookinan Investment in tourism can be a gamble. 2. Eco-Tourism and Sustainable Development Thé issues and problems pertaining to tourism in général and to island nations in particular are notnew. Scholars, economists and policy-makers hâve spent thé last twenty years discussing and debating thé unfettered growth of mass tourism and its consequences and seeking. to devise sustainable alternatives. Still, as if their efforts were in vain, unsustainable methods of tourism development continue to be applied. Thé idea of sustainability, or its contemporary label, "sustainable development", is really not yet a theory or even an approach, but more an evolving vision representing thé coming together ofa gréât variety of différent concerns, disciplines and political pressures. Given thé multiplicity oforigins, définitions of sustainability abound and often vary depending on thé nature of thé problems being addressed and thé interests of thé party defining it. But most would agrée that a development which is sustainable should be achieving thé following goals: l. It should ensure that future générations inherit a technological, capital and environmental wealth that is greater than thé one inherited by thé présent génération. (World Commission on Environment and Development, 1987) 2. It should not interfère with thé natural functioning oflife-support Systems or natural ecological processes, and should contribute to environmental protection including thé protection of biodiversity. (Berkmuller and Monroe, eds., 1986) 3. It should foster équitable distribution of ail costs and ail benefits. 18 s 19

12 Perspective on Ecotourism in Island Developnient Dossier: Tourism on Islands 4. It should fadlitate thé increased participation of local peuples from ail sectors of society in décision making, and should be carried out in a manner consistent with a thorough understanding of, and respect for, thé cultural values ofaffected communities. (Ascher and Healy, 1990) Thé signifîcance of thèse objectives for thé international travel and tourism industry is potentially dramatic, in terms of both its structure and its fonction. Many daim that thé incentives and commitment needed to implement thé necessary reforms can be conceived within thé framework of "ecotourism". However, ecotourism is a rather elusive concept, as it simultaneously "describes an activity, sets forth a philosophy and espouses a model of development" (Ziffer, 1989). Therefore it is not surprising that thé définition of ecotourism has been as widely debated and misconstrued as that of sustainable development. Onewidelyaccepted définition is a "responsible travel to natural areas which conserves thé environment and improves thé welfare of local people" (Western, 1993). To some, this expresses thé value of minimum environmental and cultural impact, to others it may be more broadly related to love ofnatural history. Whatever thé context may be, thé values and ethics which imbue thé concept of ecotourism are often not foundin other segments of thé tourism industry, as it incorparâtes both a strong commitment to nature and a sensé of social responsibility (Kurtay, 1989). Thé growth of ecotourism has occurred simultaneously with thé increasing worldwide interest in sustainable development. Thé goals and objectives of each is closely parallel, and arguably they are synonymous constructs. While thé meanings and implications of both sustainable development and of ecotourism are still unfolding, it is clear that thé pursuit of either one is thé necessary corollary to thé achievement of thé other. A major problem is that often tourism planning stratégies do not provide thé comprehensive framework which is needed to ensure that any type of tourism, be it ecologically based or otherwise, is developed in an environmentally sensitive and sustainable manner. This requires thé development and implementation of environmental management and resource planning programmes which take into account thé direct and indirect impacts of tourism infrastructural development. They should seek to mitigate tourism-related impacts through thé protection of ecologically sensitive areas, thé identification of appropriate sites and zones for physical development, as well as thé identification of présent and future demand for utilities, such as airport facilities, roads, water, sewage, energy, and waste disposai (Thomas, 1990). 3. Barriers to Sustainable Tourisin Given an island's small scale and thé fragilityof thèse Systems, even moderate tourism development can hâve a proportionately large impact. Thé uncontrolled construction of tourism-related infrastructures, such as resorts, hôtels, airports and marinas, can hâve an undesirable and often irréversible impact on thé vistas, beaches, reefs and wildlife, which are thé very environmental attractions on which thé island tourism industry dépends. We hâve seen many examples of this in our home countries and abroad. What is new is that many of thé fashionable tourism destinations of thé last several décades hâve reached a threshold at which thé experiential satisfaction ofthe tourist and thé financial satisfaction of thé suppliers andinvestors has declined due to environmental changes as well as perceptual ones. As thé économie viability of thèse tourist sites continues to diminish, tourists alongwiththeir dollars are beginning to look for new frontiers. What we are seeing is a shift taking place where more and more tourists and investors are looking to unspoiled, pristine islands to achieve their respective satisfactions. So long as traditional methods of tourism development prevail, we can expect to see repeated thé terrible mistakes already made on countless islands in thé Caribbean, Mediterranean, andelsewhere. This suggeststhat it is even more urgent that such nations begin to re-examine their tourism sector in light of thé knowledge that thé long term economic benefits ofpreserving their natural resources and attracting ecotourists far outweigh thé profits which could be made by exploiting or overusing their resources (this, in a nutshell, is thé rationale ofecotourism). Indeed, manyislands are already, or will be, marketing themselves as ecotourism destinations. This seems logical given thé comparative environmental advantages which many islands enjoy due to their ecological insularity. However, thé road to sustainable tourism development is not paved by thé force of ecotourism alone. There are many barriers which must be overcome. For example, many island policy- makers and planners do not fully understand, or hâve access to, thé technology necessary to implement bona fide ecotourism planning programs. Also, many of thé currently available planning techniques hâve been developed for continental areas and are not particularly well adapted to thé spécial problems of islands. Furthermore, many island developers act on thé belief thatecotourism, oranature-based tourism, is an excellent way to attract tourists with little initial capital expenditure. They theorize that thé seeds hâve already been sown; ail they need to do is promote thé natural beauty of thé island and wait for those tourist dollars to roll in. Thé reality is that ecotourism is still tourism. What distinguishes ecotourism is that its aim is to add value to thé environment. If it is going to succeed in meeting this objective, a substantial amount of investment, both time and capital, will be required. Arguably, ecotourism sites located outside of, or near, major transportation hubs where thé level ofinfrastructure developmentis advanced may notrequire massive initial spending. But in many island nations, where organized tourism is a relativelynew phenomena, andwhere existing infrastructure may only suffice to service thé native population, thé task which lies ahead should not be uhderestimated. 4. Conclusion Within thé dynamic and competitive setting of thé world travel industry, ecotourism has taken centre stage as its fastest growing sector. In island nations where sustainable development options are relatively few, and thé abundance ofuntainted natural beauty is gréât, thé potential for ecotourism as a source ofemployment and foreign exchange and as a contributor to GNP is enormous. However, thé smallness and fragility of thé ecological and economic Systems of islands makes them particularly susceptible to thé detrimental externalities of tourism development. This means that extra caution must be exercised in order to protect and preserve thèse spécial ecosystems and their aesthetic environments. Still, thèse attributes should be viewed as compétitive advaniages Extra caution must be exercised to protect and préserve thé spécial ecosystems and their aesthetic environments ofislands. for islands. While ecotourism is rapidly spreading across thé globe, there still exists relatively few places where true ecotourism, environmentally sound and economically sustainable, is taking place. This créâtes an excellent opportunity for island communities to innovate and upgrade, to educate thé public about responsible ecotourism, to help further develop priorities and guidelines for research in ecotourism, and to demonstrate to thé international community that tourism, conservation, and économie development can peacefully coexist. Références Ascher, William and Robert Healy (l990), NafuralResourcePolicymaking in Developing Countries. Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press. Berkmuller, K. and M.C. Monroe, (Eds. ) (1986), World Conservation Strategy. Gland Switzeriand: International Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources. Kurtay, Kurt 1989), "Thé New Ethic in M-ventvire'Traveï. "Buzzworm:theEnvironmental Journal, Vol. I, No. 4, Summer 1989, pp Thomas, P. (1990), "Coastal and Marine Tourism:AConservationPerspective." in Marc L. Miller and Jan Auyong (Eds. ), Proceedings of thé 1990 Congress on Coastal and Marine Tourism: A Symposium and Workshop on Balancing Conservation and Economie Development, Honolulu, Hawaii, May 1990 (Newport, Oregon: National Coastal Resources Research and Development Institute, 1990), pp Wilkinson, Paul F. (1989), "Integrating Tourism into National Development in Island Microstates. " Paper presented at a Conférence on Ecûnomics and thé Environment, Caribbean Conservation Association, Barbados. November 6-8. Western, David (1993) "Defining Ecotourism. " in D. E. Hawkins and Susan D. Buse (Eds.), Ecotourism: A Resource Book for Planners and Managers. North Bennington, VT: Thé Ecotourism Society, June. World Commission on Environment and Development (1987), Our Common Future. New York: Oxford University Press. Ziffer, Karen A. (1989), Ecotourism: Thé Uneasy Alliance. Conservation International and Ernst& Young, Fall l SU 21

13 Dossier: Tourisni on Islands Diversification of thé Tourist Econoniy in Northern Marianas Absorbtive Capacity and thé Diversification of thé Small Tourist Economy: Thé Case of thé Coinmonwealth of thé Northern arianas l. Introduction Thé Commonwealth of thé NorthernMarianas (CNMI), which consists of three major islands (Saipan, Tinian and Rota) with a total land area of 457Km2 and a 1988 résident population of 22, 346, became a self-governing Commonwealth of thé United States in 1986 after nearly 300 years offoreign domination: Spanish ( ), German ( ), Japanese ( ) and thé U.N. Trust Territory of thé Pacifie Islands under thé administrative rule of thé United States ( ). "Ithasbeensaidthat thé Spanish brought Christianity to thé islands; thé Germans copra commerce; thé Japanese agricultural and industrial development and thé Americans thé concept of selfgovernment. " (William, 1988, P. 3) Approval of thé CNMI constitution, followed by thé self- governing élection in 1978 prior to thé acquisition of thé new Commonwealth status, has given thé sagging CNMI economy a vigorous push attracting private business, particularly tourism investment from Japan. Thé number oftourists has increased nearly three fold from 119,000 in 1980 to 318, 000 in 1989 which is about Hîroahi Kakazu M Deaii au-xi Profcs-.or, Thé International University ofjapan. Tb» paper waaoriginally preaented at thé 1981 Kanagawa ConvenUon of thé Japan Association for Aaian Political and Economie Studiee. Thé author wishea to thank Profefora Harry T. Oshima, Shinichi Ichimura, Shigeru Ishikawa and Hiroahi Yamauchi for h*lpful comments and suegestions on eariier version» of thé article. Hiroshi Kakazu cultural food products. A typical resort hôtel in Saipan Thé main purpose ofthis paper is to (l) analyse thé structural characteristics of thé CNMI economy (2) construct a balance of payments table for CNMI(3) attempt to measure thé absorptive capacity of thé economy and (4) construct a broader model to diversify thé CNMI economy. Some policy conclusions will also be derived fi-om thé analysis. Itwillbe argued that thé economy of thé Commonwealth of thé Northern Marianas présents an interesting case of a tourist economy which dépends heavily tentimes ofcnmi's résident population. Thé rapid growing tourism industry has not only transformed CNMI's industrial structure, but has accompanied various developmental issues such as sévère infrastructure bottlenecks, increasing migrant workers and declining self-sufficiency of agrion foreign market, capital and workers. Further specializationin thé tourism industry, under full employment of thé local labour force and extremely limited absorptive capacity, is at thé expense of external vulnerability and welfare of local Marianas. There is a possibility that thé is- land economy may collapse into a primitive stage which is characterized by a low-level subsistence state with a smaller population. 2. Econoinic Structure There are several important characteristics of thé CNMI economy. Some are quite différent from other typical island économies (Kakazu, 1986). First, unlike other neighbouring mini-island economies such as Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), Marshall Islands and Palau, where net outmigration is a common phenomena, CNMI has experienced a sub- Indicator Population, '000 Résident population Non-resident population Non-resident workers U.S. Grants, $M Covenant Fédéral Tourism Touriste Incomes, $M No. oftourists, '000 Gross Island Product Nommai, $M Real, 1975=100 CPI, 1978=100 Trade Experts, '000 tons Importa, '000 tons Experts, $M Imports, $M Note: - data are not avaiïable. Source: CNMI Govemment sources Table l - Main Economie Indicators of CNMI, S , Expert value figures are garment only; impart value figures ar estimatod by thé author. stantial population increase mainly through net inflows of alien workers in thé past décade (see Table l). Résident population (résident U. S. citizens) increased by 39% from 17,400 in 1980 to 23, 500 in 1989, while nonrésident workers (figures for nonrésident population are available onlyfor 1987 and 1989) increased by 6. 5 times from 2,900 to 18,800 duringthe same period. Noteworthy is thé fact that non-resident population slightly outnuïnbered thé résident population in Thé sharp increase in thé nonrésident population is composed of migrant workers mainly fi"om thé Philippines, Korea Eind China attracted by thé booming tourism industry and export-oriented garment manufacturing since thé mid-1980's. Itis important to note hère that thé supply of labour required for rapid économie growth has been met by importing labour from neighbouring labour-surplus countries whichwill be analysed in greater détail later. Thé labour-supply pattem is strikingly similsir to that of thé prewar Japanese sugar plantations on CNMI where farm labours were brought from Japan's rural areas. In Saipan, for example, Japanese migrant population (20, 578) far outnumbered thé native population (3,222) in thé prewar years. Thé influx of migrant workers has created socio-economic imbalances and tensions in CNMI. Second, unlike otherindependent island économies in thé Pacifie région, CNMI has been enjoying benefits arising from its status as a U. S. Commonwealth. Thé Marianans are not only guaranteed a minimum standard of living under thé U. S. welfare program, but also a large amount of fédéral grants for capital investment has been flowing into thé CNMI economy. In 1989 fédéral grants accounted for about halfof CNMI's total budget resources. Thé CNMI government absorbed more than 50% of total résident wage earners and their wage and salary levels are compsirable to those of newly industrialized économies (NIEs). It is very important to note hère that thé increasing heavy weight of thé publie sector, supported by fédéral grants, has encouraged locals te seek thé relatively high-paid and more prestigious governmentjobs which hâve naturally discouraged engagement in agricultural development. Thé CN&II farmers hâve rapidly lost their interest in farming. As a result, commercial agriculture has almost disap parlarly in Saipan (in t&e past decade). Although récent land use data are not available, even before thé tourism boom began, total crop acreage had sharply declined to 1, 105 acres in 1977 from 8, 071 acres in 1963, while unused arable land accounted for 60% of total agricultural leind which was farhigherthanthoseinyap(12%), Marshalls(14%)and Palau(20%) (see Nitz, 1990, for data). This is not only because farmers hâve abandoned their farmland for less demanding, higher-paid jobs but also because land priées hâve also risen so rapidly that thé opportunity cost of land has become too high for commercial crops. It is also reported that revenues from land sales or lease to commercial developers hâve created nouveau riches whose conspicuous consumption also discouraged frugal work ethic and savings. Thirdly, there is thé sharp increase in land priées asaresultof foreign investment, mainly fi-om Japan, in thé tourism industry which expanded five times in terms oftourism expenditures in thé past décade (see Table l). Thé industry now accounts for 55% of CNMI's gross island product (GIF). As a matter offact, CNMI's économie growthcanbeexpressed 22 23

14 Dossier: Tourisni on Islands Diversification of thé Tourist Econoniy in Northem Marianas by thé following simple formula: GIP. R = f(tn, DUM) TN = f(nw, DUM) where, thé level of real gross island product (GIP. R) is determined by thé number of tourists (TN) which in turn dépends on thé number ofnon-resident workers (NW). Thé dummy variable (DUM) has been introduced to take account ofoutliers for 1986, thé year in which there was an unusual fluctuation in thé statistical data due to thé political change to a new Commonwealth status. Thé following are résulta ofleast squares estimation: GIP.R= TN+25.12DUM (-3.47) (20.62) (3. 98) R2= S =5.92 DW= 2.43 TN = NW DUM (14, 76) (10. 06) (-1. 63) R2 = S = DW = where R2 = coefficient ofdetermination, S = standard déviation, DW = Durbin-Watson test and parenthèses are t-statistics. Ail t values, except DUM, are significant at 1% level. As is expected, about 98% of CNMI's changes in GIP are explained by changes in thé volume oftourists and 93% of changes in tourists are explained by non-resident workers. This demonstrates that a simpie model is good enough to explain thé mechanism of thé CNMI economy. Thé rapid development ofthetourism industry was mainly due to (l) CNMI's positive foreign investment policy after its new self-government status in 1978, and attaining U. S. commonwealth status in 1986 (2) easy access to thé huge and growing Japanese tourist market (3) stable and secure socio-political environment (4) a substantial appréciation of thé Japanese yen after thé Plaza Accord in 1985 which stimulated Japanese spending on thé attractive tropical islands where Japan has historical ties as well as geographical proximity, and (5) an availability of cheap service labourfrom Asian and Pacifie neighbours, particularly from thé Philippines. Thé booming tourism industry has many side effects which will be discussed later. Fourth, thé CNMI monetary system is completely différent from those independent island nations due to its U. S. Commonwealth status which has enabled thé Marianans to use thé U. S. dollar as its légal currency. Since seignorage belongs to thé U. S. government, thé CNMI government has no power to control thé amount ofmoney supply. Thé supply ofgrowth currency" has been provided only through thé balance of payments surplus. Thus thé CNMI government cannot adjust money supply according to business fluctuations. This monetary mechanism is more or less similar to thé classical gold standard System where net money supply is completely determined by net inflow of gold. Net inflow of dollars as a result of net experts of goods of services (i. e., tourist receipts), fédéral grants, foreign investment and so on hâve increased CNMI's dollar currency réserves and thus its capacity to import. Thèse external sources of money supply will be discussed in thé balance of payments section in greater détail. Wage rate Wr \Vn Fifth, CNMI has been experiencing a critical shortage of local(or indigenous) labour supply to meet thé growing service sector. In thé past four years ( ), thé CNMI economy grew by 66%, while thé local résident labour force increased only 18% during thé same period. Furthermore, it is estimated that only a small portion of thé increased local labour force has been absorbed by thé newly established garment industries (CNMI, 1989, p. 37). Only 18% of thé total employed in thé garment factories in 1988 were locals. This is because thé local people are not willing to work for low-paid "sweat industries" but also because wages and salaries in those industries are much lower than in thé government works where most locals are gainfully employed (see Table 2). As has been already mentioned, thé gap between thé local labour supply and thé increasing demand for tourism-related labour has been filled by importing alien workers. This interesting dichotomy is illustrated in Fig. l. Thé employment market can be dichotomized into two; one is resident (indigenous) labour market (Lr) which is determined by government autonomous action and thé other market is for non-resident (alien) labour (Ln) which is largely determined by thé demand for CNMI tourism. Thé résident Figure l Dichotoiny of thé CNMI Labour Market Lr -r SLrfresident labor supply) Ln résident wage rate SLnlnon-resident labor supply) DLnfnon. résident labor demand) Labor labour market is highly inelastic reflecting both inelastic supply (SLr) of and demand (DLr) for labour, while thé non-resident labour market (Ln) is highly elastic reflecting unlimited supply of alienworkers (SLn) and arelatively labour intensive characteristic of thé tourism industry (see Lewis, 1954, for thé model of unlimited labour supply. ) In thé case of thé résident (govemment) sector, thé wage rate (Wr) is mostly determined by institutionalized civil semce raies not necessarily related to thé marginal productivity of labour. On thé other hand, thé wage rates in thé non-resident sector (Wa) is determined by thé perfectly elastic marginal productivity of labour (DLn) assiuning an unlimited supply of alien labour (SLn). It woiild be interesting to see how thé CNMI tourism industry could be sustained if thé alien labour supply were highly inelastic; that is to say, if wages increase as a result of immigration restrictions. Sixth, despite thé booming economy of CNMI, inflationary pressure has been minimized due mainly to (l) fi-ee entries ofgoods and services from thé U. S. and neighboiiringasian countries and (2) almost unlimited imports of service and construction related labour force from Asian countries and neighboring Pacifie islands. If thé local industries were protected through high impart barriers such as quotas and tariffs, thé overall priée level ofcnmi would be significantly higher than thé current 4-5% annual increase. Furthermore, if cheap imported labour were not available, there would be an increasing cost-push pressure which would easily be translated into a wage-push inflation. Therefore, about 99% of thé changes in consumers' priée level ofcnmi (PNMI) can be explained by thé changes in consumers' priée level of thé U. S. (PUS) as follows: PNMI = PUS (-8.24) (25.28) R2 = S = 5.41 DW = A higher corrélation can be expected ifwe take thé priée levelof Guam, which has been thé largest trans-shipment supplier of consumer goods to CNMI. Seventh, thé tourism industry of CNMI has been heavily depend- Table 2. Estiaated B^ance of Payments for CNMI, 1985^0 ($ Mmittn) Merchandise Experts Imports Balance Service Travel Income Remittances Unrequited transféra Officiai (US grants) Current Ace. Balance Net deposits of CNMI baiiks with non-cnmi banks ^ m Note: See th< text for explanations aad estimating problems. Source: CNMI govemment, ent upon Japanese investment and tourists inflow. Thé increasing concentration of Japanese land-intensive tourism has discouraged not only agricultural development and work incentives of thé local people but also thé acquisition ofland for housing and public fadlities for thé local peopie has becoming uicreasingly difficult to acqiiire. Finally, because of thé nature of small islands, development impacts can be immediately felt through thé common use of public goods (infrastructure) and public utilities such as transportation, communication, electridty, water, sewerage, solidwaste disposai and hospitals. CNMI has inparticular faced a serious problem of water shortage caused mainly by thé booming tourism industry which requires a high per capita consumption ofwater (Miwa, 1990). 3. Balance of Payinents There is some debate as to whether or not it is meaningfiil to construct a balance of payments account (BOP) for an island economy such as CNMI where thé monetary System is completely integrated into that of thé United States and there is no independent monetary policy for thé CNMI authority to résolve balance of payments problems. Nevertheless thé construction of a BOP table for thé economy, however crade, is essential to understand thé workingmechanism of thé CNMI economy and also to help solve various developmentissuesraised in thé previous section. Thé construction of BOP will be particularly important for an open, small island economy such as CNMI, where extemal trade and various sources of capital transactions détermine thé course ofan island's économie development. A reliable BOP is also essential for estimating gross island product (GIF)

15 Dossier: Tourisni on Islands Diversification of thé Tourist Econoiny in Northern Marianas A BOP table (see Table 3) has been constructed for CNMI based upon available data and this author's own estimations (see ÏMF, 1987, for BOP concepts). Thé tablé should be read cautiously because of poor quality of data and estimâtes. There are no published expert figures. However, garment experts, which this author extracted from a computer printout of thé Division of Custom Services, should account for most of thé experts from CNMI. Thé garment industry has flourished in CNMI since 1985 due mainly to its easy access to thé U. S. market. If local content is more than 50%, thé CNMI garments (except sweaters) can be exported to thé U. S. free of duty and quota restrictions. To take advantage of thé preferential treatment given to thé Commonwealth, 24 garment manufacturers from Taiwan, China, South Korea and Thailand hâve invested in plants and facilities, employing about 6, 000 workers and exporting $154 million in Published impart figures are greatly underestimated since they cover only those imported items which are subject to import duties. Imported items sold at dutyfree shops are not recorded in thé custom statistics. Basedupongovernment sources, published import values are increased by 30% for thé BOP estimâtes in order to correct for thé obvious underestimation. As can be expected for a trade dépendent economy such as CNMI, thé trade balance has recorded an increasing déficit amountingto $199 millionin Tourists' receipts (expenditures) in Table 3 are primarily based on thé average length ofstay (4 days) for thé visitor with an average expenditure of $239 per day for thosearrivingbyair(see William, 1988). It is quite possible, that thé figures may be underestimated considering thé changing spending habits of thé Japanese tourists who account for nearly 80% of thé total visitors to CNMI. Tourists' receipts hâve increased by 2. 6 times from $122 million in 1985 to $319 million in According to a survey conducted by thé School oftravel Industry Management, at thé University ofhawaii in 1989, $1 million tourists' expenditure directly and indirectly created 75 jobs, i.e., $1.2 million in total sales, $0. 6 million household incarne, $0. 1 million in government revenue and $0.3 million imports. Ifwe apply thèse figures to 1989, thé tourism industry generated about 24, 000 jobs, $380 million in sales, $32 million in government revenue and $170 million in imports (School oftravel, 1989). Tourism receipts are thé only available data to be recorded in thé service trade ofbop. Estimâtes ofexpenditure made by CNMI tourists, which should be recorded on thé débit side of thé BOP account, are not available. Therefore, thé surplus in travel balance is, no doubt, overestimated. As we hâve already noted, CNMI has increasingly been a net importer ofalien workers. There are no officiai figures available for thé net labour income ofnon-resident (alien) workers. Thé net labour incarne of thèse workers in Table 2, which is équivalent to remittances (total eamings less local expenditures and local savings) of thé non-residentworkers has been estimated by this author under thé assumptions that an average alien worker earns thé average wage of thé private sector and that thé worker will remit 40% of thé average wage earnings. Thèse assumptions can be challenged because they are based upon author's very small and informai sample survey in CNMI. Remittances of non-resident workers more than doubled duringthe last fiveyearsfrom$15 million in 1985 to $36 million in 1989 due to a sharp increase in thé number of workers during thé period. It is interesting to note that thé averâge estimated annual earnings of thèse workers hâve declined from $5,682 in 1985 to $4,781 in 1989 reflecting an influx of cheap labour, mainly from thé Philippines. Trade, service and income balances including goods, services and incarne are important components of GIF. As we hâve already seen, surpluses in thé service balance hâve more than offset thé déficits in merchandise trade and income balances. Therefore thé foreign trade sector of CNMI, unlike that of many small island économies, has contributed positivelyto CNMI's économie growth. Due to lack of data, only unrequited officiai transfers, namely thé U. S. fédéral grants-in-aid are recorded in BOP. Thé fédéral grants, however, are thé single most important source oftransfer receipts. Although thé amount of grants increased from $59 million in 1985 to $80 million in 1989, its relative weight in thé external receipts declined considerably. Private transfer balance (net unrequited transfers of résidents) is likely to be négative considering thé fact that there hâve been increasing remittances from CNMI for éducation abroad. As can be seen from Table 2, CNMI's estimated current account balance has shown increasing surpluses in récent years from $87 million in 1985 to $163 million in This means that CNMI has been a net exporter of capital. Although no capital account data, including direct foreign investment in CNMI, is available, net deposit positions of CNMI's four banks with non-cnmi banks recorded sizeable positive figures of $128 million in 1988 and $168 million in 1989 which roughly correspond to thé respective current account surpluses. Ifwe assume that ail extemal financial transactions of CNMI were conducted through thé financial institutions, thé surpluses in net deposit positions indicate thé net capital outflows from CNMI. CNMI's development strategy paper has observed that "within thé booming economy of thé CNMI where construction projects are everywhere évident that bank deposits exceed their lending activity to thé extent that thé above sum ($168 million in 1989) was placed in ofî-island banks to be invested outside thé Northern Marianans. " (CNMI, undated, p. 3) 4. Absorbtive Capacity Thé CNMI economy has been rapidly losing its structural balance due largely to thé rapid development of thé toiirism industry. Thé tourism industry is basically an externally driven development force to CNMI. Therefore, it is important to resdize that this extemal growth factor is subject to thé vagaries of exteraal forces beyond thé control of CNA1I. Developmentmustimprovethe socioéconomie life of thé indigenous Marianans whose very life is based on thé land and natural environments ofcnmi. Thus thé absorptive capacity (AC) can be defined as thé socio-economic capadty of CNMI to absorb thé development impact meant to improve thé net welfare of thé Marianans. Measurement ofac is not an easy task, particularly in CNMI where key data are almost totally lacking. However, thé following attempts may be better than no-attempts at ail. A. Indigenous Labour Force (Ad) A very simple way to measure AC is to use thé growth rate of thé indigenous (résident) labour force. According to this criterion of absorptive capadty, given full employment as has beeh thé case in CNMI, ACi must be determined by thé growth rate of indigenous labozir force and its productivity as follows: GACi = GLi + GPLi where GACi = marginal absorptive capacity ofindigenous labour; GLi = growth rate ofindigenous labour force; GPLi = productivity growth rate ofindigenous labour force. This simple formula is particularly applicable to CNMI where wages and salaries in thé tourism industry are much lower than thé current fùll employment wages of thé indigenous labour force. Therefore, additi.onal demand for new employment will not increase thé net welfare level of thé local labour force. As is shown in Fig. 2, CNMI's indigenous labour force (Li) has grown at an average annual rate of about 4% during thé past décade ( ). However, total labour force (L) has grown by 25 % annually during thé period, thé différence being made up by importing alien workers. This would suggest that thé current pace of économie development is far beyond thé absorptive capacity of indigenous labour force. If alien workers were not available, thé actual growth rate would hâve been limited by thé growth rate of indigenous labour supply, assuming productivity in thé service sector had not changed.. B. Capital Fund (ACc) ACc is defined CNMI's capacity to absorb capital fùnd at a given rate of capital utiïization. Change m thé absorptive capadty of capital fund (GACc) is detemïined by growth rate of thé labour force (GL) and capital-labour ratio (k) as follows: GACc = f(gl, k) where: GL = GLi + GLa and k = K/L. Ifwe can reasonably assume ^hat thé capitavlabour ratio (k) or capital intensity of thé CNMI economy is constant (Browne, 1989), change in ACc is determined by change in GL. As we hâve already seen, since CNMI's labour market is dichotomized between m- digenous (Li) and alien (La) markets, change in ACc ui thé private sector will be almost totally determined by changes in alien workers (GLa). Ifwe assume unlimited supply ofalien labour, additional investment fùnds will be absorbed into thé economy without creatuig home-made inflation. Therefore in order to sustain CNMI's absorptive caparity of capital ftmd, thé govemment must allow alien Figure 2 Growth Rate of Population (KP) and Non-Resident Workers (NW), %1?so. ~^ / S 19S6 1S Source: Same as Table l. /. -NW 1989 RP 26 27

16 Dossier: Tourisra on Islands Diversification of thé Tourist Econoiny in Northern Marianas workers to meet thé increasing investment demand. This, however, will pose a real development dilemma for CNMI. In order to improve real welfare of thé indigenous population, technologies and quality of human resources must be continuously upgraded to match thé rising wage and land priées. As long as CNMI continues to impart cheap alien workers to sustain its ACc and therefore thé growth momentum, thé net welfare of thé indigenous population may not be improved. Thé tourism industry need not to be supported by relatively cheap labour because thé industry is also growing in high cost island économies such as Hawaii, Okinawa and Singapore. If comparative économie advantage of CNMI lies in tourism, as it seems to be obvious, thé quality oftourism and related industries must be upgraded so that thé additional indigenous labour force and local capital are fully employed in thé service sector. As we hâve already seen in thé balance of payments section, local capital has been flowing out of CNJVtI, while foreign capital particularly from Japan has financed growing investment demand in thé tourism industry. C. Infrastructure (ACf) l'lt C, 11)11. 1 IC:]] i."-. ])eiuliiuie ol iiilra.sti i. icli. tii.' Thé rate of expansion of infrastructure such as roads, ports, water facilities, sewerage, electricity and solid waste disposai has not kept up with économie growth, since thèse facilities are used in common by résidents, nonrésidents andtourists, increasing pressures on thé facilities will adversely affect thé latter. If thé Marianans hâve to pay, or thé CNMI government has to subsidize thé part of increased infrastructure cost created by thé visitor industry, then we can say that CNMI's level of infrastructure is just not sustainable as is shown in Fig. 3. Besides thé absorptive capacity of infrastructure, one must consider thé absorptive capacity of natural environmental amenities. In order to measure this absorptive capacity, there must be some objectively measurable environmental indicators. Since thé CNMI economy is now at a full employment level, additional economic activities must improve thé environment rather than deteriorate it. 5. Diversification Economie diversification is simply defined as shiftingthe productive base from a simple monoculture type to more complex, interrelated production activities. There are two types of diversification. One is horizontal; diversifying from production of a Figure 3 Per Capita Level of Infrastructure Iinprovement Détérioration Minimum sustainable level (1980=100) Year single or a few products such as sugar and coconuts to production ofmulti-commercial products such as cocoa, ginger, tropical fruits, rice, maize, dairy, fisheries and forestry. Thé other is vertical diversification ; shifting production process from upstream activities of raw material production to downstream activities of manufacturingtherebygeneratingmore intra-, or inter-industry linkages and value-added production activities. For example, sugar-cane can be processed into sugar and molasses which in turn can be processed into rum and other value-added products. In thé case of CNMI, horizontal diversificationmeans structural change from tourism-dominated industrial activities to more agricultural and manufacturing activities. Vertical diversification means promotion of tourism-related activities such as production of souvenirs, foods and various sersdces. As we hâve already seen, CNMI's specialization in tourism has intensified in récent years at thé expense of manufacturing and agriculture. Thé économie rational behind this transformation can be easily explained by Fig. 4. CNMI, for example, used to produce and export sugar possibly at point A on thé production possibility curve in Fig. 4 under thé given domestic exchange rate (Pt/ Ps)d between tourism (t) and sugar (s). As thé international exchange rate (PVPs)i for tourism became more favourable than that of sugar, thé production possibility curve rapidly moved to thé point B which enabled CNMI to import and consume more goods and service including sugar than before as shown by thé upward shift ofconsumption from Cl to C2. Thé économie gain from specializing in tourism is obvious under thèse static, timeless assumptions of thé production process. Thé reverse production process, when thé international exchange rate Figure 4 Simple Exposition of CNMIs Benefits from Specialising in Tourism l uiinsm becomes unfavourable for CNMI tourism, however, is difficult to realize wifhin a reasonable time horizon due to rigid institutional factors, availability of factors of production and above ail due to thé lack of appropriate technologies and markets (Kakazu, 1986). Therefore, if thé reverse production process, in response to a change in international exchange rate, is costly, risky and time consuming, specialization in a few exportable products may be a less efficient way than diversification. Ifdomesticresources, particularly land, are not being fully utilized in CNMI, diversification will expand both tourism and sugar production as shown in Fig. 5. Productive capacity for both tourism and sugar can be expanded from A to C. Furthermore, ifthere are complementarities between tourism and sugar production in terms of inputs and land use and technology, thé production frontier itself can be expanded from SE to SR' as a result of diversification. Another advantage ofdiversification is thé use of thé seemingly underutilized agricultural labour force in CNMI. Due to seasonality and lack of complementary productive activities in CNMI, a large portion of thé labour force is not fully engaged in productive activities. Thé horizontal diversifi- C2 l \ Cl \ /./ / A (Pt/Ps)d (Pt/Ps)i Sugar cation of agriculture will in effect reduce thé magnitude of underemployment as shown in Fig. 6. Thé labour force can be activated as diversification proceeds from tourism (Ll) to sugar, rice, ginger, flowers and so forth until full employment (Lf) is achieved. Furthermore, ifwe can prove that diversification will result in lower average costs (ACd) than would be thé case in specialization (ACs) due to complementary production activities and thé ensuing dynamic external économies as depicted in Fig. 7, then thé shift of resource toward agricultural diversification can also bejustified, not only from thé standpoint of food security and full utilization ofdomestic resources but also on thé more important grounds of économie efficiency which is thé very basis of thé comparative advantage theory (Kakazu and Yamauchi, 1990). In view of extremely limited resource endowments in an island economy, thé vertical diversification may hâve more potential than horizontal diversification. Thé vertical diversification, however, should be carefully pursued because very often thé attempt has resulted in déficit opérations due to cost-escalating effects of highpriced local inputs(kakazu, 1990). Thé world-renowned Puerto Rican rum, Bacardi, for example, has been sustaining its international competitiveness by using cheap imported molasses insteadofusing its own more expensive local inputs. In such a case, experts of specialized products will be more bénéficiai to thé economy than subsidized diversified industries, since specialization at least can earn foreign exchange income which can be used to obtain cheaper and better products than thé subsidized domestic products. 6. Conclusion Thé CNMI economy is now poised Figure 5 Full Utilisation of Domestic Resources through Diversification Toiinsm \ \ / B-, / Sugar 28 29

17 Dossier: Tourism on Islands Diversification of thé Tourist Economy in Northern Marianas FigureS Full Utilisation of thé Agricultural Labour Force Through Diversification in a Small Island Economy Outpul Others Vegetables, flowers Ginger Rice Suger Tounsm Ll L2 L3 L4 L5 at a turning point where it must décide whether to further specialize in its almighty tourism industry or diversify toward more agricultural and manufacturing activities. As pointed ont, further specialization in thé service-oriented tourism industry must be pursued at thé expense of external vulnerability of thé economy since thé industry almost totally dépends on an external market, capital and labour. Once such external factors, which are beyond thé control of CNMI, diminishes, there is a good possibility thatthe island economy may collapse into a primitive stage which is characterized by a low-level subsistence state with a smaller population (Kakazu and Fairbairn, 1985). A Diversification Path Labor Thé excessive specialization in tourism also threatens thé very lifestyle of thé indigenous Marianans because of thé limited absorptive capacity offoreign capital and workers. CNMI'S infrastructure and public utilities, particularly water and sewerage systems, are already overburdened by thé current level oftourist activities and there is no sign that thèse infrastructure bottlenecks can be removed in thé foreseeable future. Furthermore, thé influx of migrant workers with différent lifestyles andliving conditions are already causing social and political tensions in some commumties. Thé expansion of thé tourism industry shouldbe controlled within thé limits ofcnmi's physical and social capacities to absorb thé external impacts on thé economy. Otherwise CNMI wul lose its attraction as a "paradise island of thé Pacifie" for thé Japanese tourists whose tastes are very volatile. It should be remembered that, in particular, social and political tensions in a small island economy are thé most effective deterrents to tourism as was thé case in Fiji a few years ago. Although CNMI should conduct a comprehensive study to détermine its capacity to support thé further expansion of tourism, tentatively we recommend that thé industry should be expanded within thé limits of thé growth ofits résident population, namely between 3-4% annually. It is easy to speak of économie diversification ofcnmi but difficuit to implement, not only because ofits extremely small-scale with low levels oftechnology, but also because of thé rapid expansion of thé tourism industry. It should be clearly recognized that, in an open economy such as CNMI, both limited human and natural resources including land are intensively mobilized in a growing industry at thé expense ofdeclining industries. This clear, yet simpie économie logic tells us thatthe expanding tourism has been directly responsible for thé rapidly declining agriculture in CNMI. We know there are complementary relationships among agriculture, manufacturing and tourism through inter-industry linkages. Thèse linkage effects, however, will never be realized when one industrial sector is growing much faster than thé others, given thé limited resources. In thé case of CNMI, linkage eflfects between agriculture and tourismhave been weakened, whue leakage effects hâve been increased. In other words, local demand created by tourism expenditures has been met by increasing imports offood Figure 7 Expected Cost Reducation Effect of Diversification Averaee Cost (AC) in a SmaU Economy AC2 AC1 0. ACd ACs Output products instead of stimulating local agricultural production. As shown in Fig. 8, indystrial diversification in CNMI means thé création ofinter-industry linkages or a positive corrélation among thé industrial sectors. One important prerequisite of creating this positive corrélation is to find appropriate elasticity ofdemand for each sector. For example, if elasticity of demand for agricultural products is 0. 6, then agriculture is supposed to grow by 6% annually when local demand is growing by 10% annually in order to strengthen inter-industry linkâges. Thé average annual growth rate of CNMI's tourism demand in thé past décade (17%) far exceeded agricultural capacity to create viable inter-industry linkâges. In thé past décade, CNMI's local resources hâve been increasingly mobilized into thé booming import businesses which effectively siphoned offthe growing tourism demand. Thé diversion of resources from agricultural food production to food imports was a major reason behind thé décline of agriculture in CNMI. If tourism demand grows by 3-4% annually as has been suggested, then thé agricultural sector is expected to grow 2-3% annually which may be compatable with CNMI's supply capacity of thé sector. It should be remembered that even if a positive growth rate in agriculture is realized, thé relative weight of thé sectorwould still be declining. But a positive growth rate is necessary in order to insure a minimal sustainability of thé Marianans lifestyle if and when thé collapse of tourism industry actually occurs (Kakazu and Yamauchi, 1985). In order to diversify thé CNMI economy, a good indicative planning with strong policy support is essential. Policy measures must be designed to strengthen thé competitive edge of local industries. A basic requirement for effective implementation of thèse policy measures is to establish a quality database including detailed GIF accounts, balance ofpayments and population statistics and a detailed study of land and resource uses. Given thé small size and création ofa reliable database for thé island is not an impossible task. Références Browne, C. (1989), Economie Development in Seven Pacifie Island Countries (Washington, D. C: International Monetary Fund. CNMI (1989), Overall Economie Development Strategy, Saipan CNMI, undated, OverallDevelopment Figure 8 Thé CNMI Economy: Two Possible Growth PathS for Tourisin and Agriciiltiire Growtti Path o( Diversification Growth Fatli of Trade.oll Strategy: A prospectus for Guiding Growth, Saipan. IMF (1977), Balance of Payments ManuaZ, Washington D. G: Fourth édition. Kakazu, H. (1990),"Industrial Technology Capabilities and Policies in Selected Asian Developing Countries, " Asian Development Review. Vol. 8, No. 2. Kakazu, H. (1986), Trade and Development of Small Island Economies withparticularemphasison thé South Pacifie, Nagoya: Thé United Nations Centre for Regional Development. Kakazu, H. and Fairbairn, Te'o L J. (1985), "Trade and Diversification in Small Island Economies with Particular Emphasis on thé South Pacifie, " Singapore Economic Review. Vol. 30, No. 2 (October. Kakazu, H. and Yamauchi, H. (1985), "Agriculture in thé Hawaii's Economy: A Long-Term Perspective', " Research Séries No. 3, Honolulu: Department ofagricultural and Resource Economies, University of Hawaii. Kakazu, H. and Yainauchi, H. (1990), "International Transfer of Resources and Development ofpacific Island Economies,"TîesearcA Séries 065, Honolulu: Department ofagricultural and Resource Economics, University of Hawaii. Lewis, A. (1954), Economie Development with Unlimited Supplies of Labour," Manchester School of Economies and Social Studies. Vol-XXll, May Miwa, N. (1990), Thé Problems of Wafer Supply and Demand in a Rapidly Growing Small Island, Okinawa: University of thé Ryukyus, mimeographed. Nitz, K. K. (1990), Thé Data foragricultural Polixy Décision Making, Honolulu: Department of Political Science, Universityof Hawaii, mimeo-graphed. School of Travel Industry Management (1989), Thé Impact of Tourism. on thé Commonwealth of thé Northern îxariana Jslands: Honolulu. Thé university of Hawaii. William, S. (1988), Business Reference and Investment Guide to thé Commonwealth of thé Northern Mariana Islands, Saipan: Economic Service Counsel. 30 nsu 31

18 Dossier: Tourism on Islands Dossier: Tourisin on Islands ourist activity in thé Arctic has a relatively long history, but until thé récent past it has been at a low level. In thé last two décades a combination offactors, including improved accessibility, increased visibility in ail forms of média, heightened awareness and politicization ofaboriginal issues, together with an increase in intemational interest in natural areas, has resulted in a rapid increase in thé numbers oftourists to this area. Although numbers are still low compared to those in other tourist destinations, pressure from tourism inflow is being experienced in several areas in both thé physical and thé socioeconomic environments. Thé paper does not discuss thé issue of thé Antarctic since its inhabitants are not indigenous. Thé Arctic Thé Northern-most parts of Russia, U. S.A., Canada, Norway and Greenland are located within thé polar drcle (66, 33 North). In other words, days last more than 24 hours at least once a year. A most striking conséquence of their location is thé unusual altemation of days and nights. A five-month night is followed by a period of transition duringwhich thé length of thé day increases. Another fivemonth permanent daylight spell précèdes a new transition period before thé long night cornes back. îïr Laurence Girard»pedaluea m Bcotourism in Polar area». Sibe is afflliatod witfa E.S.S.B.C and I.R.B.S.T Pari». Mr Stépàan» Abonaf»s alao affiliated with B.S. S. E. C and I.R. K.S. T. ^ourism in thé Arctic Stéphane Abouaf and Laurence Girard Tryingto define thé Arctic, scientists had to use thé 10 C isotherm as a limit. Given this criteria, thé Arctic includes régions where thé average température of thé hotest month does not exceed 10 C. Thé climate of thèse lands is characterized by winters lasting 9 to 10 months and a particularly dry air. Very low températures result in thé présence ofice under différent forms. Thé sea ice is made ofsalted water. It can create a several meters thick pack. Icebergs ire made offresh water. They were part of glaciers in thé mainland before they fell into thé sea and drifted in thé local streams. In order to survive, fauna and flora hâve had to adapt. Due to thé coldness of thé air and thé ground, plants hâve a very short végétative period (less than 90 days) and grow very slowly and very sparsely from one year to another. They also follow a specific biologie rythm to stand thé extrême conditions. One must underline thé exceptional richness of thé Arctic waters. Thé mix of cold and relatively warm waters créâtes, in some places, thé best conditions for thé development of marine species. Whales, walruses, seals and other animais benefit from this. However this Arctic milieu is very fragile, in thé sea as well as on thé mainland. When walking by accident on a dwarf tree one would be destroying thé result ofa several tens ofyears pf fight for life. Thèse extreine conditions did not make it easy for peuples to settle A beauitful Arctic scène (Photo: Stéphane Abouaf) in thé North. Thé global population of thé Arctic is approximately estimated at 600, 000 mdigenous inhabitants. Thé people living in Siberia represent thé major part ofit : about 70%. Inuit and Laps account for thé rest. Exploration Before tourists could even think ofvisiting thèse régions some peopie had to discover them. Thé Vikings are thé first known explorers of thé North. They settled in Iceland and Greenland before thé end of thé first millenium. Thé first polar expéditions date back to thé 16th century. Their purpose was to find a trade route between Europe andasia. Sailors tried to find a passage north of America or Siberia. Ail missions failed when they met thé ice covering thé sea. Whale and walruses hunters replaced thèse early polar adventurers duringthe 17th and 18th century. Polar areas appeared to be a gold mine for traders. Thé whale oil, and thé walrus ivory were much appreciated on European markets. Thé fur business increased in thé 19th century and seals and bears were very valuable. As progress was made in thé building ofships, specially designed to resist thé ice pressure, thé polar exploration achieved its primary goals before thé turn of thé century with thé discovery of thé North-East passage, soon followèd by thé North- West route and thé victory aver thé North pôle. With a better knowledge of thé area through scientific and military expéditions, tourists started to be interested in this new destination. Tourisin Thé first recorded cruise to Svalbard Islands (mainly Spitzberg)wasorganizedin But thé actual beginning oftourism in this northern-most part of Norway was in 1975 with thé construction of thé airport in Longyearbyen. Generally speaking tourism could grow only after thé minimum infrastructure was built, including a small airport and a runway, since there was no access by sea. Some military installations were transformed for civil purposes for this purpose. Alaska and thé North-West Territories of Canada began to receive tourists from thé U. S.A. in thé forties. This trend continued in thé sixties in Canada and reached Greenland. It was not before thé nineties that thé Siberian islands and their scientific bases were open for a few European, American and Japanese people. ALASKA -150 W-. /"l vu,.^ MER GOLFE '~0*'r DE DMASKA r--""bea^o»r BEAUFORT ^ <c ^ External Market After thé first visitors travelling from North America to thé north of Alaska and of Canada (Yukon and North-West Territories) for thé purpose of hunting and fishing, tourism in thé Arctic has been stimulated by an international demand of new open spaces, of new sensations and by thé lure of nature and adventure. Thé first motivation oftourists in thé Arctic nowadays is thé wilderness of landscapes, its huge and not too much polluted areas, and its mysterious character. This région is exotic in view ofits fascinating landscapes of tundra, icebergs, huge Çords, its ice-cap and its marvellous animais such as polar bears, musk ox and whales. Thé ^-^"'^ ;/CH, HE vl ''\ ^L-'" :7"" \ /' s"s. _. i>/ ^=^? 0 ^«^'..^* "" (Efl, ^^-^ " S.''-e "E" ' GROENIAND DE SAFFIH ^..-^ ^ "s w... DE. ^RENTS ^ > &<fl NTS/:^-<r s>-^ ^^^f^ï ^. ^v-' ^.. ". ^. -^ ATLANTIQUE 32 s 33

19 Tourisna in thé Arctic Dossier: Tourisin on Islands Arctic is also attractive because of thé quite relatively unknown local people. Visitors wish to meet Inuit and discover their culture, folklore and way oflife. This trend reflects thé growing public awareness of thé fragility of thé environment and thé development of green tourism. Tourists feel concerned by thé conservation ofnatare and want to experiment thé rare destinations which are not yet polluted. Another motivation is adventure. Some travellers need farther distances, extrême sensations andto surpass their own previous achievements. In modem life where everything is provided, where every place is occupied by human constructions, people try to recover freedom and authenticity, through thé natural éléments. This appeal for adventure has been exacerbated by sport orientated expéditions, popularised by média around thé world. For instance Harricana, launched by Nicolas Hulot, contributed to thé use of skidoo as a tourist activity Exploring thé Arctic (Photo: Stéphane Abouaf) and a means of transport for long runs. Dr. Jean-Louis Etienne, reaching thé Magnetic North Pôle with skis and pulka, has generated many trips to this destination. This trend to go where only explorers hâve been before can be seen as a snobbish attitude following a fashion just as for thé demand of ecotourism. Tour operators also hâve had an effect on tourism to thé arctic. Tourist activities offered by tour operators in thé Arctic région, are differenciated and break free from thé compétition. They aim at originality and innovation. Thé improvement of connections in thé Arctic, whether by air or by sea, promoted thé growth of thé marketing of this destination and although fares are still high, there is a tendency towards lowering of pnces. Réaction by Local People Local peuple are beginning to realizethefinancialgainin managing and monitoring tourist activity. First they considered visitors as invaders. Then tribes in Alaska andnorth Canada organized some business and made tools and artifacts of promotion. Thé initiative in producingtourist packages was also primarily taken by Canadian people. In some areas like Greenland, indigenous inhabitants remain réticent to any change in their habits and refused to welcorne tourists and to offer public health and entertainments to them. This resulted in a lack of accommodation, catering and a général tourism infrastructure. Tourist groups often hâve to be autonomous without contact with thé local people. Thé main obstacle to thé économie adaptation of thé local people is their isolation. In this regard, an international organization, thé Inuit Circumpolar Conférence (ICC), has represented Inuit from ail parts of thé Arctic since 1971, and could take in charge thé coor- dination of thé development of tourist activities in thé future. However, some local professional people havejoined together to try to remedy thé situation. For example thé Greenland Tourism Organization brings for thé airlines, hôtel and catering syndicales, hunters and fishers associations and members of thé government. In Canada some travel agencies based in Québec or Ontario like Adventures Inuit, True North Safaris or Sha-Tan Tours are specialized in thé Arctic destination. Pangnirtung in Baffin Région, a typical remote island of thé Arctic, in thé extrême north-east of Canada, canbeconsideredamodel of development in tourist activities. In 1991, thé Canadian government proposed a program of ecotourism, drawn with thé local peuple, and according to their needs. It was followed by various private initiatives in thé field of accommodation, information and muséums, and thé prospects evaluated by thé Tourist Committec are good. This example should be iniitated by other communities although they will always hâve to face big constraints. Limited Quantity Quantitatively speaking, Tourism in thé Arctic romains limited. Canada, for instance attracts less than 40, 000 visitors per year, whereas Svalbard receives about 20,000 tourists on its coasts and Greenland approximately 6, 000. Thèse figures can be conapared with thé millions of people visiting other parts of thé world (for example 20 million tourists go to thé United Kingdom each year). Many reasons account for this. Firstly, few people are interested in thé Arctic. Thé extrême cold of one Arctic isa déterrent. Thé attraction of thé sunny and warm places appears to be much greater than thé "icy désert". Further more very few people know thé Arctic régions. There is much confusion about what thèse countries are like. Many think that they are goingto freeze ifthey go on Greenland's coasts, even duringthe summer. There are other real obstades to tourism in thé Arctic. It is often difficult to reach thé Arctic areas. There are not many links, be it by plane or boat. Facilities, such as hôtels or restaurants are rare. Moreover thé season is also very short (one would not see much during thé long winter night). As for thé tour operators they hâve to employ experienced guides. As far as thé natives are concerned tourism is not always considered to be positive. Some Inuit are reluctant to receiving foreigners \vho disturb them. Consequently priées are very high: US $3, 000 is a minimum for a week and thé average is doser to US $ Some countries try to keep tourism at thé présent level which is very low. Thé efavironment is very fragile and insensitive visitors can damage it. Trekking and climbing destroy flora and disturb animals, andmotorvehicles increase thé effects of érosion. As far as skidoos are concerned, thé pollution is increasing rapidly due to thé growing success of this form oftransportation by thé local population and tourists. For ail forms of tourism garbage treatment remains a problem owing to thé fact that one cannot leave anything on thé ground (even natural disintegration would take years). As for thé ships they should hâve a spécial garbage process on board. Finally tourists who take photographs of animais threaten them. For instance it could happen that frightened animais leave their cubs and sometimes abandon them, Thé Impact of Tourism When speaking about impacts we firstlythinkof nature impacts but in fact thé socioeconomic issue is almost as important because thé Arctic is an area with old traditiens andwith a stage ofunderdevelopment équivalent to thé Third World. Thé impacts dépend on (a) thé number of tourists, (b) thé length of stay of thé visitors, (e) thé characteristics of thé visitors, (d) thé feature of thé trip (accommodation, catering, transport, activities), (e) thé seasonality, thé level of économie development of thé région or community, (f) thé space used according to thé chosen type oftourism development, (g) thé stage ofdevelopment of thé aboriginal peoples. Thé problems outlined below are not confined ta thé Arctic but tuey are of gréât importance in this area, which is already in conflict with modem society. Thé négative impacts on thé economy are thé inflation, thé capital drain, thé seasonal unemployment, thé growth ofimports, a lack of balance in thé économie development and thé destruction ofnatural resources. Concerning sociocultural problem.s, it is difficult to estimate them because they are qualitative ones. Thé misunderstanding between Inuit and visitors due to thé différence of languages and culture, can lead to antipathy and xenophobia against thé visitors. Tourist activity can lead to an évolution in thé ways ofliving and change of habits, oflocalthefamilies, possibly leadingto thé emergence of criininality or alcoholism. Another main impact is thé commercialization of culture and art. However, tourist activity can be a source of économie development with adéquate planning, management and control. Tourism is now 34 35

20 Tourisni in thé Arctic Dossier: Tourisin on Islands sland r ourism in Croatia and thé conoinies of Small Scale Vesna Mikacic and Mladen Montana Introduction a large source of complementary incarne to thé traditional activities in décline in thé Arctic. It provides employment, part time or full time, seasonal or permanent, skilled or ' unskilled, and leads to thé opening ofsmall family enterprises. It is a new opportunity for revitalising old infrastructures used previously by thé military or explorers and for new facilities to be built, thereby attracting investment. One of thé many icebergs littering thé Arctic (Photo: Stéphane Abouaf) Thé new image of thé area as a tourist destination lures investments in other économie branches, gives rise to industries indirectly linked with tourism such as food, building, trade and aeronautics. Tourist activity can be a means of using local resources and products by selling artefacts, arts and crafts, by organizing big game hunting and sport fishing excursion and by monitoring naturalist activities. Thé choice oftourism ensures not only an économie development but also social improvements. It can raise thé standard of living and thé public health of thé local residents. Thé demand of quality in thé tourism industry implies that locals should be skilled. Hence governments provide éducation and open schools such as thé Arctic Collège in Iqaluit, Baffin Island, Canada. Thé attraction of visitors for traditions make thé résidents enhance thé feature oftheir arts and crafts, their folklore and avoid thé disappearance oftheir culture. Thé interest of visitors for indigenous peuples raises an awareness of thé Inuit identity and of their culture unity. Thé development ofecotourism and thé fascination of thé Arctic give them an estimation of thé value of thé polar nature and make them monitor their environment. Conclusion By dealingwith such effects of thé tourism industry, we tried to balance négative and positive impacts. We hope we did not express an anti-tourism stance. Tourist activity exists in thé Arctic areas because it is wanted by people, includingtourists, entrepreneurs and some local résidents. Tourism alone does not create ail thé problems in polar régions. Scientific research and defence may, probably, hâve more significant effects on both thé environmental and thé cultural sphères than tourism. However, this is nojustification for ignoring thé problems of communities confronted with tourism. There is a realneed to control effectively both external and infernal eleinents and to lead thé tourism development with sustainability principles. In this regard it is pertinent to quote what Butler (1992) had to say regarding sustainable tourisin: "Tourism which is developed and maintained in an area (community, environment) in such a manner and at such a scale that it remains viable aver an indefinite period, and does not dégrade or alter thé environment (hum an and physical) in which it exists to such a degree that it prohibits thé successful development and wellbeing of other activities and processes." Thé Croatian littoral with its coastline and more than islands is one of thé most highly indented coastal régions in thé Mediterranean. Out of a total of 287 island communities, registered in thé 1991 census, tourist activities are carried out in 120 destinations. Thé islands tend to be more dépendent on tourist and catering industries, than thé mainland and thé structure of thé island tourist industry also differs from that of thé mainland. In this paper we shall consider some of thé relevant indicators which give us an insight into thé spécifie characteristics of thé tourist industry in Croatian islands which enable us to discuss thé main guidelines for island development. Thebeginnings oflslandtourism in Croatia dates back to thé first half of thé 19th century when a steamboat connection was established on thé eastern part of thé Adriatic. Apart from thé big mainland ports, thé ships had stopovers at thé islands of Mali Losinj, Krk, Rab, Hvar and Korcula, which were among thé first to start organizing themselves to receive guests and soon became known as attractive tourist health or sea-side and summer vacation Dr. Vesna Mikacic is a sdentiflc reaearcher at thé Institate oftourism, Zagreb. Dr. Mladen Montana is an expert in macto and micro aspects oftourism. He is also a acientific n- aearcher at thé Institute of Tourism Studies, Zî^reb. resorts. In 1939 there were 347 thousand tourists in Croatia with 2. 2 million tourist nights. Thé islands account for about one-fourth (23%) of thé total number oftourist nights and 15% of thé total number of tourist visits. Foreign tourists accounted for most of thé touristtraffic on thé islands (61%), while their share in thé overall tourist traffic in Croatia was considerably lower (48%) to thé Présent Day Hôtel IVtelita on thé Island of Mljet Intensified tourist development in Croatia began in thé early 1960s, when spécial fiscal measures were introduced to encourâge investment in tourist facilities. Thé improved standard of living and thé liberalization of travel abroad also led to an increase in foreign and domestic tourist traffic. At first, thé tourist boom mainly affected thé norther Adriatic coast, which is better connected with international transport routes. After thé improvement of transport connections with thé islands and thé construction of public utilities, thé islands became ever more attractive and this brought new investment in tourist facilities. Thé possibility of making money by engaging in activities other than thé traditional ones led many islanders to take up tourism and catering. Relevant indicators show that thé island economy dépends more on tourism than on thé neighbouring mainland. In 1991, thé GDP realized in thé island municipalities in thé private and in thé so-calleâ socially-owned sector of tourism and catering, amounted to 26% of thé island's total GDP, while on thé coastal municipials it was only 12%. Thé same applies to thé share of those employed. In 1991, thé island municipalities accounted for as much as 27% of thé total number ofpeople employed in thé so called socially-owned sector of tourism ind catering, while on 36 su a 37

21 Island Tourism in Croatia and Economies of Small Scale Dossier: Tourism on Islands thé Adriatic coast this figure was no more than 9%. In thé past ten years tourism contributed to thé revitalization of thé islands, but, at thé same time, it posed thé threat of a one-sided économie development. Any major disruptions on thé tourist market could seriouslyjeopardize such development. Thé Supply Side In 1989 tourist facilities on thé islands (225 thousand beds) accountedforone-fourth oftheoverail suopply tourist offer in thé Croatian part of thé Adriatic (882 thousand beds). Thé quality of accommodation facilities on thé islands is not as good as that in thé coastal région; most of thé facilities are supplementary, i.e. private accommodation (42. 2%) and camp sites (28. 1%). Thé supply oftourism facilities on thé islands differs considerably from one région to another. Thé northernadriatic islands account for almost three quarters (73%) of thé accommodation facilities of thé Croatian islands but thé structure of thèse facilities, when compared to that of thé southernadriatic islands, is poorer. On thé northern Adriatic islands, camp sites and private accommodation prevail, while thé share of primary accommodation is lower than thé island average. ties, and thus tourists' facilities was of superior quality. In thé past ten years, tourists' facilities in Croatia has been extended with new marinas and nautical facilities. Since thé islands are particularly attractive for nautical tourists, half of Croatia's nautical tourists' facilities is centered on thé islands. Thé island marinas account for 40% of thé total number ofberths at sea, and 50% of thé totaltraffic of craft using thé berths. Thé Demand Side Judging by thé average growth rate, thé increase intourist traffic on thé islands in thé past ten years was more dynamic than that on thé mainland. During thé periodfrom 1976 to 1989thenumber oftourists on thé islands increased from 858 thousand to 1.6 million (47%), at an average annual rate of5%. Thé number oftourist nights increased from 8.5 to 14.5 millions nights (42%), at an average annual rate of 4. 2%. Thé tourist traf&c on thé coast grew at a slower pace, so that thé average annual rates were considerably lower (2. 7% and 3. 7% respectively). In spite of thé général stagnation in tourist traffic in thé past few years, excluding thé wartime period, there has been a graduai increase in tourist traffic on thé islands, while tourism on thé mainland has been on thé décline. Thé increase in tourist traffic on thé islands reflects a significant increase in foreign tourist demand. During this period foreign tourism on thé islands doubled (from 4.5 million to 10 million nights), while domestic tourism increased from 3. 9 to 4. 4 million nights. Ifwe look at thé island groups, we see that thé Kvarner Bay islands together with thé central Dalmatian islands Hvar and Brac, account for three-quarters of thé total island tourist traffic (79% of tourist nights). Qualitative Analysis Thé qualitative analysis of tourist demand is based on thé study of thé attitudes and spending of foreign tourists who were in Croatia during thé tourist season of In thé island's resorts one notices that some of thé features differ to a greater or lesser extent from thé average for thé mainland and for Croatia as a whole. One of thé features ofisland tourism is thé high number oftourists from thé traditional tourist sources: Germany (44%), Italy (18%) and Austria (14%). Most of thèse tourists corne to Croatia individually and they are, therefore, more mobile and more widely dispersed than thé tourists ofwho corne on package tours. Another feature ofisland tourism is related to thé visitors' âge groups. Most of thé visitors are young people and middle-aged tourists with their families, while elderiy tourists prefer to stay on thé mainland. This âge distribution results from thé fact that most of thé islands do not hâve easy access, and do not hâve thé required type and quality ofaccommodation facilities for thé older tourist. In view of thé fact that facilities are mostly complementary, which also means that thé priées are lower, thé islands tend to attract thé middle-class tourists. Because of thé spécifie travelling conditions, thé island's settlements can be classifîed as stationary tourist resorts. On thé averâge, tourists tend to stay longer on thé islands (16. 2 days) than on thé niainland (15.5 days). Although thé islands do not hâve easy access, most of thé tourists corne by car (70%), which can be explained by thé fact that there are more individual guests in thé overall structure of island demand. Thé spécifie structure of thé tourists visitingthe islands is reflected by thé amount and structure of thé average daily tourist spending. Thé average daily expenditure of foreign guests on thé islands in ail types of accommodation, both for individual travel and package tours, is 30 US dollars, which compared to thé tourist expenditure for Croatia as a whole ( USD) is about 1% lower. Higher spending was recorded in thé hôtels on thé islands ( USD) and by organized tours ( USD). Most of thé expenditure, about 85%, is for food and accommodation, and only 15% for other purposes. Thé advantages oftourism on thé islands when compared to thé mainland, lies in ecological factors (climate, nature and thé beauty of places) as well as in social factors (good services, good food, security, convient place for family holidays). On thé other hand, spending opportunities on thé islands and tourist information were considered not as good as those on thé mainland. Though thé island destinations are not readily accessible, foreign tourists find them interesting and wish to visit them again. A little under one-halfofthe guests (45%) had alreadyvisitedthe same tourist destination, while three-quarters ofthetourists expressedtheir satisfaction with their stay and their désire to revisit thé island destinations. Quality Tourism Although tourism on thé islands has so far largely developed roughly along thé same Unes as that on thé mainland, owing to some natural and socio-economic characteristics, island development has proceeded at a more moderate pace and many negative phenomena that accompany mass tourism hâve thus been avoided. Thé islands hâve managed to préserve thé natural environment and original social structure, and this is why they are today one of thé most attractive resources of Croatian tourism. However, if thé islands are to make better use of thèse advantages, Thé above différences reflect a différent type of tourist development on thé islands. Because of thé sudden tourist boom, thé northern Adriatic islands, which hâve a long- standing tourist tradition, hâve in thé past ten years mostlyinvestedin supplementary facilities to cope with thé mcreased tourist demand. On thé southem Adriatic islands, where toiirism developed at a slower pace, investments were made both in primary and supplementary facili- Thé old town ofbaska on thé island ofkrk. The'islands ofpndc and Grgur are seen in thé background 38 a 39

22 Island Tourisin in Croatia and Econoinies of Sniall Scale Dossier: Tourisin on Islands thé overall économie development, including tourist development, must be geared towards thé rational utilization of thé island space and resources in order to préserve thé social and bioecological balance. This is particularly important because thé demand for unsaturated and ecologically preserved tourist resorts is constantly increasing. In quality tourism, planning it is necessaryto define thé attractions andthelimitingfactors. Themain attractions ofisland development are: (l) farmland suitable for small-scale Mediterranean farm production; (2) favourable naturai conditions; (3) attractive heritage; (4) good geographical position and transport connections with thé main European countries; and(5)increaseintheinternational tourist demand for islands, which still hâve relatively a well-preserved environment. Thé most important limiting factors are:(l) thé unfavourable demographic situation; (2) objective difficulties with transport connections between thé islands and thé mainland; (3) difficultiês is setting up thé infrastructure; (4) thé low value of thé produce andinadequate, undiversified économie structure of low économie potential; (5) lack ofraw materials, energy sources and afforested land that could be used for économie development purposes. A review of thé attractions and thé limiting factors would shed light on thé comparative advantages of islands in quality tourism. Thé onlyrealresources, which can be found on ail thé islands, are thé climatic conditions and natural environment, thé farmland and thé héritage of urban and rural settlements with rich ethnographie and envtroiunental values. Thèse resources are an excellent "raw material basis" for thé development of that particular kind of tourism,which is in keeping with tourism ofa higher quality, demanding a well-preserved natural environment. However, tourism has a much broader impact on économie development on thé island, for it sets off thé revitalization of thé devastated and abandoned farmland and villages, stops depopulation and affects many other social and cultural factors promoting overall development. Econoinies of Sinall Scale Economie development must be adapted to thé needs and spécifie characteristics of small insular communities. In this context thé concept of thé small- scale economyis of gréât importance as it is technologically better adapted to small holding and businesses involving relatively limited financial resources, limited space and low energy consumption, with a small number of employées, and limited sales andrevenue. As such, thèse businesses are more flexible when disruptions on thé market occur, involving changes in priées and costs. In view of thé above, it can be argued that toiirism and agricultare are thé main bases of economic development on thé islands, supplemented by trade, crafts, public utilities, transport and small industrial plants. In order to préserve thé basic resource, thé économie structure of thé islands must be based on small farms, family businesses, small hôtel and catermg establishments and on individual initiative and private sector, in other words, on small-scale économies. Thé practical expérience bf a number of islands has shown that thé smallscale economy has a positive effect on a broader scale and even on a macro-economic scale. Thé broader effects ofmoderate development are seen in thé revitalization of thé population and island coinmunities, thé protection and renewal of thé environinental resources and of thé cultural and historical héritage, along with thé promotion oftourism, agriculture and other complementary activities. At thé same time, thé microeconomic effects are reflected in thé family economy based on small manufactures and businesses with one or more owners. A small-scale economy requires relatively small investments, and can therefore rely on a large number of small entrepreneùrs, i.e. on small capital with a high degree of flexibility and adaptability to thé new circumstances. However, for thé small-scale economy to develop and become effective, thé local authorities need to introduce incentives, provide économie resoiirces and various facilities, in particular tax and loan facilities. Privatization, whichisnow underwayin Croatia, has created prerequisites for thé development ofa market economy with a sinall-scale econoiny as its organic substratum. Such a concept ofdevelopment, of course, does not apply with equal strength, to thé small islands with pronounced dépopulation or to uninhabitedislands,whichare valuable, intact destinations for excursion trips and nautical tourism. In conclusion, thé larger islands should try to avoid thé pitfalls of mass tourist development and develop their economy in keeping with their natural and social environment, focusing on quality rather than quantity. On thé islands, where space is limited and thereby more vulnérable to external influences, thé concept ofsustainabledevelopmentisevenmore important, for what is at stake is thé islands' survival and future. Prologue Last September, from thé 15th to thé 19th, l had thé opportunity to visitmountathos. Fourfriendsof mine, an archaeologist, a sociologist, a painter aiid a journalist, came with me. We had planned thé trip several months earlier. Thé sociologist and thé archaeologist who had contacted me from Belgrade and had suggested thé idea, said they would take care of ail thé necessary formalities, including permissions. Thé painter and l live in Paris, and thé journalist heads a column on culture in a Belgrade daily. For my part, this excursion meant fîrst of ail, meeting two childhood friends and second discovering Mount Athos. In fact l did not know much about Mount Athos and despite my efforts, finding a guide in French turned out to be impossible. As an architect, my profession is above ail artistic, and thus l felt incapable of studying maps and planning in détail my visit to thé island. Because ofthis, Mount Athos was Terra Incognita as to its geography before my trip. Ognlen Babic is an architact and is Director ofan AAcitectu rd company (ARTECAD) He is a maaber of INSULA Mount Athos: An Island of Spirituality Ognien Babic ''^';'^s ^::::.î.^j^... ^..^ " ^*.....^ -^Sfe. Thé Monasteries as seen from thé boat (Photo: Author) At thé same time, l knew that l was to visit a place marked by a religion close to me through my origins, but removed from me through my daily practice and my life in France. Culturally and professionally, l am familiar with thé religious works of thé Catholic church and with its history and l can appreciate thé sensual three dimensional structure of Notre Dame in Paris every time l go to work. However, l knew nothing of thé plans or thé sections of thé façades of thé Mount Athos monasteries. TheTrip Thé trip started in Salonika, where it is necessary for foreigners to obtain permits from thé Ministry ofmacedonia Thrace. A four day stay is allowed. We drove througharistotie's birth city and arrived at Duranopoli, (thé borderline post for Mount Athos) next to thé canal built by thé Persians and described by Herodotus. At Ouranopoli, we also obtained thé définitive permit signed by thé four main monasteries. My permit is yellow and shows thé number 13771; it spécifies thé entry and exit dates. We are told that one hundred and twenty pilgrimsincludingtenforeigners a day are allowed to visit Mount Athos. During thé trip l tried to picture what thèse figurés mean. l was surprised to discover that thé Megisti Lavra Monastery, thé oldest, had welcomed more than thirteen thousand visitors, that is one hundred and fifty a day between 19th June and 18th September s^. 4l

23 Mount Athos: An Island of Spirituality Dossier: Tourisni on Islands A picturesque view of Mount Athos (Photo: Author) This is particularly surprising since thé difficult access to this monastery nécessitâtes that most visitors lodge overnight at thé monastery. Therefore there are numerous five-bed bedrooms with common sanitary facilities, in thé monasterial compound. We left on 15th September from Ouranopoli for Daphni on a large, slow boat - thé only regular Une. It sails along thé coast whereas thé tourist boats go straight from Ouranopoli to thé peninsula's extremity, about half a mile from thé coast. Thé tourist boats enable thé tourists, especially thé women who do not hâve access to Mount Athos, to see thé monasteries on thé western coast with thé help ofbinoculars. Daphni is thé only port from which one can reach Kariai, thé administrative seat of Mount Athos, by road, no matter what thé weather is like. Thé pilgrims can go to thé monasteries either by road or by sea. Each monastery owns a little port which is more or less protected and where calques from Daphni can land. Thé state of thé sea détermines whether thé trip is possible, summer storms can make landing dangerous for thé shallow draught caïques. On land, we travelled from one monastery to thé next on foot - a mixture of trekking and wandering that requires gréât physical effort under thé magnificent sun of Greece. /^. On thé road to Daphni, thé first five monasteries seen from thé boat gave us an overall picture. Thé fog was light and enchanting and softens thé outlines of thé contrasting landscape and constructions. l was at first amazed by thé excessiveness and boldness of thé monastery builders. Thé compounds are enormous. For instance, Aylos Panteleimonas could house and support 1800 monks at thé beginning of thé twentieth century. This monastery, built in 1804 is right on thé sea-boarder. Thé distance -from thé sea and what it reveals about threats by pirates give an indication of thé âge of thé constructions, and thé extent of fortification. Thé ruins of buildings, their cells, today without floors and without roofs, introduced us to Mount Athos' most redoubtable enemy: fire. Defence of thé faith and defence ofindependence hâve led to thé design of thé extraordinary architecture by thé thousand year-old orthodox monasticcommunity atmount AtlOiOS. This illustration and thé others on pages 44 and 45 are by Ognien Babic. A multinational community of orthodox monks keeps in its mansion treasures of art and history (Photo: Author) Thé causes of fire seem numerous: thé massive use of wood for construction, for floors and roofs, linked also to thé shape of thé buildings, thé individual preparation ofmeals, even though this is less fi'equent nowadays, thé traditional heating Systems and thé difficult access to thé monasterles. Ail thèse causes combined to naake thé monasteries particularly vulnérable to fire. Simonos Petras Thé first monastery that l visited was Simonos Petras. We arrived at Daphni by thé small port, where we were surprised by thé sight of thé majestic fortress so high up above that our hearts started beating and our legs gave way. Thé access road was straight and steep, without turns, as it was meanttodiscourage pirates. Halfway up, l was suddenly overcome with uncontrollable laughter, as l imagined thé pirates completely out ofbreath, in a state ofdiscom posure similar to mine, sud- denly drenched withboiling olive oil by serene monks. Fortunately we were not pirates, we were welcomed with delicious fresh water, ouzo and Turkish delight. Despite our city habits, our bodies were able to accomplish thé climb and little by little our spirit stimulate our muscles. Thé pilgrimage was a magical mystery tour. During thé following days, always moving ahead, going up and down goat paths, we enjoyed thé freedom of discovering extraordinary sites. We stopped, chose our site for thé night, and shared in thé spiritual environment and religious life. This combination of wandering and discovery strengthened our ties. We talked about literature, music, and painting with rare insight and density in thé midst ofa splendid and serene setting. Mount Athos made me feel humblé, that force that surrounded us did not result from thé struggle for survival of daily life. Thé sites that showed thé image of God carried thé image of a powerful and merciful God. Thus, although we were not monks, we were neither observers nor tourists: thé word pilgrim that was mentioned on thé permits was not a play on words. We tried to observe as much as possible thé rhythms of thé monastéries that changed slightly from one to thé other, but that were so différent from what we were used to. This was only normal for there were no restaurants, no pubs, no superiûarkets, no shops, no information centres, and we could not décide onhow to organize our days. ^» Faith and defence from sea riders shaped thé centuries old architecture of thé Mount Athos Monasteries (Photo: Author) 42 43

24 '. ^^'^^â-'. Mount Athos: An Island of Spirituality Dossier: Tourisin on Islands Eating in thé Monastary We shared our morning and evening meals with thé monks, in silence, listening to thé life stories of thé sacred fathers. Thé length of thé meals was determined by thé appetite of thé principal, thé sound of thé spoon touching thé table was thé sign of thé end. At thé end of thé meal everybody left according to a précise ritual. Thèse were privileged moments that l took advantage ofto look at thé big and beautiful dining halls that today are used only to a fourth oftheir capacity. Thé food is plentiful, vegetables, olives, cheese, fish and fruit. Sometimes we drink wine which must hâve been watered down. For thé first time in my life l ate my meals in silence, and at thé Chillandariou Monastery, after a night of dreams filled with thé laughter of my children, l at last understood thé text that was being read and that spoke of absolute love. Now as l write thèse words, l can remember this deep feeling of happiness - happiness simple and strong. Works of Art It would be pretentious to try to describe thé works of art, thé feats of architecture, and thé might of médiéval landscape. Thé quality and quantity would require one or more books covering a thousand years of creativity, of struggles and hopes, and even then only fragments of Mount Athos as a whole, a timeless spiritual island, if ever there was one, cou] d be transmitted. It would be necessary to spend a lot more time to understand thé city-like typology of thé monasteries that fulfil so many functiens and that can remind one of FernandBraudel's villes-mondes. l will only briefly describe hère thé architecture, rather those things that directly interest an architect of thé end of thé twentieth century. Contemporary theories, by trying to humanize city planning, draw from régional and traditional architecture which thé modem architect then translates into construction to guarantee cohérence with thé existing environment. On thé whole, international architecture which spread like wildfire after thé second world war, is no longer believed in, and sources for inspiration are found in tradition. Thé social sciences also consider that know-how in construction, being part of culture, istransmitted through social groups. Thé family and educational Systems are often mentioned as cultural cradles. In their efforts to fight against thé uniformisation 1^.v??1. ''lv^ '^..v'^ 'f.^ :w- V'. f-a. t9i.«llt:^..^si& brought about by thé média, numérous authors hâve found their inspiration for environment preservation activities from talking with children or adults who are close to thé traditions, culture and folklore oftheir région. However in Mount Athos ail inhabitants were borne elsewhere. How then, may l ask, were they ableto achieve suchvivacity, such a variety within unity, and finally such an unmistakable original style in a world that is neither patterned by thé birth ofchildren and family life nor is thé product of a single country or région. In spite of this, l was struck by thé continuity and thé cohérence of its architectural forms. Maybe Mount Athos is a melting pot before its time; maybe it is thé realisation of Ludwig Wittgenstein's sentence "Form is thé possibility of structure". In any case, Mount Athos is an f A.?3fê^ i^^^tli ^«fâîttï,.. llg^":, ':? :^^i'.;':'a'l!. 1'. Â.''^1 '::f:^x^^ ^ml^ '^-!;. t:'l^:<.îil8-ff^ ^i^^,. J>lIlt^r''1'..isl... /. '.', y;x''i^ë::^1'"" '. '. ^iisifièisf;:ç::^iâr, < A- ^f. ^ " 't^'çi.^ 1^^-;A,'. u Illustration by Ognien Babic ;- 1!{ ;-^.^ ^ '''"'»! w^:"--..: f;».. "<. -. ". ;. :,^1--^!^^. "i" f' ^^^^^- ';^-:s'"i"y-;:^s ^ ^ ^^: example ofa solution to a modem multi-disciplinary problem thé study of which could bring answers to certain architectural and urbanistic problems. Epilogue l consider that through this tnp, which l thought was above-all cultural, l discovered a world that made me question différent aspects of my life and my work. What l had considered to be a testimony of thé past turned out to be a message for my future. In Paris, my ten day absence of course did not go unnoticed, neither at my office nor within my circle of personal relations. l described my trip with thé help of photographs and gave more SS'..' ^!". ^--î' /<-^'.. /- l w".^ ^ B" ^'. -ss.. fe "^ détails than in this article. l was astonished to find an enthusiasm without réserve from people whose business is to make money through activities linked directly or indirectly to construction. So far, l hâve promised a dozen people that l would accompany them to Mount Athos next year. Obviously, such a trip needs to be prepared and organized. Unfortunately, l am unable to accomplish such a task on my own for l do not hâve thé compétence of a tourist agency. Thé problem is complicated by thé fact that in France we, as architects are used to organizing a trip at thé end of a building project, a trip that involves thé client, thé building firm and thé architects who get together for a few days to crown their efforts and forget their. ^. '.,r>"f".^. /'>. ^ quarrels. Many of my clients, as well as thé représentatives of thé building firms l work with, want to go to Mount Athos, hoping to hâve just as fulfilling an experience as l had. André Malraux said that thé 20th century will be spiritual or will not be. l doubt whether ail thé people to whom l described my expérience at Mount Athos had Malraux in mind, but their wish to go there seems to be sincère. 44 s 45

25 Interview with Melina Mercouri Thé "Archipelagos" of Melina Mercouri he " Archipelagos" of elina ercouri: A héritage to share few days before she died in eariy March of this year Melina Mea-couri, thé well-known Greek Minister of Culture wa» interviewed by insula. Th«"Ârchipelagoa" project waa her dream. Let ua ahare it with her. Insula: Madam Minister, during your last visit to thé seat of UNESCO, you referred to your Project "ARCHIPELAGOS" which you described as one ofyour major visions. Could you outline it and give its gist to our readers? Mrs. Mercouri: Thé Greek islands of thé Aegean, a Mediterranean "Polynesia", which of old times, were known as "Archipelago" constitute a geographical ensemble with an extraordinary natural, cultural and aesthetic identity. Thé quality features ofthis identity, especially within thé présent historical context, define thearchipelago as a cultural and natural "monument", which lead us directly to thé memory's alertness ("mnimi" in Greek) for whatever thé Archipelago represents. J believe that thé Archipelago with thé image it has developed through thé centuries, symbolises values that are worth keeping vividly and creatively in our memory as guides on how to behave as citizens of our times. So, it is this "Archipelago of values" that l dream of, equipped with everything that will allow it to maintain its exceptional identity and overcome thé intrinsic threats which économie and technological changes of our time impose on it. Thé "Archipelagos Project" is a system of institutions asd actions which will allow theaegeanarchipelago to move to its cultural identity's modem version, keeping thé continuation of thé universal values that characterised its development through history. Insula: Why do you believe that such a venture is ofinterest to thé universal society and particularly to Europe, as you never fail to mention every time you are given thé opportunity? Mrs. Mercouri: Thé Aegean Archipelago, as a geophysical entity of extraordinary beauty, as well as a cultural entity of gréât historical value, obviously constitutes a precious part of thé European cultural héritage. It is our common duty to protect it from thé irrational damâge inflicted on it by short-sighted commercial interests. We must protect it as an intégral whole and not merely its fragments. Also, apart from thé historicity of its aesthetics and its culture, l regard thé Aegean Archipelago as an example of a cultural vision, which may compensate for thé formless massiveness of thé modern market civilisation which is leading thé Archipelago to postmodernism through a cataclysmic application of new technologies, void of any counterveiling, vigorous philosophy of life. Insula: Therefore do you believe. M:rs Mercouri, that thé Archipelago should avoid technological developments? Mrs. Mercouri: On thé contrary! l believe that theaegean "polynesia Photo UNESCO l Dominique Roger must give a lead in thé use and, why not, in thé development of new technologies. But, under one condition: that it will not allow new technologies to dictate its future aesthetic, ecologi.cal and cultural values; on thé contrary it must assimilate them to produce thé modern version of thé Archipelago's valuable and revered tradition. Insula: Which, do you believe, are thèse values that single out thé Archipelago and put it on "a symbol's pedestal", you so characteristically support? Mrs. Mercouri: Thé Archipelago has always been a fragmented location, a collection of hundreds of islands spread in thé sea between Europe, Asia and Africa. Small places, tiny, sometimes Lilliputian societies. Still, it is in this place of small scale that a Gréât Civilisation has been hatched and flourished. And what is even more important, this Gréât Civilisation was thé root of thé first classic civilisation, where thé European cultural identity started. Thé juxtaposition between thé small scale of thé Archipelago's material reality with thé imiversity of its cultural contribution proves thé historical potential of a culture with human dimensions. Our faith in such a potential is, l believe, an anchor of hope in our times and an example to iniitate for thé new générations ofeuropeans who live in thé darkness ofmass anonymity. Besides, thé fact that in thé numerousaegean islands a gréât variety of local versions of its unique culture developed, is an argument in faveur of thé feasibility ofcultural diversification, within thé bounds of a cultural unity. What else is, l wonder, thé vision of thé future multi-cultural unified Europe? And why not draw systematically lessons of optimism from thé cradie ofsuch a multi-cultural historical paradigm? Finally, let us not forget, that it is in that very same place where Eurasia's andafrica's cultural éléments met in a most harmonie way; they synthesised a cultural continuity not of simple syncretism, as was thé case of thé period of décline of thé Roman Empire, but of classic intégration which stamped history ever since. Insula: Do you believe that your project has particular interest in thé context of current theoretical spéculation concerning thé planning ofinsular areas' future development? Mrs. Mercouri: Of course, l do. Islan ds, in général, are fragile small ecological unifies and human societies. If they want to survive as sëparate cidtural paradigms, there is nothing left for them but to plan their identity's maintenance through thé modernisation oftheir economy and their society. Thé "Archipelagos Project" is thé first attempt to plan thé islands' modernisation and development having as a pivot their cultural identity so as not to leave it an unprotected prey to thé accidentai conséquences of some increase of thé économie indices and ofconsequent changes in thé pattern of employment. If thé experiment succeeds, then many régions, not only those strictly insular, wishing to maintain their cultural pluralism, will be able to draw methodologies and ideas, and especially optimism, from thé Aegean Archipelago. Insula: How do you envisage thé operational form ofyôur project? Mrs. Mercouri: Thé "Archipelagos Project" takes thé shape of an indicative systemof économie, technical and administrative motives for public and private institutions, Greek and forèign, which would wish to develop activities in Aegean Islands or for thé benefit ofaegean islands. Thé only prerequisite will be that such activities would enhance employment opportunities in sectors that are relative to thé production of'cultural goods and services". One further condition will be that thèse activities shall draw their dynamism from thé archipelago's cultural tradition. Thé activities may concern sectors such as éducation, scientific basic and applied research, arts, modernisation of traditional productive sectors of thé islands and so on. This system of motives will be complète d with a mechanism of supervision and information on thé progress of eligiblé activities, that essentially through scrutiny and critical publicity will help thé institutions involved to maintain thé total focus oftheir opérations within thé limits of thé "Archipelagos Project" objectives. Insula: How much has thé "Archipelagos Project" progressed so far? Mrs. Mercouri: Thé project consists of Action Axes, each ofwhich is put in effect with spécifie projects, many of which are already in operation. Thé detailed formulation of thé project has been carried out by an Aegean University's scientific team under thé direction of Professor Costas Man. Sophoulis, who by a happy coincidence has been elected deputy of one of thé Archipelago's préfectures to thé Greek Parliament. One part of thé total Project will be submitted to UNESCO following an "in principie" agreeinent l hâve made with thé Director Général, Mr. Federico Mayor. Federico Mayor has shown an impressive insight when we presented him thé framework of our "vision". He is exactly thé "realist visionary" needed at UNESCO's helm in thèse complex times which cross our cultural superstructure

26 Islanders at Work s a S t 0 cotourist, a neologism which hardly existed when in 1959 our family first set foot on thé island of Fermentera (area of 82km2 and population of 3000). Thé definition, suggested during thé course of thé UNESCO conférence "IS- LANDS 2000" on May 21, 1992, is ofa tourist who is conscious of thé requirements of thé environment and who adapts his behaviour to thèse requirements. Discovery of a Paradise Thirty four years ago, a ten-day journey allowed us to discover thé Island oflbiza by bicyc'le with our two three and five year old boys propped on our bike racks. During a stop in Santa Eulalia del Rio, we were fortunate enough to visit an exhibition ofworks by thé English painter Leslie Grimes ( ). A résident of Ibiza, Grimes (a famous political and satirical artist) had made a carreer for himselfin Geneva. His canvas San Francisco Janvier, capital of Fermentera, fascinated us. M. Edouard Pittet in chief of semce at thé Direction Général of t-hp PTT in B«rn. He collaborata d in varioua organisations for thé protection of thé environment and for thé development oftouriam, namely thé Ecological Centre Albert Schweitzer, YMCÂ, etc. - cotourisin in ^orinentera Archipelago of thé aleares s p a l n Ibiza Edouard Pittet <0' 0 Mediterranean Fermentera Bought and securelywrapped, this work of art remained with us throughout thé rest ofour voyage, even during thé détour via thé island of Fermentera, which thé picture inspired us to take. Heading for Fermentera, we embarked on thé Manolito, a "vaporeto" doubled with a large sail, which alas sank only six months later off of thé Island of Espalmador. InFormenterawefell in love with Es Pujols beach. One of thé most exquisite beaches of thé Mediterranean, it is nearly devoid of hôtels. What a delight it was to meet Vicente and Rita Paya Mallorca & Location map of Fermentera Minorca andtheir small daughters! Warm and cheerful peasants, they immediately put at our disposai their children's room. And so began an unforgettable stay during which, between swims and strolls, we shared our frugal and delicious meals with thé Paya feuniiy. Casa Monica In summer 1962, we once again set out for Fermentera with our three children, deciding to purchase in Es Pujols a patch ofland crowned by a grave oftrees. Thé maestro de obras", AntonioMari, built thé Casa Monica without cutting one tree. Flanked by a majestic pine, this house blossomed into a vibrant home, one where its hosts unceasingly shared their happiness with Formentera's peasants, fishermen, artisans and their familles. Thé Manolito's mast, saved during its shipwreck in 1960, was fîrmly planted in front of thé Casa Monica and to this day carries thé only flag with thé island's emblems. This superb flag was embroidered in Switzerland by thé mother of thé présent author. Folklore It was during thé unforgettable evenings spent under thé Casa Monica s gréât pine that we paid respect to Formentera's old cultural traditions, imprinted by Moorish influence. Peasants who came from Cape Barbaria and La Molawith instruments madewith their own hands, sang, played music sind danced. On February 5, 1969, a group of people, preoccupied that thé music and traditions of Fermentera may face extinction through mass tourism, gathered in thé kitchen of Casa Monica. In fi-ont of a microphone for thé first time, they created thé only record of their island s folkmusic: Musicay Cantos de Campesinos. Slipped into thé disk jacket were thé texts of thé songs translated from Catalan into four languages. This was a case of ecotourist vision canying across thé seas and océans a message of rare authenticity. Saving a Windmill It is wonderful to contemplate today thewilfulness oftheislanders to act firmly on thé initiative to restore a Formentera windmill. Proof of this is thé captivating study published by Joan Mari Cardona, thé fine model of thé windmill d'en Teuet executed in l:30mm scale in 1986 by thé Swiss Giulio Arsuffi (see picture), thé model donc in l:10mm scale in 1992 by Vicente Costa Maians, and thé small 2.50m windmill built in 1991 by Joan Terres Mari. This was a happy tum ofevents, following appeals launched by an ecotourist, morethantwo décades ago on thé occasion of thé release A model of thé Molf d'en Teuet Windmill in Formentera, made by G. ArsufiR. (Photo: E. Pittet) of thé folk record. Thé objective was to restore thé San Femando windmill which still functioned marvellously at that time! Thé movement of its sails was sublime, and seemed to draw us towards thé beauty of thé sky and thé greatness ofinfinity! Planting a Vineyard Over thé years thé Es Pujols area has become thé most important tourist zone of thé island and this added more scope to better preserve thé verdant horizon of thé Casa Monica. We acquired another plot ofland, and in 1982 we planted 200 vines. Our friend Xumeu lent us his wipe vat, press and barrels. And sa evolved a little vineyard, planted and cared for by ecotourists. Every year it gives us magnificent grapes, delicious pasteurized juice and a savoury wine imbued with thé vigour of thé arid earth it springs from. Using Solar Energy There was another development of note. During their vacation in 1988 some ecotourists from Centre Ecologique Albert Sschweitzer ofneuchtel installed a solar panel able to produce thé energy needed to light thé Casa Monica. What a privilège it was to share in thé know how of pioneers living by thé ethic of thé Nobel Peace Prize of 1952 who declsired that who has been blessed by thé riches of life must spread them in turn and in equal measure. Protecting thé Coastline From 1988 to 1991, in Fermentera there was a pétition and letterwriting campaign led hy those wanting to prevent thé destruction ofits cfoastal landscape, such as that of thé superb beach of Es Pujols

27 Ecotourism in Fermentera: Archipelago of thé Baléares A project adopted unanimously by thé municipality in 1988 involved a maritime boardwalk 400m long and 5 to 8m wide, lined with 200 palm trees andfloodlights. A stand was taken against this project, but it was not easy to oppose thé planners of thé largest Balearic tourist centres. Formentera, with an extremely vast coastline, was now faced with thé danger ofhaving one of its beaches disfigured and turned into a touristic monstruosity. InSeptember 1989, several tourists, supported by natives, launched a pétition. Signed by 521 people it proposed to thé political authorities and to "Defensor del Pueblo" a compromise: création ofa boardwalk two métrés wide inaximuin, without palm trees or floodlights. This pétition and several letters had been translated in five languages. It was necessary that this exceptionally beautiful littoral, this veritable treasure of thé island, be preserved for future générations and not degraded. Thé final decisionfavoured thé ecological vision rather than immédiate profit. Thanks to thé wisdom of thé political authorities of Formentera, a boardwalk 2 meters wide, with no trees and with lights incorporated in a 40cm high dry stone wall, was decided upon. Finished in thé Spring of 1992, this boardwalk is thé fruit of skilled M'oroccan stone cutters. It was completed to thé gréât satisfaction of thé population of Fermentera as a whole, and in particular of thé fishermen and tourists. Ecotourism and Harmonious Development It is important that ecotourist gives his support, free of charge, to initiatives, which may at first glanée appear insignificant, but which may in reality hâve an important effect on thé harmonious development of islands. Such support requires love, care, descretion, persévérance, generosity and participation from men, women and children. Ecotourists should join forces to discourage certain prestigious projects, with dubious long run benefits and which do not enhance Thé saltworks train is undergoing restoration. Photo: E. Pittet) thé quality of life of thé locals. Ecotourism is not against development when this is harmonious, but against descriptive growth. This article described a numberof initiatives that thé natives of Fermentera, with thé support of ecotourists, hâve taken in this regard. Conclusion In thé Island 2000 Conférence in Sicily, organised by INSULA in May 1992, thé point was often made that tourism often gives rise to environmental degredation. This point is of course an important one, and emphasises thé argument in favour of eco-tourism. In this regard, thé présent author allays himself with thé proposais contained in thé book published in 1992 «Integrated Study of thé Island of Formentera - Bases for Eco-development" by Miguel Morey Andreu, Director of UNESCO/MAB project in Fermentera. ulture and Thé Okinawa Préfecture Dividing thé Pacifie Océan fi-om thé East China Sea, thé Ryukyu island chain stretches between thé southern tip of Kyushu and Taiwan.. Ryukyu was once an independent kingdom. In thé late 14th century Ryu-k;^u became part ofchina's network oftribute states and maintained this close relationship for 500 years. In 1609 it was invaded by thé Japanese feudal demain of Satsuma. While retaining nominal independence and continuing to send tribute to China, Ryukyu was effectively under Satsuma's domination until thé kingdom was forcibly annexed by Japan in At that point thé northernmost islands, thé Amami group, were absorbed into Kagoshima préfecture, and thé rest of Ryukyu became Okinawa préfecture. Okinawais also thé name of thé largest islïind of thé chain, where thé capital city, Naha, and thé ancient capital, Shuri (now part ofnaha), are located. After thé Satsuma invasion and annexation by Japan, OMnawa was subjected to a third onslaught Dr. Ananda Mayw Stmcfaecum is a textile historian, specializing m thé social économie and artiatic cnitext of dfrth in C&inawa. She is an indepaideot scholar and ft»elance writer. aditional nowledge ^extiles: eb of yukyu's History and culture Amanda Mayer Stinchecum Ishigaki Akiko (far left) and members of thé Kuru Kobo, Iriomote Island, Okinawa. (Photo: Tadanori Saito) at thé end of World. War II. Thé Battle of Okinawa was thé most destructive of thé entirewar. Not only did a third of thé civilian population perish but nearly ail of Ryukyu's.material culture was reduced to rubble by June of With Japan's defeat, Okinawa became an Occupied Territory of thé United States. Since thé U. S. "returned" it to Japan in 1972, twenty years after thé occupation ended elsewhere in Japan, Okinawa préfecture has been an intégral part ofjapan in terms of govemment, educational System andof&ciallanguage. Although thé question ofryukyuans' origins has nq,t been settled, Okinawa appeârs bound to Japan by both ancient and récent cultural traits. On thç other hand, Okinawa is no more homogeneous thsin Japan-itself: at least four linçuistically distinct languages, which cohtrary to popular belief, are not dialects ofjapanese, are spokenin thé island chain. Thé people of Miyako and Yaeyama may be distinct from those ofokinawa Island and thé other northern 50 51

28 Textiles: Web of Ryukyu's History and Culture Cultiire and Traditional Knowledge islands, not only linguistically but in origin as well. And thé islands also bear thé imprint ofryukyu's long relationship with China. As a result, Okinawa has its own distinctive culture and a social, religions, linguistic and artistic héritage, viable enough to hâve survived centuries ofsubjugation to Japan and submission to China, repeated dévastation by typhoons and droughts, and near-total destruction by both U. S. and Japanese forces during thé war, followed by 27 years ofu. S. military occupation, which continues today in a différent form on a somewhat more limited scale. Textiles in Ancien! Ryukyu Throughout Ryukyu's history, textiles hâve played a rôle that transcended their beauty and utility. Their économie, social and cultural importance is différent historically from that of textiles in mainlandjapan. Eventoday, cloth woven from island fibres and dyed with colours extractedfrom plants unknown on thé mainland, play a major rôle in thé récréation of Okinawa's ethnie identity, helping to shape its Mstory and culture in a unique way. Of ail thé visual arts, textiles embody thé spécial spirit of Ryukyu and Ryukyuans. During thé 14th and 15th centuries, Ryukyu developed a flourishing entrepôt trade with much of sea-going Asia, from China, Korea and Japan to Siam (Thailand), Annam (Vietnam), Malaya, Malacca, Java and Sumatra. In addition to acting as a go-between, receivinggoods from one and passing them on to another, Ryukyu exported products ofits own. Thé first tribute sent to Ming China in 1372 consisted ofhorses, cloth and sulphur. Textiles also played a majorrole atthe Shuri courtwhere détails ofcolour, material andthe size ofindividual motifs indicated officiai rank, as they did within thé larger sphère of Ryukyuan society. Early Modem Tiines But it was not only domestically, within thé kingdom, that Ryukyuan textiles were viewed as abjects of value and status. After thé Satsuma invasion of 1609, thousands ofrolls oframie cloth were sent to Satsuma each year, goods that brought Satsuma, on thé Osaka market, ten times thé value Ryukyu received for them. Easier to ship, less perishable and far more valuable per volume than rice, textiles were often substituted for rice as tribute payments to thé Kyushu domain. Cloth, especially thé fine ramie cloth with restrained striped or ikat patterns made in Miyako and Yaeyama, was also sent to thé Ryukyu representative of thé Shuri -government in Satsuma to be used as officiai gifts there, and continued to be sent to China as tribute. Cloth came to be closely interwoven with Ryukyu's international affairs and its identity in Asia. In order to meet its annual tribute debt to Satsuma, thé Shuri govemment levied taxes on thé peopie ofryukyu, taxes generally paid in grain. But on thé islands of Miyako, Yaeyama and Kumejima, thé levies took a spécial form. Every adûlt between thé âges of fifteen and fifty was obliged to pay a poil tax (known as nintozeï). Thé payment of over half of thé basic tax was made in cloth rather than grain, and most of thé burden ofmaking thé tax cloth fell to thé women, both gentry and commonpeople, In addition, theyalso had to supply fine textiles for thé use of thé Shuri nobility and possibly for thé local gentry as well, and were compelled to satisfy thé Personal demands of local ofieidais who strictly supervised textile production. Thé exacting processes ofpreparing yarn, dyeing and weaving became thé primary concern of village wonien, who may also hâve been required to work in thé fields. Under this System, finally abolished in 1903, twenty four years after Japanese annexation, techniques ofyam-making, dyeingsind weaving, as well thé évolution and refinement of design, developed toanextraordinarydegree. Many of thé Ryukyuan textiles that hâve corne down to us today (including richly coloured fine ramie from Miyako andyaeyama, and subtle checks of Kumejima silk pongee in thé Okinawa Prefectural Museum and thé Japan Folk Craft Muséum in Tokyo) were made under thé poil tax System. Thé poll-tax System itself formed thé framework of thé relation between thé people of thèse islands and thé Shuri government, and textile production played a major rôle in this relationship. Thé best of thé textiles made in Ryukyu under thé patronage of thé Shuri court are characterized by rhythmic vibrance and both boldness and delicacy in colour and design. Specialists and connoisseurs readily recogtùze thé aesthetic and technical quality of thé ikat textiles in particular, ranking them among thé finest in thé world. Cloth has contributed significantly to thé shaping of Ryukyu's history, society and economy. Cloth Making Today In Okinawa today, textiles no longer play an outstanding rôle in thé economy of thé préfecture as a whole. But there are still villages andtownswheretraditional, nonmechanized cloth production is intensively carried out, as in thé towns of Ishigaki, Hirara in Miyako, Kijoka on Okinawa and Maja on Kumejima. Hère textile production is still closely interwoven with thé lives of thé people and traditions persist. In Yaeyama, on thé island of Iriomote, Ishigaki Akiko makes ramie cloth every year to replace pièce by pièce thé old, worn-out cérémonial robes for thé priestesses of thé local shrine. She also makes robes for professional dancer Arashiro Tolnoko, whose work embraces both traditional Yaeyama dances and newly created works. On Kohama, thé women of thé island still dye and weave new cloth to make robes for their familles to wear at thé annual harvest festival. On Taketomi, many of thé clothes worn by célébrants in thé dances and dramas offered to thé go'ds as Ishigaki Akiko : (Photo: Tadanori Saito) part of thé TEinedori festival in célébration of thé first rice seedlings, still carried out on this island where rice is nof cultivated were woven by Taketomi women. In thèse most Okinawan ofactivities, thé rituals and célébrations of thé indigenous religion and thé performance oftraditional dances, textiles form an essential part of EU! Okinawan consciousness. In addition, many of thé women who make textiles are aware that they are taking part in thé process of creating a new Okinawan identity. They thus hâve a political significance far beyond their appsirently limited rôle, astextile makers such as Ishigaki Akiko and Arakaki Sachiko of Ishigaki Island are keenly aware. Thé islands of Okinawa hâve not progressed toward économie prosperity as rapidly as mainland Japan, in part due to thé poverty of thé land and its natural resources and their thoughtless exploitation, exacerbated by thé dévastation ofw^orld War II. Many peopie leave to look for jobs on thé mainland, but perhaps in decreasing numbers. Thé population of Okinawa is actually growing. Dépopulation, an implacable reality in some small-island groups like thé Hebrides and Shetlands of Scotland, may be less of a threat in Okinawa than might hâve been expected twenty years ago, although some of thé islands hâve indeed become uninhabited. FewofOkinawa'speopie may think about political independence in concrète terms, many harbour a fierce attachment to their islands and culture, and a strong désire not only to keep their traditions alive but to forge a new identity rooted in those traditions. Among them are textile makers - mostly women, who maintain thé standards oftheir art while imbuing their work with a créative energy and inventiveness. l hâve seldom found thèse qualities in thé traditional textiles of mainland Japan, which often display gréât technical virtuosity in thé exécution ofdead repetitionofold patterns, or unfortunate adapta

29 Textiles: Web of Ryukyu's History and Cultiire Culture and Traditional Rnowledge tions to "modem taste". Thé urgent necessity for maintaining a separate identity in thé face of Japan's daims of cultural homogeneity, its history (not necessarily so far in thé past) ofcultural as well as political imperialism, and thé equally pressing necessity to find ways to ensure thé viability ofa cottage industry within a rapidly changing world, gives thèse women a sensé of purpose, of a deeper and broader significance to their work, than their mainland counterparts. Their work thus encompasses not only questions of art and craft, beaufey and utility but also ofdance and drama with a religious function of past history and thé possibility ofcultural autonomy. Textile Making in thé Islands Textile making in thé islands takes many forms, from weavers working at home alone or with occasional assistance raising indigo and gathering other dye plants from thé hills, doing their.own dyeing and Weaving (much more rarely making their own yarn) to textile coopératives with dozens of members perfôrming highly specialized tasks, like thé Miyakojb/u textile coopérative. Thé island of Iriomote, with an area of 284 square kilomètres, is thé largest island of thé Yaeyama group and thé second largest island in thé préfecture. Thé island's econoirty is still reliant on agriculture: rice, sugar cane, and some recently developed products such as tropical fruits. Local and prefectural governments are anxious to develop new industries from thé govermnents' point of view, preferably those that will attract tourism. Thé island of Iriomote itselfhas no traditional textile type associatedwithit. So, unlike thé weavers of Ishigaki, Miyako or thé main island of Okinawa, textile makers hère hâve an unusual freedom to expériment and develop. Iriomote is rich in materials for weaving and dyeing, including plentiful and pure water from its mountain rivers. Ishigaki Akiko is one of thé strongest and most créative représentatives ofa smallnumber of Okinawsin women working on thé problem of adapting traditional, hand-produced materials - in particular fibre-banana, ramie ind hand-reeled silk - and techniques to contemporary life, while at thé same time making something unique, if not to Iriomote alone then at least to thé township of Taketomi. She and her husband, Kinsei, farm and produce textiles as thé natural cycle of thé seasons dictâtes not far from Rinsei's village ofsonai, thé Western area (Seibu) oflriomote. Thé idéal framework oftheir textile opération is divided roughly into agricultural work (raising fibre plants; raisingsilkworms; cultivating and fermenting indigo; and gathering other dye plants that grow wild in thé lushly forestedhills oflriomote) and studio work (including processing fibres into yarn, dyeing and weaving). Thé agricultural part is Kinsei's responsibility and thé workshop is Akiko's. Thé Iriomote and Takçtomi-cho coopératives hâve a relatively relaxed attitude toward their structures and goals, allowing textile makers like Ishigaki Akiko to go further than officiai guidelines dictate in exploring thé potential of her art. As part of their effort to develop textiles unique to Iriomote's environment, for several years thé Ishigakis worked under thé guidance ofagronomist Shikata Masayoshi of Kyoto University oflndustry and Fibre Technology to find a variety of mulberry thé only food of thé silkworm, appropriate to thé multicrop potential of southern Okinawa. Theprojectalsosetout to breed a variety of silkworm more suited to thé subtropical climate than thé government-authorized type, bred to thrive in thé temperate climate of Honshu. Professer Shikata also reintroduced a multiple-strand machine for reeling thé silk filament fi-om thé cocoon. Originally used during thé Taisho era ( ), thé machine was abandoned in favour of thé one now required by law to be used throughout Japan to meet government standards for silk yarn ofuniform diameter and consistency. TMs governmentapproved, mechanically-produced standard silk, ofsuch predictable qualifies that is approaching synthetic fibres in uniformity, is called steel-wire" yarn by w.eavers who find its lack of suppleness and variation inimical to their needs. Thé idéal of self-sufticiency and thé clear division of labour betweenakiko and Rinsei hâve broken down somewhat in thé past five years. Rinsei has become involved with a small group of farmers dedicated to thé organic cultivation ofrice, now marketed by direct mail as Yamanekojirushi Iriomote Anshinmai ("wildcat-brandlriomotesaferice"). As a result he spends less time cultivating fibre-banana and ramie, andtheworkshop's silkworm shed and silk-reeling machinery hâve fallen into disuse. On thé other hand, as a result of pressure from thé préfecture and thé township (Taketomi-cho) governments to form a coopérative, thé opération of Kuru Kobo fîrst extended beyond thé family unit ofakiko and Kinsei to workshops and weaving households in thé Eastem district (Tobu) of Iriomote. Thé Iriomote Textile Coopérative was formed in early 1986 with a membership of40 weavers, about 20 of whom actively participate in thé group's activities. After several years of continued pressure from thé prefectural govemment, it finally received récognition in 1989 from thé Mirdstry of International Trade ànd Industry (MITI) as an ofbcial producer of a "traditional craft" for nationwide promotion Fields foreground and fibre banana trees in thé background. (Photo: Tai and sales. Thé Iriomote cooperative received support from thé township and préfecture for a training programme means for thé new building that houses Kuru Kobo. Thé Taketomi-cho Textile Cooperative was officially recognized shortly afterward. Now every boit of cloth produced under its auspices receives an élégant label "authenticating" thé group's work. Since thé island of Iriomote is part of Taketomi-cho, thé necessity for two separate coopératives is unclear. Thé fibre, yarn and textile production ofkuru Kob'o stand apart from ideas and practice of traditional arts in mainland Japan. Thé cloth made there displays qualifies ofcolour, light and shade, texture and resiliency that are thé imique result of fibres and dyes spécial to thé environment of theislands. Akikoandthewomen who work with her hâve succeeded in subsuming traditionsil skills and materials within contemporaryform, utilityandbeauty. But, beyond thé aesthetic and material qualities of thé textiles themselves, they also express a synergetic relationship with nature that characterizes thé spiritual level of Okinawan culture. Thé structure of thé coopérative, including thé interrelation of thé yarn-makers, dyers and weavers, thé relation between thé cooperative and thé local and national governments, and thé ability to transcend government-established boundaries and uniform guidelines assert a political will différent from, and perhaps ultimately independent of, mainland Japan. Thé Ishigakis are not unique in thèse goals. Other textile makers in Okinawa Arakaki Sachiko in Ishigaki, Shinzato Reiko in Aliyako and Makishi Tamiko in Urasoe are also defining a uniquely Okinawan character through their work, and at thé same time making a political declaration through their mode of working. They are still finding their way, but so is Okinawa, and in that, too, they are emblematic. In thé future, as in thé past, textiles will undoubtedly play an integral rôle in defining Okinawan identity. Références George S. Kerr (1958), Okinawa: History of an Island People, Rutland, VT and Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle. Oshiro Shizuko and Uezu Toshio, (1989), "Okinawan Weaving", in Okinawa Bijutsu Zenshu Kanko linkai, (Ed.), Okinawa Bijutsu Zenshu (Arts ofokinawa), Vol. III, Textiles. Naha: Okinawa Times. Amanda Mayer Stinchecuin ( ), "Textile Production Under thé Poil Tax in Ryukyu", Thé Textile Muséum Journal ( ). Anianda Mayer Stinchecuna ( 1993) "Textiles ofokinawa", in Seattle Art Muséum, (Ed. ), Beyond thé Tanabata Bridge. Seattle, WA: Seattle Art Muséum

30 NSU âge nesco âge Boàrd of Directors of INSULA INSULA's Board of Directors met in Toulouse on 23rd October 1993 in order to choose thé governingbody and discuss INSULA's achievements and future activitîes. Thé following were elected as members of thé Bureau: Chairman: Mr. Nicolas Msîrgaris Professer at thé Department ofenvironmental Sciences - University of thé Aegean, Greece. Secretary Général: Mr. Pier Giovanni d'ayala, Editer oflnsula, thé International Journal for Island Affaris - Italy. Vice-Secretary Général: Mr. Cipriano Marin Cabrera, Scientific Advisor to the. Autonomous Régional Govenment of thé Canary Islands - Spain Treasurer: Mr. Ognien Babic, Architect - France Vice-Chairmen with régional responsibility: Prof. Tahar GaUali - Tunisia Prof. Carlos Santos - Portugal Mr. Temakei Tebano - Kiribati Dr. Ruben Umaly - Philippine Dr. Amoldo Ventura - Jamaica Mr. John Webster - Isle ofman (UK) Prof. Yoshimasa Yamashina - Japan Prof. Tomas Azcaratey Bang (Spain) Président of thé UNESCO's Intergovernmental Programme "Man and thé Biosphère" MAB, kindly accepted to chair thé forthcoming scientific advisory committee of INSULA. Symposiiim on Natural and Cultural Héritage On Novermber 1993, INSULA and thé Hellenic Committee of thé Man and thé Biosphère programme (MAB) organized in Crète (Greece) thé International symposium on "Natural and Cultural Héritage: New Challenges for Tourism in Mediterranean Islands and Coastal Areas". International Canipaign On its December 1993 issue thé italian magazine "Airone" opened thé international campaign "Let's Adopt an Atoll" sponsored by INSULA and thé UNESCO MAB programme. (See article in this issue). INSULA Accréditation INSULA has been officially approved to be associated with thé UN Department of Public Information and accredited to participate to thé Global UN Conférence on thé Sustainable Development ofsmall Island States and in its preparatory committee. An INSULA delegation will participate in thé above conférence to be held late April 1994 in Barbados. 'ïsland matters, Islands matter" INSULA is collaborating with thé International University of Japan, with ISISA and with thé PrefecturalGovemment of Okinawa thé organisation of thé International conference "Island matters, Islands matter" (follow ups of thé Barbados Conférence) to be held in Okinawa, Japan, from 23 to 26 June International Experts Meeting Higher Education in Small Islands States Praia, Cape Verde March 1994 SmaU island states encoiinter many problems in common with regard to thé establishment and development of their educational Systems. While thé need for économie, social, scientific, cultural development calls for human resources with adéquate training and experts, thé scale of their économies does not allow, in many instances, thé setting up offully-fledged national Systems ofhigher éducation as thé acknowledged means to achieve that goal. Consequently, in a large number of cases, éducation opportzuiities at thé post secondary level are limited locally. Thé alternative of study abroad becomes in many cases a growing burden for thé économies of thé small islands and tends to feed thé brain drain. Thé issue of post-secondary éducation and training is probably thé most significant, difficult and contentious issue currently confronting educational Systems in thé small island developmg states. UNESCO had been approached by thé governments of several small island developing states, more particularly by thé Govemment of Cape Verde, with thé request to obtain support from thé international commimity in order to establish or enhance their national Systems ofhigher éducation and research. In response to that request, and having in mind thé forthcoming Global Conférence on Sustainable Development of Small IslandDeveloping States convenedby thé Unifed Nations in Barbados in April, 1994, UNESCO organized an experts' meeting on Higher Education in Small Island States. Thé aim of thé meeting was twofold: a. to take stock of thé stratégies and operational mechanisms implbmented by small island states to develop higher éducation, with spécial référence to régional coopération and collaborative arrangements; b. to formulate recommendations and to put forward concrète proposais - to thé small island states, to UNESCO, to othèr IGOs and to thé international community in général - designed to consolidate and to develop Systems ofhigher éducation and research in thé small island states, with international community assistance. Thé recommendations and proposais will be made in keeping with thé provisions of thé Draft Action Plan for thé Sustainable Development of Small Island Developing States to be discussed at thé UN Conférence in Barbados. Upon thé invitation of thé Government of Cape Verde, thé meeting was held at Praia, thé capital of Cape Verde, from Î2 to 17 March It was attended by représentatives of thé small island developing states, of other states which are engagea in support activities for higher éducation in thé small island states and by représentatives of inter-govemmental and non-govemmental organizations which are active in thé field of higher éducation

31 Book Reviews Ministry for Gozo. It was sponsored by Lôwenbràu Malta Ltd. Euro-MediterraneanTechnological Coopération ook evie\vs Thé book is introduced by Prof. Péter Serracino Inglott, Rector of thé University of Malta and concluded by Dr. Paul Debattista, Général Manager of Lôwenbràu. They both explain why their institutions supported thé organisation of thé seminar on tourism in Gozo. Edited by Salvino Busuttil and Pier Angelo Catalano. Published by thé Foundation for International Studies and thé Comité pour les Etudes Méditerranées, ISBN Territoire et Insularité: Le Cas de La Corse Anne Meistersheim 262 pages. Editions Publisud ISBN : Most of thé islands of thé world Eirejust "territories". Veryfew achieve an autonomous political status Eind fewer a significant économie rôle. But many hâve a unique and well forged insular society. Starting with thèse simple statements, this very créative work ofifers a set of new tools to analyse thé insular world and a systemic approach to use them. "Insularity" is for geographers and economists, "Insularism" for politicians and geopoliticians while "Islandity" is for psychologists and sociologists. Thèse three original and timely elaborated concepts, contribute to a deeper thinking about territories, autonomy, periphery, sustainable development and management when applied to islands. Thé conceptual contribution of this work is thé result of thé analysis of a very complex case study, that of Corsica where thé author has been living for thé last 20 years. Thé study of thé image of Corsica, since it became French, is organised in three steps which eventually lead to thé généralisation ofinsular analysis. At first France began to draw maps and plans ofits new territory. Thenit started making projects for its économie development and finally decided to offer it a place in thé political organisation of thé nation. But thé books shows very well why things did not work out as planned. Part of thé explanation is to be found in mistakes and misunderstanding on behsilfofboth sides. But most of thé causes lie in thé fact that thé insular characteristics of Corsica were not dealt with satisfactorily. Thé work concludes with an explanation ofwhat an insular System is made of, from thé point of view of social sciences and with thé necessity of a transdisciplinary approach. It opens routes that certainly need to be taken by ail thé students or researchers who are interested in island matters. Although thé book has been extracted from a French doctorate work, it is readable and certainly deserves translation in English. Tourisni in Gozo: Policies, Prospects and Probleins Edited by Uno Briguglio 102 pages. Published by Formatek Ltd, Malta, 1994 ISBN X Tourism related activities générale considérable income and employment in thé economy of thé Maltese Islands. They are also important sources of foreign exchange earnings. At thé same time, such activities create man-induced pressures on thé environment, which may hâve irréversible répercussions in thé long run. They may also hâve a négative impact on thé social relations and cultures of thé host countries. Thé purpose of thé book is to présent, in one volume, a numberof papers on tourism related policies and oii thé varions impacts of tourism on thé island of Gozo. Thé papers were originally presented during a seminar "Tourism in Gozo", which was held at Hôtel Ta' Cène, Gozo on January 28; Thé seminar was organised b^ thé Gozo Centre of thé University of Malta, with thé collaboration of thé During thé seminar, eleven papers on différent aspects of tourism, were presented, and thèse are ail included in thé book. Thé first two papers deal with tourism policies. Thé Hon. Anton Tabone, Minister for Gozo, describes thé rôle ofhis Ministry in tourism development in Gozo. Mr. Michael Soler, Chairman of thé National Tourism Organisation of Malta, explains thé policy of his organisation with regard to Gozo. Thé next two papers deal with thé spécial characteristics of thé Gozitan tourist. Mr. Leslie Vella, who is thé Research and PlEinning Manager at thé National Tourism Organisation ofmalta, gives a profile of thé foreign visitor to Gozo, whereas Ms. Graziella Pullicino, who is a research executive at METCO, writes about off-season tourism in Gozo. Thé next five papers were written by University scholars, and deal with différent tourism impacts. Thé editor of this book covers thé économie impact, Professer Patrick Schembri discusses thé environmental impact, Professer Jeremy Boissevain and Dr. Joseph Inguanez write on thé cultural and social impact, and Professer Anthony Bonanno assesses thé archaeological impact. Thèse five papers are followed by a study authored by Mr. Anthony Ellul, who is project planner at thé Malta Government Department oftourism. Mr. Ellul's paper deals with sustainable tourism development, and touches upon ail thé impacts discussed in thé previous five papers. Thé book is concluded by short présentations by four Gozitan hôteliers, who are Mr. Paolo Bartolozzi, Mr. Victor J. Borg, Mr. Joseph P. Portelli and Mr. Sammy Râpa. Thèse présentations represent thé views of practitioners in thé tourist industry in Gozo, ^nd contain proposais aimed at enhancing Gozo as a tourist destination. Thé book therefore combines thé views of académies with those of practitioners. Thé latter look at tourist development mostly from thé point of view of profit, whereas thé former tend to hâve less materialistic objectives. It becomes apparent, as one goes through thé chapters of thé book, that thé objectives of académies and business people, need not always be contradictory, and may even compliment each other. Thé book starts with a séries of papers presented during a conférence on North-South Technological Coopération in thé Mediterranean, held at thé Foundation for International Studies, Malta, in Thé book starts with an introductory section by Pierangelo Catalano ofisprom, Professor Salvino Busuttil of thé Foundation for International Studies and John Dalli Maltese Minister of Finance. Thé topics covered include, among othërs, "Protocol of Coopération thé in thé Case of Emergencies", "Navigation", "Water Management", "Port Reception Facilities", "Technology Transfer", "Fishing Technology", "Vessel Traffic Management", "Training in Technological Coopération" and "Acquaculture". In his préface, Salvino Busuttil states that thé problem of technology calls for priority attention. There cannot be any durable development in thé South unless technological progress is properly planned and directed. Thé thrust and rhythm of technological progress in thé U. S. and Japan has spurred Europe to move even faster. Such a spillover effect could occur between thé North and South of thé Euro-Mediterranean région, possibly within thé Framework of Technological Coopération Porfessor Busuttil states that thé gréât success story of thé EUREKA project hinges on its call for joint ('North' and 'South') partnership in research leading to development of a commercially interesting products or process. Such an approach does away with thé master/servant relatioiiship inhérent in conventional technology transfer, with its inbuilt streak of thé South's continuing reliance on thé North for fùrther scientific and technological innovation. It fosters, instead, a "joint venture" spint which permeates thé whole philosophy of thé process. Researchers from both parts of thé Mediterrànean région can work together in laboratories and research institutions which, linked to industry, can eventually produce thé technology required to meet domestic and régional needs

32 Letters to thé Editer etters to thé ditor Remédiai Ecotoxicoligal Expéditions Fund Dear Editer, l would like to bring to thé notice ofyour readers that a new, independent, non-profit, charitable organization, named Reinedial Ecotoxicoligal Expéditions Fund (REEF), has been established to launch a shallow draft, motorsailer, 85ft research catamaran for broadening thé scientific basis of integrated and sustainable coastal development plans worldwide. Conférences and workshops will also be held for up to a hundred on-board participants, for answering locally raised and locsilly important questions. REEF will diminish environmental illiteracy, enhance ethical awareness and promote thé protection and sustainable use ofcoastal and marine Dear Editer, A récent international conférence on Sustainable Tourism in Islands and Small States was recently held at thé Foundation for International Studies. Thé conférence adopted a set of guidelines, and labelled them "THE MALTA GUIDELINES FOR SUSTAINABLE TOURISM". Over sixty papers were presented at thé conférence, with three main focuses, namely Economie, Environmental and Cultural. We consider thèse guidelines to be ofutmost importance for thé sustainable development of islands, and we are therefore sending you a copy for publication in your journal. resources. REEF's mobile information centre will link and strengthen thé coopération ofresearch and Education Centres, and of NGOs, especially along thé tropics. Thé proposed research/conference catamaran will circumnavigate thé world once every three years. l would also like to use thé médium ofyour journal to ask organisations involved in island affairs to send me their newsletter, titles on ecological sciences and any documents or information related to REEF's proposed activities. Our address is 175, Elm Street, Suite 805, Toronto, Ontario, Canada, M5T 2Z8. Thanking you for your support. Malta Guidelines on Sustainable Tourism Malta Guidelines Dr. Thoinas I. Janossy Président, REEF Thé participants at thé International Conférence on Sustainable Tourism in Islands and Small States: l. recognize that tourism has large and multi-faceted impacts on thé population ofsmall countries, affecting, amongst other things, their economy, physical and social environment and cultures. 2. regard that environmental misuse and social and cultural dégradation arising from tourism in thé host country are often far-reaching and irréversible. 3. recognize thé diversity of approaches and disciplines that are currently being used to study tourism and thé need to synthesise thèse in order to promote sustainable tourism, and rec- Thé opening session of thé Conférence on Sustainable Tourism in Islands and Small States ommend that information and advice on sustainable tourist research policy and practice be made available to those in positions of political authority in ways which are meaningful and easily understooâ. 4. recommend that authorities ofislands and small states devise and enforce standards, use envfronmental auditing to ameliorate thé consequences ofexistingtourism activities eind appropriate évaluation tools, such as environmental and social and health risk impact assessments, to ensure that thé socio-economic benefits of tourism development are properly evaluated and weighed against thé undesirable effects on thé environment and thé cultures of thé host country. 5. recommend also that authorities of islands and small states take a long term view of economic, cultural and environmental use and abuse, and properly monitor activilies affectingthe economy, thé environment and thé cultures of thé host country. 6. recommend, in addition, that authorities in small island involve locsd resi- 7. dents and locally représentative interest groups in tourism policy processes whose conséquence will hâve a spécifie bearing on their quality of life. support thé promotion of international networkingamonginstitutions andindividuals concerned with island and small states affairs, with thé objective of fostering research and training activities on matters of direct interest to islands and small states, including tourism. Maryrose Vella Secretary, Islands and Small States Institute Foundatiàn for International Studies, Malta A session of thé Conférence on Sustainable Tourism in Islands and Small States in progress Continued next page.» 60 61

33 nouncements oin and Support NSU A sland Matters, Islands ^ atter International Conférence organised by ^1 International Small Islands Studies Association and International Scientific Council for Island Development in collaboration with thé International University of Japan, Nigata, Japan on June 22-26, 1994 in Okinawa, Japan Further information can be obtained fi-om Professor Hiroshi ISakazu International University ofjapan, Yamato-machi, Minamiuonuma-gun, Niigata-ken, , Japan. Tel: , Fax: Thé International Scientific Council for Island Development (INSULA) was formally created in November 1989, on thé occasion of thé MAB island meeting in Brest. It is an international nongovernmental organization whose aim is to promote thé sustainable development ofsmall islands in ail régions of thé world. Thé Council's objectives are to encourage technical, scientific and cultural coopération in assisting island communities in integrated planning, to contribute to thé protection ofisland environment and thé development of their resources, with a spécial interest in island cultures and human resources development. Three main Unes of action hâve been proposed within INSULA: l. Management of island resources. This includes attention to administrative procédures (including organization and Systems définition, opération, formation); natural resources, (terrestrial, coastal and marine identification, management, conservation, training); cultural resources (identification ofbuiltand non-built cultural héritage and non-material cultural héritage such as tradition and music; management training); human resources (identification ofpotentials and needs, educational stratégies and multisectoral training). 2. Technical assistance. This is envisagea in such fields as fisheries, agriculture, forests, tourism, transport and communications, parks and natured réserves, appropriate technologies, renewable energy sources, management and treatment ofwater and wagte; management ofcoastal zones; perception and prévention of natural and non-induced risks and mitigation of adverse effects on populations and thé environment; nutrition and health; social and économie development. 3 Stratégies for Sustainable Development. This Une of action covers définition, expérimentation and dififusion ofprinciples and models for integrated development ofisland environments; field studies and analyses for facilitating procédures for optimal use ofisland resources, définition, expérimentation and évaluation of stratégies ofsustainâble development to thé spécial conditions ofparticular small islands or adjacent groups ofislands. û ct'v' y Thé action of INSULA will be essentially catalytic, designed to promote thé application to thé specificities ofsmall island situations ofmultidisciplinary scientific research technology, and innovations in éducation, culture and communications. Valletta: January 1995 organised by s s s s Foundation for International Studies, University ofmalta, Valletta - Malta Further information can be obtained from Mrs. Maryrose Vella, Secretary, Islands and SmaU States InstituteFoundation for International Studies, Valletta, Malta. Tel: , , Fax: Thé Council organizes seminars and conférences at national, régional and international levels and promûtes a direct dialogue with and between thé responsible authorities and thé populations ofdififerent islands and island groups. It will also promote coopération and horizontal exchangeof expérience and expertise between islands ofa given région as well as at thé interrégional scale, particularly through thé network of specialists and projects at thé MAB Programme of UNESCO. Through its international and multidisciplmary network of experts and researchers, INSULA contributes to balanced, sustainable development initiatives undertaken by island authorities. To this end, INSULA will cooperate with national, régional and international organizations that are involved with programmes ofisland development. INSULA also publishes its own journal, insula, which speciauses on island afifairs. Every issue contains regular features and a dossier on an important aspect of island development. A subscription form appears overleaf. For individual and group membership see overleeifnext page

34 APPLICATION FOR MEMBERSHIP 0F INSULA ïwish to become member ofinsula, thé International Scientific Council for Island b. Name and Surname: Institution: Address: City: Country: l am paying thé amount of by: Chèque American Express Master Gard VISA Crédit Gard Number: Expiry Date: Month Year Signature: Date: Membership fées: Individual: Institutions: Supporting members: 350 French Francs 1000 French Francs 2000 French Francs or more. artners ps s and commun caî on Thé journal insula Thé International Journal of Island Affairs is distributed free of charge to members ofinsula. Chèques are to be made in French Francs payable to INSULA. Please send thé filled-in copy of thé above application to: WSULA Division ofecological Sciences l, rue MoilUs, 75732, Paris Cedex 15 France Tel: (33 l) Fax: (33 l) saves ves putting knowledge and rai ng w an affordable g obal netwo t e mena s 64 s 26 rue bois le vent "'5016 pan.s tranc^ tel 1/46,s4 d.^ la\ l 4.-:' 20 5') 21

35 Published by thé International Scientifîc Council for Island Development with thé support of UNESCO in collaboration with thé Foundation for International Studies, Malta. Produced bv Formatek Ltd., Malta