Compensating indigenous Australian 'losers': a community-oriented approach from the Aboriginal social policy arena

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2 Compensating indigenous Australian 'losers': a community-oriented approach from the Aboriginal social policy arena J.C. Altman and D.E. Smith No.47/1993 ISSN ISBN

3 SERIES NOTE The Centre for Aboriginal Economic Policy Research (CAEPR) was established in March 1990 under an agreement between the Australian National University and the Commonwealth of Australia (Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission). CAEPR operates as an independent research unit within the University's Faculty of Arts. CAEPR's principal objectives are to undertake research to: investigate the stimulation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander economic development and issues relating to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander employment and unemployment; identify and analyse the factors affecting Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander participation in the labour force; and assist in the development of government strategies aimed at raising the level of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander participation in the labour market. The Director of the Centre is responsible to the Vice-Chancellor of the Australian National University and receives assistance in formulating the Centre's research agenda from an Advisory Committee consisting of five senior academics nominated by the Vice-Chancellor and four representatives nominated by the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission, the Department of Employment, Education and Training and the Department of Social Security. CAEPR DISCUSSION PAPERS are intended as a forum for the dissemination of refereed papers on research that falls within the CAEPR ambit. These papers are produced for discussion and comment within the research community and Aboriginal affairs policy arena. Many are subsequently published in academic journals. Copies of discussion papers can be purchased from Reply Paid 440, ANUTECH Pty Ltd, Canberra ACT Ph (06) Fax (06) As with all CAEPR publications, the views expressed in this DISCUSSION PAPER are those of the author(s) and do not reflect an official CAEPR position. Jon Altman Director, CAEPR Australian NationalUniversity

4 ABSTRACT The extent to which social policy should foster economic adaptation and compensate the losers' from economic forces is of growing concern to policy makers in the 1990s. From an Aboriginal policy perspective this concern is familiar. The recent endemic levels of unemployment experienced by the non-aboriginal population have been a long-term experience for indigenous Australians. The paper explores an approach from the Aboriginal affairs social policy arena - the Community Development Employment Projects (CDEP) scheme - and considers both its ability to compensate disadvantaged indigenous Australians and its applicability in the wider community. The concept of indigenous losers' is critically examined in the light of the considerable cultural, economic and geographic variation within the Aboriginal population itself. The current level of indigenous disadvantage also reflects complex historical processes. The CDEP scheme is a community-oriented approach which offers a potentially radical economic adaptation; the most significant being the 'Aboriginalisation 1 of work and a high degree of local control over setting employment outcomes and work schedules. However, the paper argues that the longer-term employment and income improvement outcomes from the scheme are far from clear. The CDEP scheme does not appear to be particularly effective in reducing poverty and in some regions it may perpetuate an employment enclave for the disadvantaged. Finally, it remains unclear whether the scheme has the capacity to compensate especially disadvantaged individuals at the community level, or to move unemployed indigenous Australians towards equality with other Australians. The scheme appears to suit the particular circumstances of many indigenous Australians, but any moves to introduce the scheme more widely would need to proceed cautiously. Acknowledgments An earlier version of this paper was presented at a Centre for Aboriginal Economic Policy Research seminar in June Input provided at this seminar resulted in its considerable refocus. Thanks to Anne Daly, John Taylor, Linda Roach, Konstantin Probst, Nicky Lumb and Belinda Lim for comments and editorial assistance. A number of participants at the National Social Policy Conference provided additional input when the paper was formally delivered in July Jon Altman is Director and Diane Smith is Research Fellow, Centre for Aboriginal Economic Policy Research, Faculty of Arts, Australian National University, Canberra.

5 Foreword In response to a call for papers for the 1993 National Social Policy Conference with the theme 'Theory and Practice in Australian Social Policy: Rethinking the Fundamentals', academics at the Centre for Aboriginal Economic Policy Research, Australian National University, submitted three inter-related abstracts with the following titles: i ii iii 'Indigenous Australians and social policy: rethinking the fundamentals' (J.C. Altman and W.G. Sanders); 'The role of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission in social policy towards indigenous Australians' (J.C. Altman and D.E. Smith); and 'Work and welfare for indigenous Australians' (A.E. Daly and A.E. Hawke). It was anticipated that all three papers would be earmarked for a special session on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander issues convened in recognition of the 1993 United Nations International Year of the World's Indigenous People. However, the conference organisers only slotted the first proposal into this session; the second was included in the stream 'Social Policy and the Economy', and the third in the stream 'Work and Welfare'. The section 'Social Policy and the Economy' sought papers that examined how social policy should be aimed at fostering economic adaptation and the extent to which it should be concerned with compensating the 'losers' from market forces. To streamline our proposed paper to the session theme, Diane Smith and I changed its title to 'Compensating indigenous Australian 'losers': a community oriented approach from the Aboriginal social policy arena' and focused the paper's content primarily on the Community Development Employment Projects (CDEP) scheme. A version of this paper has been submitted for inclusion in the conference proceedings, but it is also published as a CAEPR discussion paper to make it available immediately to an audience focusing on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander social policy. Jon Altman Series Editor September 1993

6 How should social policy foster economic adaptation, and to what extent should it be concerned with compensating the losers' from market forces? These questions are of growing concern to policy makers in the 1990s. From an Aboriginal policy perspective, this concern is familiar. The recent endemic levels of unemployment experienced by the non-aboriginal population have been a long-term experience for indigenous Australians. The key aim of this paper is to explore an approach from the Aboriginal affairs social policy arena and consider both its ability to compensate indigenous Australian losers and, more speculatively, its potentially wider applicability to all Australian losers. The approach examined is encompassed in the Community Development Employment Projects (CDEP) scheme, a community-oriented program sometimes referred to as a 'work-for-the dole' scheme. This depiction originates from the fact that under the CDEP scheme communities receive a block grant roughly equivalent to the welfare entitlements of community members. However, additional payments in the form of on-costs and resources for the purchase of capital equipment are also provided. Currently, nearly 22,000 indigenous Australians residing at over 200 localities participate in the scheme. Participation almost invariably means part-time employment, as the resources available to each participating community do not allow the creation of full-time jobs. In the financial year, the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission (ATSIC) allocated some $235 million to the scheme, with about 75 per cent of this amount consisting of notional offsets against the welfare entitlements of participants. The novel feature of the CDEP scheme is that it is a community-focused labour market program which has no equivalent in mainstream social policy. An examination of the scheme provides an opportunity to highlight, in an exploratory manner, some of the difficulties that mainstream policy might experience in any attempts to centrally target policies and programs at economic losers, be they the long-term unemployed or those in regions that have excessively borne the brunt of the structural adjustments associated with the current recession. The potential applicability of the CDEP scheme is of special interest in the aftermath of two recent policy initiatives: a renewed federal concern with regional adjustment and regional development. 1 Defining indigenous 'losers' Defining losers is never easy, especially with a regionally dispersed and culturally heterogeneous population. In this paper, we define indigenous losers as the unemployed, especially the long-term unemployed (that is, those unemployed for 12 months or over). Some recent data on indigenous Australians in this category for the period is provided by Junankar and Kapuscinski (1991: 39) and more recently by Daly and Hawke (1993).

7 Both demonstrate that long-term unemployment is significantly higher for indigenous Australians than for the rest of the population. However, a focus on the long-term unemployed excludes participants in the CDEP scheme, many of whom would have been classified as being long-term unemployed if it were not for part-time employment opportunities created by the scheme. Table 1. Unemployment rates and mean individual incomes of the indigenous and total populations, Unemployment rate Indigenous Australians Total population Ratio Aboriginal to total population Mean individual income Indigenous Australians na $3,276 $4,634 $8,017 $11,491 Total population na $5,025 $8,130 $12,251 $17,614 Ratio indigenous to total population na Source: Tesfaghiorghis and Altman (1991); 1991 Census data. There are some important similarities and differences between the experiences of Australians in general during the past two years and the experiences of indigenous Australians over the past twenty years. This is the case especially for Australians in those rural and remote regions who have experienced regional recession. Indeed, it could be argued that the entire Aboriginal affairs policy debate over the last two decades has focused on Aboriginal people as losers, if not from market forces then certainly from colonialism (in settled regions) and as a result of their residence beyond the economic frontier (in the most remote parts). Perhaps the clearest and most cogent argument that presented Aboriginal people, as a group, as losers was contained in the Aboriginal Employment Development Policy Statement (Australian Government 1987) which defined Aboriginal socioeconomic disadvantage in terms of employment, income and welfare dependency. Table 1 clearly demonstrates that as a racially-defined group indigenous Australians are economically disadvantaged when compared to the total population. It is interesting to note that while trends over time are not the concern of this paper, there

8 has been some broad convergence in indigenous and total Australian unemployment rates; the same has not occurred with mean individual income. Aboriginal economic disadvantage is a product of historical, locational, demographic and cultural factors, but it is also due to structural change that has perhaps been ameliorated and masked by the nature and extent of government intervention. A recent analysis of the inter-relationship between macroeconomic factors and the employment status of indigenous Australians (Altman and Daly 1992a; Taylor 1992) indicates structural factors at work: there are some sectors of the economy, like agriculture, where Aboriginal employment has actually declined in absolute terms between 1971 and 1986 despite a doubling of the population. Caveat The above presentation of indigenous Australians as 'losers' in socioeconomic terms has gained considerable currency in the aftermath of the Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody. However, this picture needs to be heavily qualified on two counts. First, disadvantaged Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people cannot be categorised as a homogeneous indigenous underclass. The level of current disadvantage is not simply the product of recent recessionary processes which are further restricting an already tenuous position in the labour force. Current levels of indigenous disadvantage reflect the historical process of their marginalisation from the mainstream economy. This process took place (and continues to occur) at different times, in a diversity of circumstances and with varied impacts. One of the fundamental divisions highlighted by a number of researchers and made apparent by census data is that between remote and rural Aboriginal communities, and urban and metropolitan areas. This broad division had its intellectual antecedents in the analytical distinction made by Rowley (1971) between colonial and settled Australia. In the former, it is locational disadvantage and cultural difference that marginalise indigenous Australians in mainstream terms, although in some situations land rights and access to subsistence resources reduce the extent of disadvantage (see Altman and Allen 1992). In settled and urban areas, economic disadvantage is a legacy of the colonial encounter and the exclusion of indigenous Australians from citizenship entitlements and the provisions of the welfare state. This broad distinction has decreased significantly with time, owing to migration and especially urbanisation. Nevertheless, analyses of social indicators at the State, section-of-state, and regional levels show a significant degree of variability in the extent of indigenous socioeconomic disadvantage (Tesfaghiorghis 1991, 1992). Second, not all indigenous people are losers in the mainstream market economy and some individuals who may be classified as disadvantaged

9 according to official statistical measures, perceive themselves quite differently. For example, case study evidence reveals that recycling employment and the 'intermittent worker effect' may be active choices for some indigenous people, rather than the product of economic exclusion (Smith 1991). Culturally-determinedchoices to reside in remote locations where the labour market is virtually non-existent and to pursue lifestyles more oriented to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander priorities also have an impact on the extent to which people can choose to participate in mainstream employment. Some make an active choice to participate in the informal economy, with cash income supplements coming from welfare. With these significant cultural qualifications, we focus on disadvantage with respect to those individuals who participate in the mainstream labour force as enumerated by census statistics. The CDEP scheme: a community-oriented approach The CDEP scheme was first established on a pilot basis in 1977 by the Fraser Government. Its early history has been described in some detail by Sanders (1988) and its more recent development, especially after the launch of the Aboriginal Employment Development Policy (AEDP), by Altman and Sanders (1991). Initially the scheme targeted Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities in remote regions where very restricted, or non-existent, mainstream labour markets were the norm. The scheme was introduced at a time when the award wage economy and associated rights to unemployment benefits was new to remote Aboriginal communities. While there has been considerable debate in the literature about the exact objectives of the scheme, it is increasingly recognised that it has multiple objectives, including community infrastructure development, income support, employment creation, enterprise development, and social and cultural objectives (see CDEP Working Party 1990; Altman and Sanders 1991; Deloitte Touche Tohmatsu 1993). Since the launch of the AEDP in 1987, the scheme has been increasingly regarded as a labour market program under the umbrella of the AEDP. Consequently, it is regarded in policy terms as a potential contributor to the AEDP goals of employment and income equality between indigenous and other Australians by the year While the CDEP scheme is not an ATSIC initiative, it has been expanded and vigorously pursued in the aftermath of the Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody (Commonwealth of Australia 1991) which strongly advocated expansion of the scheme, especially into rural and urban areas that have been disproportionately affected by the recent recession. The CDEP scheme represents a potentially radical economic adaptation in many respects, but carries a burden of great expectations from both government and indigenous Australians. It is ATSIC's largest

10 program, and its expansion in recent years, attesting primarily to its popularity among indigenous Australians, is demonstrated in Table 2. As outlined by ATSIC, the current objectives of the CDEP scheme are to provide employment opportunities for indigenous people in locations where there are limited alternatives, to reduce indigenous dependence on welfare benefits and improve 'elements of their social, cultural or economic life which enhance self-management' (Commonwealth of Australia1992: 59). Certainly the program has wide appeal, especially now that it is not limited to discrete communities, but is also available on a project basis. A total of 200 communities or organisations participated in the scheme in providing employment opportunities for nearly 22,000 people, or nearly 15 per cent of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander population of workingage. Table 2. CDEP scheme participants, expenditure and proportion of Aboriginal affairs portfolio expenditure, to Year Participating communities CDEP scheme CDEP as per cent Participants expenditure of Aboriginal affairs (workers) ($ million) portfolio expenditure (est.) ,300 1,300 1,300 1,700 2,900 4,000 6,000 7,600 10,800 13,800 18,266 20,000 22, Source: Altman and Sanders (1991); Economic Initiatives Branch, ATSIC.

11 Table 3. Employment and non-employment income of Aboriginal individuals aged 15 years and over, 1986 and Labour force status Number Mean income Total income ($ million) Per cent of total 1986 Employed (CDEP component) Unemployed NILF Not stated Total 40,642 (4,000) 21,467 54,321 3, ,619 $13,726 ($5,650) $6,883 $4,388 $4,580 $8,015 $ ($22.60) $ $ $14.61 $ (2.4) Employed (CDEP component) Unemployed NILF Not stated Total 54,464 (18,072) 23,014 60,640 1, ,010 $16,757 ($8,123) $8,342 $8,021 $9,564 $11,491 $ ($146.80) $ $ $18.10 $1, (9.1) Source: 1991 and 1986 Census data. Data in brackets are estimates from the Department of Aboriginal Affairs (DAA), then ATSIC, administrative data sets reported in Annual Reports. Note that estimated mean income of CDEP participants is notional, assuming no additional non-cdep income. Table 4. Growth in CDEP scheme participation and change in unemployment rates, by State, CDEP participants Unemployment rate 1986 a 1991 a % change % change NSW Vic. NT Qld SA WA Tas. ACT ,405 1,090 1, , ,146 7,010 1,622 3, ve +ve na na Total 5,018 18, a. At 30 June. Source: ATSIC administrative databases on CDEP participants, Economic Initiatives Branch, ATSIC; special tables, Statistics Section, Strategic Development Unit, ATSIC.

12 The scheme's most radical aspect is that it allows for an 'Aboriginalisation' of work: participating communities are able to define the work context, with the result that employment includes clothing manufacture, cabinet making, provision of essential services, market gardening, arts and crafts production, rabbit eradication, emu farming, maintenance of sacred and other sites, firewood collection and canoe building. (A far wider range of activities is outlined by Deloitte Touche Tohmatsu 1993.) There is a high degree of local control over setting employment outcomes and work schedules. However, this decentralised authority over the management of the scheme has resulted, according to one commentator, in 'senior administrative anxiety' (Rowse 1993: 270). There is a clear tension present in the scheme between local indigenous management and nationallyestablished economic objectives, accountability and program evaluation. Macro-impacts At the same time, longer-term employment and income improvement outcomes from the scheme are far from clear. While expansion of the CDEP scheme certainly provides a means to reduce unemployment rates as officially defined in the five-yearly census, it does not appear to be particularly effective in reducing poverty. Altman and Smith (1993) argue that, in fact, there might be inverse and unintended trade-offs between AEDP goals: in particular, reduced welfare dependency in the current economic climate may hamper the goal of income equality by locking CDEP participants into ongoing low-paid employment in areas where there is little chance of any alternative full-time employment. There is no evidence to suggest that CDEP employment leads to better employment chances outside of the scheme. Rather, it may be that the scheme perpetuates an employment enclave for the disadvantaged. This is demonstrated notionally in Table 3, and more thoroughly by Taylor's (1993) analysis of socioeconomic status by section-of-state in the Northern Territory. Perhaps it is this that is causing 'administrative anxiety', although it may also be of anxiety to policy makers genuinely concerned with the poverty that seems to be perpetuated by the scheme and its vulnerability to adverse commentary from those who believe that Aboriginal economic disadvantage cannot be compensated with specially targeted programs that potentially maintain marginalisation in the longer term (Brunton 1993). The overall impact of the CDEP scheme is demonstrated in simplified aggregate terms in Tables 3 and 4. Table 3 shows that growth at the national level in CDEP participants almost matched growth in numbers employed. However, this statement must be heavily qualified, because it is impossible to tell from census data whether CDEP participants are categorised as employed, unemployed or not in the labour force (see Altman and Daly 1992b). It can be safely assumed though that a significant proportion of CDEP scheme participants, especially so-called 'workers' are classified as part-time employed (see Taylor 1993). Tables 3 and 4 together

13 demonstrate that at the State level there is a close correlation between the increase in CDEP participation and a reduction in officially defined unemployment rates. However, it will be necessary to disaggregate to assess the community-based impact of the scheme on employment and income levels. Micro-impacts The macro-impacts of the CDEP scheme must be differentiated from its micro-impacts at the community level. In particular, it remains unclear if the scheme has the capacity to compensate especially disadvantaged individuals at the community level. While there is currently no rigorous research available to address this issue, concern has been raised in the literature that community politics may result in some sectional interests, like women, receiving less than their welfare entitlements under the CDEP scheme mechanism, owing to the devolution of control over resource distribution to community councils (CDEP Working Party 1990; Altman and Sanders 1991). Certainly the scheme's guidelines do not provide specific direction to target those most in need. For example, recent analysis by Taylor (1993) in the Northern Territory raises the possibility that some indigenous Australians who were in mainstream employment may have shifted to part-time CDEP scheme employment. A major problem facing any attempt to assess micro-impacts of the scheme is that quantitativedata are not available: indigenous Australians are not separately identified in the monthly Labour Force Survey, and it is likely that many CDEP participants are not identified in the census as being in part-time employment (see Altman and Daly 1992b; Taylor 1993). Furthermore, such formal surveys would be incapable of capturing the qualitative 'community development' repercussions of the scheme. Detailed case studies are needed. It is clear that the CDEP scheme is the wrong program mechanism if its major economic policy objective is to move individuals off welfare (actual or notional) and into the mainstream labour market. A standard measure used to evaluate the performance of labour market programs is the employment status of individuals after a period of participation (see Daly 1993). In such a context the CDEP scheme has been unsuccessful. This is evidenced by the fact that despite the scheme's operation in some communities since 1977, no community has chosen, or been required, to move off the scheme due to the successful creation of mainstream employment opportunities. Unfortunately, there are no accurate data available on whether individuals at these communities have moved into mainstream jobs. While the census does not allow tracking of individuals over time, administrative data suggest that participant numbers at communities are expanding. The apparent failure of the scheme in 'creating' mainstream employment is hardly surprising given the remoteness of many participating communities from labour markets; and it

14 is not reasonable, perhaps, to expect it to be able to create a mainstream labour market. Nevertheless, the apparent lack of connection between CDEP and the mainstream labour market leaves the scheme vulnerable to the criticism that it constitutes an endless direct job creation program and that it provides no incentive to individual participants to seek full-time employment. Another criterion for evaluating labour market program outcomes is changed income status. The CDEP scheme has some potential to operate as a guaranteed minimum income scheme, and, in such circumstances, to provide an opportunity to supplement incomes (in cash or in kind) beyond the ceilings set by welfare equivalent entitlements. This would occur, for example, in situations where the hours available after completion of CDEP community-oriented work were devoted to artefact manufacture, subsistence activities or commercial 'community' fishing (Altman and Taylor 1989). There is little evidence, however, that the CDEP scheme is facilitating such informal productive activities in situations where they were not already undertaken under a welfare support regime. Indeed, the major identified micro-impacts of the scheme at 21 case study communities visited in association with the Deloitte Touche Tohmatsu (1993) consultancy were primarily in the areas of essential services and housing. It appears that unlike welfare regimes, the CDEP scheme does provide an organisational umbrella under which 'socially useful' work is undertaken. Even so, this very positive feature of the scheme has potential negative repercussions, linked to substitution, that will be outlined below. CDEP scheme issues There is little doubt that the CDEP scheme has proven popular with many indigenous Australian communities, that it enables a greater degree of local control and management, and has the flexibility to respond to culturallybased priorities and choices. In these aspects it represents an important economic adaptation within the Aboriginal affairs program and policy arena. It has the potential to represent a fundamentally different direction in program strategy if it can survive. This survival will require policy consideration of the following and other issues. To continue, the scheme must demonstrate that it is not locking individual participants into income levels that are little different from welfare entitlements. To ensure this, ATSIC might need to consider modifying the scheme to differentiate those participants who are merely seeking income support from those who are structurally unemployed and seeking an option to increase income by using the scheme as a stepping-stone to mainstream employment, hi some situations, this is linked to the issue of training: to provide effective means to facilitate entry into mainstream employment,

15 10 where it exists, the scheme should be streamlined with training. However, as Kerr (1992: 122) notes, such training has to be vocationally oriented, especially in urban and rural contexts. A second complex issue that needs to be addressed is whether participation in the CDEP scheme is, in fact, employment, usually of a part-time nature, or welfare support. This distinction obviously needs to be reflected in the way CDEP scheme participants are classified in official surveys like the five-yearly census. But it also has ramifications in terms of the entitlements of CDEP scheme participants to full award conditions, an issue raised by the union movement but never actively pursued (Smith 1990; Altman and Hawke 1993). The key issue and challenge for ATSIC in administering the scheme is linked to the vexed problem of substitution. This occurs at a number of levels. The CDEP scheme itself is a form of substitution funding because ATSIC is replacing participants' welfare entitlements with equivalentblock grants paid to participating communities. According to Deloitte Touche Tohmatsu (1993) one of the most positive features of the scheme is that CDEP workers are involved in the construction and maintenance of community infrastructure and housing. But this too has strong elements of substitution, because it appears that CDEP scheme employment financed by the Federal Government is substituting, at least in part, for normal activities usually financed by State and local governments. A final form of substitution is linked to the growing trend towards regionalism in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander policy. If regions are increasingly compensated by ATSIC on the basis of socioeconomic disadvantage, then it will be important to clarify the definition of CDEP participation in official statistics. If such participation is defined as employment, then any socioeconomic status index incorporating employment rates is likely to understate the extent of real disadvantage.this might jeopardise full access by CDEP scheme communities to their equitable entitlement to discretionary resources. It must be emphasised that each of these are broad policy issues, and it remains unclear to what extent they are of significant concern to the communities participating in the scheme. Wider implications The CDEP scheme raises some interesting issues of immediate wider social policy importance as the Keating Government is presently focusing on long-term unemployment, regional disadvantage and changing Australian attitudes to work. In particular, in the aftermath of the Prime Minister's statement of May 1993 and the establishment of an expert

16 committee with terms of reference to produce a report on the labour market by 31 December 1993, there will be a need to seriously consider innovative approaches like the CDEP scheme for the wider Australian community. This is partly because the scheme is often presented as a work-for-the-dole scheme and this has intuitive appeal to those who believe that the longterm unemployed could be usefully engaged in community-oriented work of public benefit. Also, it is a scheme whose rapid growth implies success and popularity. Mainstream economics is not without its debate about the merits of such schemes. On the one hand, it is recognised that direct job creation schemes are the most expensive and least effective options available to create long-term employment (Stretton and Chapman 1990). On the other, some are calling for a revamping of local employment initiatives, utilised in the 1980s as a means to create employment in the 1990s (Hodgkinson and Kelly 1993). An initial issue that would arise in the wider context is how communities might be chosen for participation in the scheme. To date, CDEP scheme entry has been ad hoc; it is questionable if such an approach would be acceptable in the wider community. It is unclear on what basis communities could be targeted for inclusion. In the early years of the CDEP scheme, priority was given to remote and discrete Aboriginal communities where employment opportunities were extremely circumscribed. To identify discrete communities without using Aboriginality as a criterion might be a great deal more complex, despite the availability of far better information on the long-term unemployed for all Australians. A community basis for introducing the scheme could exist in some unusual circumstances, like rural land-sharing communities or communes (Sommerlad and Altaian 1986). The alternative of establishing block-grant linked employment programs on a project basis (as is occurring in some urban Aboriginal situations) may be more acceptable in the wider community. Even then, one might wonder whether communitybased or project-based programs are an effective means to target individual losers (see Hodgkinson and Kelly 1993). Some fundamental differences exist between indigenous Australian communities participating in the scheme and mainstream society. First, in general, the scheme has been introduced to remote Aboriginal communities with no formal employment options. Second, the substitution occurring under the CDEP scheme is accepted, and even welcomed, because of the significant infrastructural shortfall at these communities. Such substitution might not be tolerated in the wider community. Finally, it seems unlikely that the union movement would accept non-award conditions frequently associated with the CDEP scheme if it were more widely applied (Altman andhawke 1993). 11

17 12 Conclusion To what extent has Aboriginal affairs policy developed an effective means to compensate indigenous losers from market forces? At an institutional level, it appears that ATSIC has a community-oriented program, the CDEP scheme, that has sufficient flexibility to target particular sectional groups of the long-term unemployed. However, as argued above, there are a number of factors that circumscribe the potential of the scheme to move structurally unemployed indigenous Australians towards economic equality with other Australians. While the CDEP scheme is significant (both in terms of resources and number of participants), its expansion appears limited by budgetary ceilings despite its notional offsets against individual welfare entitlements. This link has had positive spin-offs: it has been responsible in large part for the rapid expansion of the scheme in the late 1980s. But this has also created pitfalls: in particular, welfare-linked fiscal ceilings limit the ability of participants to break out of poverty. While the CDEP scheme represents an economic adaptation that may appease policy makers concerned with high levels of officially-defined unemployment, and is supported by a number of participating communities welcoming greater local control, there is limited evidence to date that the scheme alleviates poverty, as measured by the census, or that it results in the shift of indigenous Australians into employment in the mainstream labour market. In short, it is unclear if disadvantaged individuals are better looked after or targeted under ATSIC's community-focused compensation approach than under the mainstream welfare net. The scheme appears to suit the particular circumstances of many indigenous Australians, but any moves to introduce the scheme more widely would need to proceed cautiously. Note 1. As spelt out in a speech by the Minister for Industry, Technology and Regional Development, the Hon. Alan Griffith, to the Committee for the Economic Development of Australia, titled 'Economic Change and Regional Development', (4 April 1993), and on long-term unemployment, as outlined in a speech by the Hon Paul Keating, Prime Minister, to the Economic Planning Advisory Council on 28 May References Altman, J.C. and Allen, L.M 'Indigenous participation in the informal economy: statistical and policy implications', in J.C. Altman (ed.) A National Survey of Indigenous Australians: Options and Implications, Centre for Aboriginal Economic Policy Research, Australian National University, Canberra.

18 13 Altman, J.C. and Daly, A.E. 1992a. 'Do fluctuations in the Australian macroeconomy influence Aboriginal employment status?', Economic Papers, 11 (4): Altman, J.C. and Daly, A.E. 1992b. The CDEP scheme: a census-based analysis of the labour market status of participants in 1986', Economic Paperss, 11 (4): Altman, J.C. and Hawke, A.E 'Indigenous Australians and the labour market: issues for the union movement in the 1990s', CAEPR Discussion Paper No. 45, Centre for Aboriginal Economic Policy Research, Australian National University, Canberra. Altman, J.C. and Sanders, W The CDEP scheme: administrative and policy issues', Australian Journal of Public Administration, 50 (4): Altman, J.C. and Smith, D.E 'The welfare dependence of Aboriginal Australians: policy implications', Social Security Journal, March 1993: Altman, J.C. and Taylor, L The Economic Viability of Aboriginal Outstations and Homelands, Australian Government Publishing Service, Canberra. Australian Government The Aboriginal Employment Development Policy Statement, Policy Paper No. 1, Australian Government Publishing Service, Canberra. Brunton, R Black Suffering, White Guilt? Aboriginal Disadvantage and the Royal Commission into Deaths in Custody, Institute of Public Affairs, Melbourne. CDEP Working Party Community Development Employment Projects: Review of Funding, unpublished report, Department of Aboriginal Affairs, Canberra. Commonwealth of Australia The Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody, National Report, vols 1-4, (Commissioner E. Johnston), Australian Government PublishingService, Canberra. Commonwealth of Australia Program Performance Statements , Employment, Education and Training Portfolio (Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission), Budget Related Paper No. 9.5B, Australian Government Publishing Service, Canberra. Daly, A.E The evaluation of labour market programs: some issues for Aboriginal policy formulation from experience in the United States', Labour Economics and Productivity, 5(1): Daly, A.E. and Hawke, A.E 'Work and welfare for indigenous Australians', CAEPR Discussion Paper No. 48, Centre for Aboriginal Economic Policy Research, Australian National University, Canberra. Deloitte Touche Tohmatsu No Reverse Gear: A National Review of the Community Development Employment Projects Scheme, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission, Canberra. Hodgkinson, A. and Kelly, D 'Local employment initiatives as a response to unemployment in the 1990s', in A. Hodgkinson, D. Kelly and N. Verucci (eds) Responding to Unemployment: Perspectives and Strategies, Labour Market Analysis Program, Department of Economics, University of Wollongong, Wollongong.

19 14 Junankar, P.N. and Kapuscinski, C.A 'Aboriginal employment and unemployment: an overview', Economic Papers, 10 (4): Kerr, D. (Chairman) Mainly Urban: Report of the Inquiry into the Needs of Urban Dwelling Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander People, House of Representatives Standing Committee on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Affairs, Australian Government Publishing Service, Canberra. Rowley, C.D The Remote Aborigines, Australian National University Press, Canberra. Rowse, T 'Rethinking Aboriginal 'resistance': the Community Development Employment Program (CDEP)', Oceania, 63 (3): Sanders, W The CDEP scheme: bureaucratic politics, remote community politics and the development of an Aboriginal 'workfare' program in times of rising unemployment', Politics, 32 (1): Smith, D.E 'Aboriginal unemployment statistics: policy implications of the divergence between official and case study data', CAEPR Discussion Paper No. 13, Centre for Aboriginal Economic Policy Research, Australian National University, Canberra. Smith, M 'Employment, training, unions and awards', unpublished paper presented at the Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies Biennial Conference - Remote Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Community Futures, James Cook University, Townsville, July Sommerlad, E.A. and Altman, J.C 'Alternative rural communities: a solution to urban unemployment?', Australian Journal of Social Issues, 21 (1): Stretton, A. and Chapman, BJ 'An analysis of Australian labour market programs', CEPR Discussion Paper No. 247, Centre for Economic Policy Research, Australian National University, Canberra. Taylor, J 'Occupational segregation: a comparison between employed Aborigines, Torres Strait Islanders and other Australians', CAEPR Discussion Paper No. 33, Centre for Aboriginal Economic Policy Research, Australian National University, Canberra. Taylor, J 'Aboriginal socioeconomic change in the Northern Territory, ', CAEPR Discussion Paper No. 40, Centre for Aboriginal Economic Policy Research, Australian National University,Canberra. Tesfaghiorghis, H 'Geographic variations in the socioeconomic status of Aboriginal people: a preliminary investigation', CAEPR Discussion Paper No. 2, Centre for Aboriginal Economic Policy Research, Australian National University, Canberra. Tesfaghiorghis, H 'Aboriginal economic status by ATSIC regions: analyses of 1986 Census data', in P. Saunders and D. Encel (eds) Social Policy in Australia: Options for the 1990s, vol. 2, Social Policy Research Centre, University of New South Wales, Sydney. Tesfaghiorghis, H. and Altman, J.C 'Aboriginal socioeconomic status: are there any evident changes?, CAEPR Discussion Paper No. 3, Centre for Aboriginal Economic Policy Research, Australian National University, Canberra.

20 RECENT CENTRE FOR ABORIGINAL ECONOMIC POLICY RESEARCH (CAEPR) DISCUSSION PAPERS 19/1992 Estimating the reliance of Aboriginal Australians on welfare: some policy implications, J.C. Altman and D.E. Smith. 20/1992 Establishing trends in ATSIC regional council populations using census data: a cautionary note, J.C. Altman and K.H.W. Gaminiratne. 21/1992 Do fluctuations in the Australian macroeconomy influence Aboriginal employment status?, J.C. Altman and A.E. Daly. 22/1992 Industry segregation among employed Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders, J. Taylor. 23/1992 The evaluation of labour market programs: some issues for Aboriginal policy formulation from experience in the United States, A.E. Daly. 24/1992 First counts, 1991 Census: a comment on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander population growth, K.H.W. Gaminiratne. 25/1992 Patterns and trends in the spatial diffusion of the Torres Strait Islander population, J. Taylor and W.S. Arthur. 26/1992 Aborigines, tourism and sustainable development, J.C. Altman and J. Finlayson. 27/1992 Political spoils or political largesse? Regional development in northern Quebec, Canada and Australia's Northern Territory, C. Scott. 28/1992 Survey or census? Estimation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander housing need in large urban areas, J. Taylor. 29/1992 An analysis of the Aboriginal component of Commonwealth fiscal flows to the Northern Territory, D.E. Smith. 30/1992 Estimating Northern Territory Government program expenditure for Aboriginal people: problems and implications, D.E. Smith. 31/1992 Estimating Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander fertility from census data, K.W.H.Gaminiratne. 32/1992 The determinants of Aboriginal employment income, A.E. Daly. 33/1992 Occupational segregation: a comparison between employed Aborigines, Torres Strait Islanders and other Australians, J. Taylor. 34/1992 Aboriginal population change in remote Australia, : data issues, J. Taylor. 35/1992 A comparison of the socioeconomic characteristics of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, J. Taylor and K.H.W. Gaminiratne. 36/1992 The CDEP scheme: a census-based analysis of the labour market status of participants in 1986, J.C. Altman and A.E. Daly.

21 37/1993 Indigenous Australians in the National Tourism Strategy: impact, sustainability and policy issues, J.C. Altman. 38/1993 Education and employment for young Aborigines, A.E. Daly. 39/1993 Self-employment amongst Aboriginal people, A.E.Daly. 40/1993 Aboriginal socioeconomic change in the Northern Territory, , J. Taylor. 41/1993 ATSlC's mechanisms for resource allocation: current policy and practice, D.E. Smith. 42/1993 The fiscal equalisation model: options for ATSIC's future funding policy and practice, D.E. Smith. 43/1993 The position of older Aboriginal people in the labour market, A.E. Daly. 44/1993 Determining the labour force status of Aboriginal people using a multinomial logit model, A.E. Daly, B. Allen, L. Aufflick, E. Bosworth, and M. Caruso. 45/1993 Indigenous Australians and the labour market: issues for the union movement in the 1990s, J.C. Altman and A.E. Hawke. 46/1993 Rethinking the fundamentals of social policy towards indigenous Australians: block grants, mainstreaming and the multiplicity of agencies and programs, W. Sanders. 47/1993 Compensating indigenous Australian 'losers': a community-oriented approach from the Aboriginal policy arena, J.C. Altman and D.E. Smith. 48/1993 Work and welfare for indigenous Australians, A.E. Daly and A.E. Hawke. 49/1993 Change in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander population distribution, , K.H.W. Gaminiratne. For information on earlier CAEPR Discussion Papers contact Nicky Lumb, Centre for Aboriginal Economic Policy Research, Faculty of Arts, Australian National University, Canberra ACT Ph (06) Fax (06)

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