Aged in Cities: Residential Segregation in 10 USA Central Cities 1

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1 Journal of Gerontolug v Vol. 32. No Aged in Cities: Residential Segregation in 10 USA Central Cities 1 John M. Kennedy and Gordon F. De Jong, PhD 2 This study focuses on the segregation of the aged in ten USA cities. The objectives are to determine the degree of segregation of elderly within cities, and how the pattern varied from 1960 to 1970 by size of city, age of city, and for cities that are growing and declining in population. Census data were used to compare proportions of the population 65 and over living in central city and suburban locations, and a summary Index of Dissimilarity was computed to measure the degree of age segregation by census tracts. In all metropolitan areas there was a disproportionate share of the elderly residing within the central city and considerable segregation in certain census tracts within the city. However, the degree of segregation showed no pattern of increase between 1960 and There was less segregation of the aged in older, declining cities and greater segregation in younger, growing cities. These findings suggest that age segregation is in part a function of the urbanization process. HE changing population composition of T American cities in recent years has led social scientists to become interested in the residential distribution patterns of the aged. This interest in the residential distribution of the elderly in metropolitan communities stems in part from the social problems and policy implications of the possible emergence of ghettos of elderly. The general thesis is that within metropolitan regions the elderly population is more concentrated in the central city than in the suburbs, and within the central city, the elderly are segregated into certain sections of the city. Is this pattern part of the process of urbanization in our country? With a sample of 10 United States Standard Metropolitan Statistical Areas (SMSAs), this research tests the thesis of residential segregation of the aged and explores possible explanations inherent in the urbanization process. Specifically our focus is on differences in the degree of and trends in residental segregation for small and large cities, for older and newer cities, and for cities that are growing and declining in population. THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVE The process of urbanization encompasses an interaction of culture, population, territory, technology, and social organization (Hawley, 'Revised version of a paper presented at 28th annual scientific meeting of Gerontological Society. Oct in Louisville. 2 Dept. of Sociology, Issues Research Office, Pennsylvania State Univ., University Park, PA ). Focusing on the population component, the urbanization process usually involves an initial trend toward the centralization of residents followed by outward expansion and differentiation in land use and residential patterns. The classic theories in urban ecology Burgess' (1925) concentric zone theory, Hoyt's (1939) sector theory, and the multiple-nuclei theory of Harris and Ullman (1945) develop alternative explanations of land use patterns in urban areas. From these theories emerge reasons for the occurrence of residential segregation in that the differential land use patterns are a result of demands for differential development of certain areas of a city. Thus, the evolving patterns of housing development produce areas which are likely to contain types of housing that are populated by persons of different ages. Residential segregation is defined as the differentiation in the spatial distribution of people according to specified characteristics such as race, class, or age. Segregation by occupational groups has been reported by Duncan and Duncan (1955), Fine, Glenn, and Monts (1971), Schwirian and Rico-Velasco (1971), and Uyeki (1961), while both Lieberson (1961, 1962) and Van Arsdol and Schuerman (1971) noted that ethnic groups, especially immigrant ethnic groups, are segregated in US cities. There is likely some overlap between thesefindingsand the urban residential patterns of the aged because elderly citizens often have lower socioeconomic status and because remaining ethnic 97

2 98 KENNEDY AND DE JONG immigrant populations, the majority of whom arrived in the United States before the 1930s, now contain a substantial proportion of elderly persons. Undoubtedly the best documented form of urban segregation is Taeuber and Taeuber's (1965) extensive analysis of racial segregation in US cities. Using an Index of Dissimilarity, which we use in the present research, the Taeubers computed the amount of segregation in each city. Based on a scale from 0, no segregation, to 100, total segregation, the Index of Dissimilarity scores ranged from 63 to 98, indicating extensive racial segregation in US cities. Direct evidence on the existence of residential segregation of the aged provides somewhat mixed conclusions (Clark, 1971; Johnston, 1971; Paimore & Whittington, 1971). In general, research has been based largely on analyses of single cities. Goldscheider (1966), for example, noted that the earliest developed areas, those near the center of Los Angeles, had higher percentages of elderly than areas that developed an urbanized pattern at a later time. Similarly, Berry (1965) reported that the age structures of neighborhoods were younger in concentric zones further away from the center of the city. In Toronto, Golant (1972) found that the elderly were concentrated in a few areas of the city, particularly in the inner city. However, Hiltner and Smith (1974) noted no age segregation in Toledo, although use of a different methodology suggested that the intraurban distribution of the aged was different from the distribution of the non-aged (Smith & Hiltner, 1975). How age segregation patterns may be associated with such major dimensions Detroit. Ml Houston, TX Pittsburgh, PA Atlanta. GA Des Moines, 1A Sacramento. CA Scranton, PA Stockton, CA Altoona, PA Pueblo. CO of urban structure as city size, age of city, or population growth or decline pattern has not been systematically explored. Our general working hypothesis is that the elderly are residentially segregated into certain parts of cities. More specifically, however, we hypothesize that: (1) residential segregation of the aged is directly related to city population size; (2) residential segregation of the aged is directly related to city population growth, i.e., the amount of age segregation increases with total urban population growth, and (3) residential segregation of the aged is inversely related to city age. DATA AND METHOD data from the 1960 and 1970 censuses are used to test for segregation patterns of the aged population. Our sample often cities Houston, Atlanta, Sacramento, Stockton, Pueblo, Detroit, Pittsburgh, Des Moines, Scranton, and Altoona is a purposely selected sample of matched case studies, chosen to maximize differentiation on the city size, age of the city, and population growth pattern variables (Table 1). Specifically, the sample reflects a wide range of population sizes which matchesfivecities with population growth with five having population decline. Each city with population growth has a corresponding size city with population decline. The sample also contains the same number of old and new cities. Newer cities Houston, Sacramento, Stockton, Pueblo, and Altoona are defined by hav- Table 1. Total and Aged in 1970, Percentage Change , and Decade Exceeded 50,000, for Selected USA Cities. Decade Total Exceeded Total % Change, In ,482 1,231, , , , ,644 62,900 97, and Over % Change, In ,148 79,451 70,034 45,224 22,946 27,894 15,229 12,380 9,453 9, Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Census of : Vol.

3 RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION OF THE AGED 99 ing reached the size of 50,000 people during the 20th Century, while older cities reached this size in the previous century. Growing and declining cities are defined in terms of total population change during the decade. It is important to note, however, that the population aged 65 and over increased in all cities, even those where the total population declined (Table 1). size of the selected cities ranged from Pueblo and Altoona with a total 1970 populations of less than 100,000. The 1970 population aged 65 and over ranges from less than 10,000 for Pueblo and Altoona to over 173,000 in Detroit (Table 1). As noted earlier, the degree of residential segregation of the aged within certain areas of the central city is measured by the Index of Dissimilarity. The Index scores determine the percentage of the population under and over 65 years of age that would have to change residences in order for the population of each census tract to have the same proportion as the entire city. 3 Since our Index scores were computed from census tract data, they are not as 'To maximize data validity, our analysis is restricted to central city census tracts which have more stable boundaries over time as compared to recently traded suburban areas. Cities Ranked by Size Crowing Cities Houston Atlanta Sacramento Stockton Pueblo Declining Cities Detroit Pittsburgh Des Moines Scranton Altoona sensitive to residential segregation as were the Taeubers' scores which were based on city block data. The range of possible scores is from 0 to 100, with a high score indicating extensive segregation. The Index of Dissimilarity was computed for both l?60 and 1970 in order to determine trends in residential differentiation of the aged. FINDINGS Census data distinguishes between central city population as defined within the political boundaries of the urban place and Standard Metropolitan Statistical Area (SMSA) population which is based on county boundaries and includes not only the central city population but also suburban and exurban population. The data in Table 2 indicate that the aged are disproportionately in central city locations of our sample urban areas. In each of the ten cities the percentage of the total SMSA population 65 and over residing in the central city was higher than the percentage of the population under 65 living in the central city. However, while the elderly population in all these central cities increased during the 1960 to 1970 decade (Table 1), the percentage of the SMSA population 65 Table 2. Percentages of the Standard Metropolitan Statistical Area 65 and Over Under 65 and Percentage Point Change, r0f 65 & Over I960 %of Under %of 65 & Over % of Under Mean Greater %of 65 & Over * %65 &Over % Point Change in: 7c Under The mean difference is the average percentage difference of the 1960 and the 1970 populations over 65 and under 65. For Houston, for example, this is ( )+ ( ), 2 ~ 2 ' 6 Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census. Census of the Potrotation: Vol. l.characu'ristics of the. Parts 6,7 1? 17,24,40,45. Number of Inhabitants: Table 24.

4 100 KENNEDY AND DE JONG Table 3. Index of Dissimilarity 1960 and 1970, by Size of and Type of Growth. Cities Ranked by Size Index Score I960 Index Score Change Growing Cities Houston Atlanta Sacramento Stockton Pueblo Declitiiii)! Cities Detroit Pittsburgh Des Moines Scranton Altoona Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Census of and Housing: 1970 Census Tracts. Final Report PCH( I) 6, 8, , , 129, 141, 153; Table P Census Tracts. Final Report PCH(l) 7, 14, , 162, 168, 178, ; Table P-l. and over living in the central city decreased somewhat in eight of the ten sample cities (Table 2). This would indicate that suburban locations attracted some elderly as well as people in the under 65 age groups. Focusing specifically on the degree of segregation of the aged in certain census tracts within the central city, the Index of Dissimilarity scores in Table 3 indicate moderate age segregation in these ten selected cities. In 1970 the scores ranged from a low of 7.58 for Altoona to a high of for Sacramento. In seven of the cities at least 20% of the population would have to change their census tract of residence in order to produce an age distribution in each tract that corresponds to that of the entire city. Comparing the 1970 and 1960 scores indicates there was no consistent pattern of either increasing or decreasing segregation during the decade. Almost as many cities recorded a decrease in the segregation of the aged as an increase, and in almost all cases the change was quite small. The degree of segregation was higher in the newer cities and in central cities experiencing population growth, while size of city showed no consistent differentiation with Index of Dissimilarity scores. Thus the data support hypotheses 2 and 3, while there is no support for hypothesis 1. Our data, then, show that the aged are not only disproportionately located in the central cities of these metropolitan areas but also that the aged are segregated, to a moderate extent, within certain areas of the central city. However, between 1960 and 1970 there is no support for the idea that the degree of segregation increased. The data suggest that the aged are more desegregated in older cities that are experiencing population decline. size does not seem to differentiate residential patterns for the aged. DISCUSSION While our sample of cities is small with a limited analysis of time depth, the results point to some potentially important parameters of urban residential patterns of the elderly. From the urbanization perspective, the typical pattern of urban population growth starts near the center of the city and expands outward to the political limits of the city. As the city population continues to increase the pattern of growth in the suburbs begins, followed by a slowing and eventual decline in the central city population. This general pattern suggests that in growing, typically newer, USA cities with considerable in-migration of young adults, areas of relatively high age homogeneity tend to emerge, thus resulting in considerable age segregation. As population growth slows and declines, largely as a result of changing in and out migration of younger age groups, the degree of residential segregation decreases because the elderly left behind constitute a larger proportion of the population in more residential areas. The relatively higher rate of home ownership (Beyer, 1965), lower migration rate (Bogue, 1959; Matras, 1973), and longer tenure in the community (Birren, 1969) of older compared to younger people are important reasons behind these residential patterns. As Wilner and Walkley (1966) note, the elderly have formed attachments to their communities and

5 RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION OF THE AGED 101 homes which make it less appealing for them to move than is true for younger people. In comparing our Index of Dissimilarity scores for the aged population with the ones Taeuber and Taeuber (1965) reported for black residents in cities, it is apparent that age segregation is not nearly as pervasive as racial segregation in United States cities. 4 Certainly the forces that produce age segregation are not the same nor are they as strong as the causes of racial segregation. It is well to note, however, that many of today's younger urban black residents will be "aging in place" to form perhaps a unique subgroup of urban aged in the future. SOME CONSEQUENCES OF CONCENTRATION AND SEGREGATION One of the consequences of the observed concentration of the elderly is a reduced number of wage earners and thus tax dollars in central city locations. The elderly frequently require services, such as housing, transportation, and health facilities which the city often must provide, thereby confounding the already pinched financial problem in many cities. Further, the maintenance of housing by the elderly may be difficult because of limited physical mobility and fixed income, with the consequence that areas of high concentrations of elderly housing may take on a run-down appearance. Despite the fact that elderly frequently live in older housing and in segregated older neighborhoods, does this necessarily result in a feeling of dissatisfaction with their neighborhoods? Rosow (1967) concludes that areas with large concentrations of aged are enjoyed by the elderly because of the opportunities for friendship and the emergence of helping patterns. If neighborhood satisfaction constitutes one part of the "quality of life" for the aged person, this benefit of the concentration and segregation pattern should be recognized. However, the location of age segregated neighborhoods with respect to health facilities, shopping areas, transportation routes, and other goods and services may hinder the convenience of these "quality of life" features for the elderly. Nevertheless, concentrations of elderly also afford more efficient use of services, and thus 'Some of the differences between our scores and the Taeubers' is a result of the use of census tracts, while the Taubers analyzed the data by blocks. wise governmental planning may include ascertaining the degree of and change in concentration and segregation patterns in urban areas. FUTURE PATTERNS As for possible future patterns of concentration and segregation of the elderly in cities, our data would tend to support Golant's (1975)contention that the elderly urban population may be spatially dispersed, albeit perhaps in segregated or age planned neighborhoods, over an increasingly larger geographic area of the mettropolitan community. This inference is based in part on our data that neither the concentration of the aged in central city locations nor segregation within urban census tracts increased during the past decade. If our description of the urbanization pattern is correct, the increasingly common phenomena of central city population decline portends the reduction of age segregation as more and more central city neighborhoods experience an "aging in place" demographic recomposition. But this pattern also occurs in suburban areas which have been receiving some, predominantly white, elderly migrants (Golant, 1975). Overlying the dynamics of urbanization is the marked reduction in the United States growth rate during the past 15 years, with its inevitable consequences for a slower rate of urban population growth and a rapid urban growth rate was the factor we found to be most important in differentiating urban concentration and segregation patterns of the aged. Perhaps a conservative prediction is that the trend for aged black and white urban residential patterns will likely differ given the strong racial segregation patterns that seem to be increasing in USA cities. REFERENCES Berry, B. J. L. Internal structure of the city. In K. P. Schwirian (Ed.). Comparative urban structure. D. C. Heath, Lexington, MA, Beyer, G. E. Housing and society. MacMillan, New York, Birren, J. E. The aged in cities. Gerontologist, 1969, 9, Bogue, D. Internal migration. In P. M. Hauser & 0. D. Duncan. The study ofpopulation. Univ. Chicago Press, Chicago, Burgess, E. W. The growth of the city. In R. E. Park, E. W. Burgess, & R. D. McKenzie (Eds.), The city. Univ. Chicago Press, Chicago, 1925.

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