Population and Migration
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1 Population and Migration Medieval and early-modern population growth: Sunderland was described in 1565 as in great decay of building and inhabitants. Its parishes together, by Pilkington s account, had a population of, at most, about 1, A survey taken in 1548 had noted in Bishopwearmouth parish 700 housling people (those taking Anglican communion), and 300 in Monkwearmouth. Including those children too young to be communicants, on this count there were perhaps 1,250 inhabitants, a figure consistent with Pilkington. The decay in 1565 is an indication of declining numbers since the Middle Ages, and it is possible that before the Reformation, and in particular during the heyday of Wearmouth monastery, population stood rather higher. 2 Numbers rose sharply after 1600, especially around the port. Migrants in the early 17 th century included Scots, and foreign merchants. It is apparent from probate documents that some Sunderland residents had property, family or charitable interests in rural parts of Co. Durham and Yorkshire, indicating places from which they may have originated. Landless labourers in the outer townships were also drawn to the port, as the growing coal trade offered opportunities to replace those lost when farmland was inclosed. By the 1660s, the Wearmouth parishes counted among the most densely populated in the whole of Co. Durham. 3 Relying on estimates drawn from imprecise and sometimes ambiguous records made for other purposes, population numbers are difficult to establish with confidence before national censuses began in Hearth taxes in the 1660s and 1670s counted households, not individuals. Nor are they complete, most obviously ignoring a significant number of non-taxpayers in Sunderland borough in Even with such failings, the hearth tax offers an insight into population which other pre-19 th century sources rarely match. The 1666 hearth tax recorded 686 households in the two Wearmouth parishes (excluding families in the borough not liable to pay). Using a multiplier of 4.75, a rough and ready means of converting households to individuals, produces a population figure of 3, Eighteenth-century population: During the eighteenth century, the Durham diocese several times attempted to survey the population, notably in 1736 and in The responses were not complete. In Monkwearmouth in 1774, the minister admitted that he could not say with any certainty how many dissenters were in his parish. 5 The Durham historian William Hutchinson attempted a more systematic approach, counting burials recorded in parish registers, and, based on a notional average annual death rate in England of one in 30, applying a multiple of 30 to the year s total. So from 83 burials noted in 1681 in the Wearside parishes, he calculated a population of 2,490; in 1781, adding together 153 burials in Bishopwearmouth, 382 at Holy Trinity, Sunderland,
2 and 163 at Monkwearmouth, he reckoned 20,940. Hutchinson averaged the figures over 20 years to smooth out abnormalities, but even so, his figures are questionable. The multiplier is crude, and no account was taken of underregistration of deaths, potentially significant when many men were seafarers and disappearance at sea was quite common, nor of nonconformist burials. Hutchinson did, though, grasp the general dimension of the increase and his figures fit reasonably well into the long-term trend. 6 Indeed the pattern was unmistakable, both to contemporaries and to those in the nineteenth century reviewing the increases over two centuries. There had been considerable growth, a great expansion in the physical limits of the builtup area, and in trade. Causes were complex, but clearly the area attracted many migrants from the surrounding countryside and from further afield, a key factor in population growth. Keelmen and seafarers were most likely to have originated elsewhere, shown in the repeated efforts through local associations and formal legislation to provide charitable support for distressed keelmen and seamen who had no right of settlement, hence no entitlement to poor relief for themselves or their families, in the places where they lived. This was the case on both the Tyne and the Wear: in All Saints parish, Newcastle, it was said in 1770 that more than half the 1,200 keelmen were of Scottish origin, and had been forced to set up a fund for their own welfare. 7 Nothing so clearly describes the Wear men, but they were probably of very diverse origins. The rate books of Holy Trinity, Sunderland, suggest that many local people had no right of settlement in the parish. The preamble to an Act of 1792 for establishing a permanent fund to relieve and support sick and aged skippers and keelmen employed in the Wear coal trade, and their widows and children, argued that the burden was beyond what individual parishes could offer because sufficient provision is not made for their support. 8 Such problems were made more acute by an impressive rate of population growth. Between the 1660s and early 1800s, the population of the three Wear parishes had multiplied eight-fold. Newcastle, in contrast, had little more than doubled, albeit from a much higher starting figure of around 14,000, to about 28-30,000. Sunderland s three parishes at the Restoration had perhaps a fifth of Newcastle s population, and by 1800 almost matched it. 9 Together the Tyne and the Wear showed the most concentrated long-term process of urbanization in the far northern parts of eighteenth-century England, almost entirely because of the coal trade, and were the only urban clusters in the northern region with over 10,000 inhabitants. 10 Of the three parishes, it was Sunderland which achieved the most spectacular expansion over two centuries. In Bishop Chandler s survey of 1736, the number of families was ten times that found in the 1660s. Parish status was awarded in 1719 for that very reason, because the township already housed about 6,000 residents. Its population had nearly doubled again by The two less populous parishes, by contrast, produced their greatest increases in the eighteenth century, with Monkwearmouth s population showing a four-fold growth by 1801, and Bishopwearmouth not far behind. The consequences were that Holy Trinity (Sunderland) had two thirds of the people living near the mouth of the Wear in the 1730s, but less than half by the time of the first
3 census. 11 The Wearmouth Bridge, opened in 1796, was therefore essential in integrating the increasing population settled on both sides at the mouth of the river, creating a cohesive urban area in all but name. Given the constraints of space in the already crowded parish of Holy Trinity, the future expansion of both business and housing could be accommodated only further up river, and particularly on the relatively open lands on the north bank. Population and migration since 1800: Like most British cities with roots in heavy industry, Sunderland grew rapidly from a modest base during the nineteenth century. Before single administrative districts were created the parliamentary borough in 1832 and the slightly smaller municipal borough in 1835 the town was an urban agglomeration of three parishes. In 1801 these parishes had a combined population of 26,511, of whom 47 per cent lived in the central parish of Sunderland, or Holy Trinity, now known as the East End. The town s population rose very slightly to 27,603 in 1811 and to 33,911 in 1821, by which time just 43 per cent lived in Sunderland parish, which nonetheless remained the most densely-populated sector of the town for many decades to come. 12 In 1835 the town was designated as a municipal borough, and the basis of population calculations changed as the municipal boundary was extended several times over the next century and a half. In this section the population figure for the municipal borough as it existed at the time of the particular census in question is taken as the basis for calculations wherever possible. In contrast, Fig XX shows figures over the nineteenth century for the three parishes, the boundaries of which remained fixed. By 1851 the population of the borough had grown to 63,897, an increase of almost 40,000 people over the first half of the nineteenth century. The town of Sunderland had by then become more than twice the size of Durham city, Gateshead, Hartlepool or South Shields, the next most important centres in the county. Between 1851 and 1901, although the rate of growth from this enlarged base was slightly smaller, in absolute terms the population increased by over 80,000, to a total of 146,077. During the twentieth century the population of the borough almost doubled again, to 280,807 in 2001, although this growth is largely attributed to boundary extensions in The population of the Sunderland urban area in 2001 was considerably smaller than that of the city overall, at 182,974. In comparative terms Sunderland was the 16 th largest town in England in 1801, and the 19 th largest in In 1981 it scored either 11 th or 25 th, depending on whether the pre- or post-1974 boundary is taken. These comparisons indicate the limited value of such data as indicators of economic growth. Sunderland s main economic boom came between 1850 and 1920, with a limited revival of its staple coal and shipbuilding industries in Urban population statistics thus reveal more about boundary changes than they do about growth. Sunderland was nonetheless one of about two dozen British urban centres which grew rapidly in the industrial era, its pattern of growth down to 1914 very typical of this group. During the past century, along
4 with the other urban centres of north-east England, its pattern has diverged somewhat from wider national trends. Like most urban centres in nineteenth-century Britain, Sunderland s growth came predominantly from migration within the region. Less typically, this characteristic has become more pronounced in the twentieth century, as its economic status made the North East less attractive than other English conurbations, to migrants from other regions. In 1851, 73 per cent of the town s population was Co. Durham-born, rising to 85 per cent in 1911 and almost 90 per cent in If the neighbouring counties of Northumberland and Yorkshire are added in, these figures rise to 84 per cent in 1851 and 93 per cent in Some of the population increase was an outcome of earlier marriage, larger families and later in the nineteenth century declining infant mortality rates in urban areas. In Sunderland in 1851, 46 per cent of the population was under the age of 20, rising in 1871 to 48 per cent. In contrast, the figure for 1951 was 33 per cent and for per cent. Sunderland thus grew from a small trading port into a large industrial town mainly on the basis of ruralurban migration within the region, supported by higher birth rates. In the censuses of , the number of females recorded amounted respectively to 58, 57 and 56 per cent of the population, reflecting the impact which the absence of sailors from home could have on what was still a fairly small town with a heavy dependence on the sea. By 1861 the proportion of females had fallen to 51 per cent, at which level it has since remained. Longer-distance inward migration made a relatively minor contribution to Sunderland s population growth, but it was not negligible. The main source of such migration into English cities during the nineteenth century was Ireland, with a population early that century which was much larger in relation to England than was later the case (1:4, falling to 1:10 by 1901). The great famine of the late 1840s was the main cause of the Irish exodus, although from 1815, Irish emigration reached significant levels, as rapid population growth there outstripped economic development. The Irish-born population already comprised 4.1 per cent of inhabitants of Sunderland parish in 1841, and reached 8.8 per cent in In that year, over 35 per cent of people in one small enumeration district close to the river and the newly-built docks were Irish- or Scottish-born; in a cluster of three nearby districts, the figure was around 20 per cent. 14 The proportion of Irish-born in the municipal borough overall was at its highest level in 1851, at 5.8 per cent. In 1861, with 4,935 people (5.4 per cent), it reached its largest number. This was scarcely on the scale of Liverpool, where Irish-born accounted for 22 per cent of the population in 1851, and Sunderland never featured in a top twenty list of Irish towns in Britain based on percentages. But in absolute numbers it was ranked 17 th in 1851 and 16 th in By 1891, the Irish-born population of Sunderland had fallen to 2,554 (1.9 per cent) and by 1911 to 1,268 (0.8 per cent). Since the First World War the proportion of Irish in the town and city has remained steady, less than half of one per cent. As elsewhere, the selfidentified Irish community continued to grow for at least two or three generations after the migration level had peaked, but by 2001 the percentage
5 of Sunderland s population who regarded themselves as ethnically Irish had declined to a mere 0.3 of one per cent, lower even than the 0.4 per cent born in Ireland. Immigration from Scotland was also a factor in Sunderland s population growth. It never quite reached the level of Irish migration during the famine years, peaking in 1861 at 4.5 per cent of the borough s population. But in the long run the volume of Scottish settlement was greater, probably because of the greater proximity of Scotland and the relative ease of travel. Scotland also possessed a greater reservoir than Ireland of both shipping and shipbuilding skills, which were Sunderland s main labour requirements. By 1881 the number of Scots-born in the town, at 4 per cent, exceeded the number of Irish, and throughout the twentieth century Scottish numbers were always at least double those of the Irish, holding steady at 1 per cent of the population throughout the second half of the twentieth century. A Welsh presence, though not insignificant in the nineteenth-century growth of the north-east region, was never great in Sunderland, remaining at 0.2 per cent of the population, or very slightly more, throughout the twentieth century. The Jewish community in Sunderland followed a similar pattern. A rabbi and small congregation were established in the town by the late-eighteenth century, and in 1832 Sunderland s Jews became the first local community in England to have representation on the Board of Deputies. But the main Jewish population growth in the town came in the three or four decades following 1870, most of the newcomers coming from the coast of what is now Lithuania, near Memel. Ships returning to Sunderland after exporting coal to the eastern Baltic provided a direct route from this area. At its peak during the inter-war period, the Jewish community in the town, mostly by then the sons and daughters of immigrants, totalled around 2,000. Charles Slater, greatgrandson of a Lithuanian Jew, was leader of Sunderland council for most of the 1970s and 1980s. Since the 1960s, the community has declined: only 114 practising Jews were recorded in Sunderland in 2001, falling to fewer than 30 over the following five years. Some had emigrated to Israel, but the majority sought more buoyant Jewish communities and perhaps also more buoyant economic regions elsewhere in England. 16 Immigration into Sunderland tailed off earlier than in most major urban centres in England. As early as 1911, 73 per cent of the population was Sunderlandborn, while by 1951 the proportion born in the county was almost 90 per cent. In contrast, Belfast, another shipbuilding town with a similar though larger scale growth pattern, had only 39 per cent of its 1901 population locallyborn (rising to 64 per cent in 1926, and 74 per cent in 1951). 17 Indeed Tyne and Wear and Greater Belfast were the only major conurbations in the United Kingdom which scarcely experienced the next major wave of immigration, from the New Commonwealth post Between 1921 and 1961 the proportion of Sunderland s population born outside the United Kingdom rose only from 0.6 per cent to 1.4 per cent. Over the next thirty years this proportion remained static. Although rising between 1991 and 2001, from 1.5 to 2.5 per cent, it remained far lower than the national average. Recent censuses have included an additional question regarding individuals
6 subjective sense of ethnic identity. Using this indicator, Sunderland s selfdefined Black, Asian and mixed race population in 1991 was 1 per cent, rising to 2.1 per cent in This contrasted with national figures for England and Wales of almost 8 per cent. Sunderland s Afro-Caribbean population was especially small by national standards. The Bangladeshi community accounted for 47 per cent of south Asians settled in the city. All these figures, however, are low in absolute terms, reflecting a lack of employment opportunities in north-east England since the 1960s. A smaller point is that the region is remote from the main modern points of entry to England, in contrast to the Irish and Baltic Sea links which made Sunderland more central to international traffic in the later-nineteenth century. The consequence of this changed perspective can be seen in the numbers identifying themselves as white British in 2001: in England and Wales overall, 87.5 per cent of the population; in Sunderland, 96.6 per cent.
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