Farida Tilbury 1 Sociology and Community Development, Murdoch University

Transcription

1 They re Intelligent and Very Placid People and It s Unavoidable that They Become Your Friends : Media Reporting of Supportive Talk Regarding Asylum Seekers Farida Tilbury 1 Sociology and Community Development, Murdoch University f.tilbury@murdoch.edu.au Abstract: Asylum seekers and refugees are often objects of hostility and prejudice in Australia. But the media have also recently drawn attention to instances where refugees who have been granted Temporary Protection visas (TPVs) are supported in their bids for permanent residence, with councils, employers and individual community members advocating to government on their behalf. Using a critical discourse analysis approach this paper focuses on supposedly positive newspaper coverage of Afghan Hazara refugees in Albany, Western Australia, one of several regions in Australia where mainstream populations appear to have embraced their refugee populations. Such challenges to the dominant discourse of refugees as a threat, an economic drain, as nongenuine, as un-assimilable, and as un-australian, may appear to subvert and challenge that discourse, thus potentially reducing the negative perception of refugees and asylum seekers. Challenges are framed as oppositional discourses, asserting refugees are nonthreatening, that they are an economic boon, that they are genuine, peace-loving and very similar to mainstream Australians in terms of values and behaviours. I argue that in some respects these apparently oppositional discourses simply reinforce the standard story of the impossibility of social harmony based on diversity. Asylum seekers and refugees are often objects of hostility and prejudice in Australia. But the media have also recently drawn attention to instances where refugees who have been granted Temporary Protection visas (TPVs) are supported in their bids for permanent residence, with councils, employers and individual community members advocating to government on their behalf. Using a critical discourse analysis approach this paper focuses on supposedly positive newspaper coverage of Afghan Hazara refugees in Albany, Western Australia, one of several regions in Australia where mainstream populations appear to have embraced their refugee populations. I argue that in some

2 2 respects these apparently oppositional discourses simply reinforce the standard story of the impossibility of social harmony based on diversity. Albany is a town of 28, 000 people situated about 400 kms south of Perth. It was the first town to be settled in Western Australia, and takes pride in this identity and the fact that Australian soldiers first sailed to Gallipoli from its port. It is a typical country town in that it services surrounding farming areas, and sustains a number of local industries, although its historically important whaling industry closed in Various cottage industries are important for the region, and it is a thriving regional centre. It is less usual in that it has recently become popular with self-identified sea changers, people who have moved from Perth and elsewhere to get away from it all, partake of the good life, perhaps undergo a career change, particularly to slow down, to get healthy, to enjoy a more sustainable lifestyle. These people are often tertiary educated, and from middle class backgrounds, are generally older (in their 50s), a significant proportion of whom have been activists in the green or other social justice movements, and who maintain a strong volunteer ethos. It is this group who have become advocates for the Hazara TPV holders who started arriving in Albany 4 years ago, to work at the local abattoir. Prior to this the main exposure to cultural difference that the mainstream Albany community had faced was with the local Aboriginal community and with the small numbers of earlier Italian and other settlers. The support and advocacy provided by this group of sea changers has included the formation of the activist group Albany Community for Afghan Refugees (ACFAR), organizing the collection of signatures on petitions and letters of support for those applying for permanent protection visas, organizing

3 3 community activities such as public forums, festivals, and arts activities, to raise the profile of refugee issues, writing media releases and letters to the Editor of local and state newspapers in support of refugee issues, petitioning the local council to pass a motion in support of the refugees 2, and other activities. They are also involved in various English language tutoring schemes which have broadened the base of support for the refugees. Some are also a part of the growing internet based network of activists working for refugee rights (eg Many support the Hazara refugees on an everyday basis, not simply with language tutoring, but with regular sharing of meals, helping with official tasks such as liaisons with government bureaucracies, coaching soccer teams and so on 3. Being tertiary educated and plugged into wider activist networks, they are aware of various arguments for and against acceptance of asylum seekers, and keep abreast of published research on the issue. As such, their articulations of support are strategic and well-informed. They have greater access to the media as a result of their backgrounds, and are known to encourage others to use the media to support the refugees. Critical Discourse analysis This research uses a discourse analysis (Potter and Wetherell, 1987; Wetherell and Potter, 1992; Billig, 1988), specifically a critical discourse analytic (CDA) approach which focuses on the role of discourse in the construction, consolidation and reproduction of dominance, and challenges to that dominance (Fairclough, 1992; Van Dijk, 1993). CDA is used to explore the ways in which media coverage in support of the Albany Hazara

4 4 TPV holders both challenges and reinforces the dominant story of refugees in Australia. Billig has noted the dialogic nature of discourses, arguing that [t]he argument for a position is always also an argument against a counter-position (1991:17). Anti-racist arguments contain constant signalings of recognition of the arguments against which they are constructed. Thus, [w]hen people give their opinion in dialogue, they give typically arguments, justifying their own views and criticizing counter-views the statement of an opinion often indicates a readiness to argue on a matter of controversy Billig, 2001: 214). This does not only happen in conversation between individuals, but is also a feature of the construction and articulation of discourses at an ideological level (Billig, 1991; Tilbury, 2000). While studies of racist discourse have been abundant and indicate the prevalence of racism in common-sense understandings and everyday articulations (Wetherell and Potter, 1992; Van Dijk, 1987; Essed and Goldberg, 2002) fewer studies have explored the making of anti-racism counterarguments. In racist discourse generally, the Other (be they migrants, refugees, indigenous peoples) are constructed as impenetrable, incomprehensible, sinister aliens (Bauman, 1999:102), compared to those insiders, the we, who are the same, who share a common fate, common values, common behaviours, and who understand each others feelings and thoughts. The construction of us and them is framed within discourses of belonging and un-belonging. Such constructions of us and them (Billig, 1995; Said, 1994; Anderson, [1983] 1991) mean that judgements about the similarity or difference of new potential Others, is based around comparison with one s own group.

5 5 There has recently been a flurry of articles analyzing the Australian media s construction of refugees and asylum seekers. Discursive analyses indicate that they are represented as illegal, illegitimate (in the sense of not being genuine refugees) and threatening (Saxton,2003), and are produced not simply as a problem, but as deviant in a variety of ways, including as invading deviants, racialised deviants, and diseased deviants (Pickering, 2001: 170). Such constructions are produced in explicit contrast to the idea of normality and what constitutes the Australian character, rendering the one normal (therefore insider ) and the other Other (or outsider ). Pickering offers examples of the binary logic articulated in relation to asylum seekers which produce an either/or exclusive choice: bogus/genuine; refugees/ boat people ; law abiding/ criminal; legal/illegal; good/ evil (2003:172). Asylum seekers are recruited as serviceable others to create a national identity. A national rights discourse has emerged in relation to asylum seekers, asserting Australia s authority over its physical and cultural space, and its right to protect its territory and character (Saxton, 2003: 111). Those who arrive on Australia s shores without appropriate visas are designated queuejumpers, gate-crashers, back door people, those who have not used the proper procedures to apply for residence or asylum in Australia (Gelber, 2003; Pickering, 2003). Asylum seekers are castigated as ungrateful, unworthy, aggressive, demanding, draining, polluting and different (Pickering, 2003; Saxton, 2001; Manne, 2004). In terms of the language used in these constructions, the language of war (Saxton, 2001; Pickering, 2003), and of criminality (Pickering, 2003), is recruited. The effect of such

6 6 language is to justify strict punitive responses, such as the use of detention and forced repatriation (Pickering, 2003:185). Dehumanising terms such as human cargo and illegals, and accusations of deviance such as throwing children overboard (Saxton, 2001) reinforce this effect. Once in detention centres asylum seekers are further dehumanized in media and political representations, as wild, irrational, hysterical, dangerous and manipulative (Manne, 2004:12). As has become common, these analyses, while useful, generally fail to address alternative constructions of refugees and asylum seekers, which take a more positive viewpoint. For example, Pickering s deviancy-oriented conceptual and theoretical framework [which] offers one a way to read the press suspiciously (2003:170) means that constructions which are not deviant remain outside of the frame of analysis. While Saxton does identify discourses with a compassionate intent her analysis sidelines these in order to focus on the negative constructions. Analysis Articles and letters to the Editor in the free local community newspapers, the Albany and Great Southern Weekender and the Albany Extra, were sampled over a four month period, from September to December During this period, 31 articles (news reports, editorials and Letters to the Editor), mentioned the Hazara refugees 4. The vast majority were supportive and positive in tone and intent. A number of themes emerge from these articles, themes which are also found in initial analysis of our interviews and observations. What becomes immediately apparent is that these themes are constructed to

7 7 directly challenge the standard discourses around asylum seekers found in mainstream media, as outlined above. And many, but by no means all, are part of an explicit campaign by supporters and members of advocacy groups. Other/same The following quotations illustrate the ways in which refugees are repeatedly constructed as the same as other Australians, in terms of their values, their sporting prowess, their ability to contribute to the economy through their work ethic 5, and the similarity of their experiences to earlier generations of migrants. The longer they are here the more similar their behaviours and beliefs become to the mainstream, according to the arguments put forward in the following articles. What we are dealing with here is a group of stable, law abiding, hard working and community minded people who have made an important contribution to Albany s economic and sporting landscape To me, the thought of using taxpayer s money to send people who are paying Australian tax to almost certain persecution, if not murder, is absolutely intolerable. The issue is not just a humanitarian one, as around five of the Afghani refugees work at Fletcher s International abattoir which is struggling to find enough workers to start a new shift I am concerned that any loss of skilled workers from the abattoir would jeopardize plans for a new shift and would be a severe blow for Albany. (Direct quotation from Mr Watson, MLA, in article in The Weekender October : 6) These men are hard-working battlers, who study after a long day at work to learn our language, who obey our laws and who accept our customs. give these honest young men a go. (The Weekender November : 8) This is a human being, like so many people who have come to this country as refugees from countries at war We care very passionately that the Government is intending to send these young men back to a chaotic and dangerous country. (Direct quotation from ACFAR President, in article in The Weekender September : 1)

8 8 Hazara are not aliens, they re human beings. For racists, here s some facts: Some Afghans are now born-again Christians, some have Australian girlfriends and you can play pool with some on Saturday night and have a beer together the soccer team Albany Hazara United is so called because it shows Albany and Hazara people are united. (Direct quotation from activist, in article in The Weekender November : 4) [Albany MLA] Mr Watson said they had integrated well into the community since they arrived and a lot of people would not realize they were in the City. They are the most delightful people, despite being harshly persecuted If they came here causing trouble, I would understand how people would be upset by their presence, but they have integrated well. (The Weekender September : 2) This discourse of similarity is reinforced by a particular style of argument which uses friendship as a warrant for making claims about the veracity of this alternative story of the refugees (Wetherell and Potter, 1992; van Dijk, 1987; Tilbury 1998). Being friends with the refugees provides one with a privileged position from which to judge their genuineness, similarity and potential for integration. For example, in an article about a post-war European migrant who tutors the Afghan men, he is quoted as saying They re very intelligent and placid people and it s unavoidable that they become your friends (Albany Extra September : 2), thus directly challenging the notion that the men are threatening, aggressive, alien and deviant. Another Letter to the Editor uses similar arguments, warranted by close friendship. The more time I spend time with and get to know them, the more I learn to appreciate their dedication to the new life that they have here in Australia (and, in this specific case, Albany): They work a lot and hard, they are trying their best to learn a completely new language and they also are enthusiastic about integrating into the local community They are keen to take part in any social occasion involving local people, most of them play some kind of sport with a local team or at least use a local facility, they are interested and curious about

9 9 our customs, lifestyles and beliefs. deporting them is a cruel, pointless and damaging (not only to the individuals, but also to the community to which they have brought notable benefits) act. (The Weekender September : 8) Celebrating Diversity or Celebrating Ourselves While such arguments seem to be liberal, humanistic and supportive, and certainly are designed as such, they simultaneously reinforce the idea of what is normal rather than challenging it Hazara should be accepted because they have brought notable benefits, they are dedicated to Australia, work hard, are learning the language, are sporting (and therefore healthy as opposed to diseased), and are interested in our customs, lifestyles and beliefs. They are the good migrants, the ones who are similar enough, and more importantly, have the desire, to become normal. As long as they are invisible, and do not cause trouble, they are acceptable. Furthermore, their cases are genuine, they are real refugees, not bogus ones. In terms of Pickering (2001) and Saxton s (2003) dichotomies, therefore, they are genuine, refugees, law abiding, legal, good, grateful, worthy, un-aggressive, contributing and similar. They are morally upright, as opposed to morally bankrupt, an implication played upon by politicians and the media in the children overboard affair, and the use of the term forum-shoppers implying that they are simply looking for the best deal from the best country (Manne, 2004) 6. They are not deviant, nor polluting (Pickering, 2001; Blommaert and Verschueren, 1998), because they are the same as us. The binary remains intact, and the emphasis on social harmony (in terms of similarity rather than diversity) and national interest, remain. While space does not allow a detailed discursive analysis, it is interesting to note the type of language used in contrast to the language of war, the language of peace proliferates.

10 10 In contrast to dehumanising constructions, these articles all emphasise the shared humanity of the asylum seekers, and seek to illustrate this using detailed accounts of how their lives and values are similar to ours. The result appears to be a reinforcing of traditional values, and a continued framing of the debate within a discourse of the need for homogeneity refugees are to be welcomed if they try to integrate, learn the language, adopt our values and practices, are law abiding, and make economic and sporting contributions. This approach looks suspiciously like assimilation. In an extensive study of the discourse of tolerance in Belgium, Blommaert and Verschueren note that the supposedly supportive and positive arguments for acceptance of migrants and refugees reinforce some fundamental themes of the more negative racist discourses. One of these is the idea that the ideal society should be as uniform or homogeneous as possible (1998:117). It may be disingenuous to critique such accounts for reinforcing such a stance. After all, these arguments are constructed as a dialogic and rhetorical response, in opposition to the more mainstream construction of refugees as Other. As Hage (1998) has noted, to be Australian requires accumulation of attributes of being like us rather than like that, and the construction of asylum seekers as behaving in ways outside Australian norms constructs them as undesirable others. The logical rejoinder to such accusations is that these people are not in fact other, but the same. The result however, is that from being deviant Other they are constructed as perfect Same, which has two effects. Firstly, it is, of course, not same at all, for noone, even the norm, can be perfect, and when imperfection does raise its head (for example when a refugee is found to have lied about their past, or commits a crime, or

11 11 retains traditional values and practices), one s argument collapses. Secondly, it reinforces the notion that we should all be the same, and that social harmony depends on such similarity. Thus while these articles and Letter to the Editor can, in one sense be seen as anti-racist or attempts to challenge and resists racism, the question remains how can racism be fought if the premisses [sic] of a racist discourse are accepted, in particular the idea that homogeneity and resistance against heterogeneity are normal? (Blommaert and Verschueren, 1998: 120) References Anderson, B. ([1983] 1991) Imagined Communities. London: Verso. Bauman, Z. (1999) Culture as praxis. London, Sage. Billig, M. (2001) Discursive rhetorical and ideological messages pp in M. Wetherell, S. Taylor and S. Yates (eds) Discourse Theory and Practice: a Reader. London: Sage. Billig, M. (1995) Banal Nationalism. London: Sage. Billig, M. (1991) Ideology and Opinions: Studies in Rhetorical Psychology. London: Sage. Blommaert, J. and Verschueren, J. (1998) Debating Diversity: analyzing the discourse of tolerance. London: Routledge. Edwards, D. and J. Potter (1992) Discursive Psychology. London: Sage. Essed, P. and T. Goldberg (2002) Race Critical Theories. Malden MA: Blackwell. Fairclough, N Discourse and Social Change. Cambridge: Polity Press.

12 12 Gelber, K. (2003) A Fair Queue? Australian Public Discourse on Refugees and Immigration, Journal of Australian Studies, March 1: Hage, G. (1998) White nation: fantasies of white supremacy in a multicultural society. Annadale NSW: Pluto Press. Manne, R. with D. Corbett, (2004) Sending them Home: Refugees and the new politics of indifference, Quarterly Essay, Issue 13, Melbourne: Black Inc. Pickering, S. (2001) Common Sense and Original Deviancy: News discourses and asylum seekers in Australia, Journal of Refugee Studies, 14: 2: Potter,J. and M. Wetherell (1987) Discourse and Social Psychology: Beyond Attitudes and Behaviour. London: Sage. Said, E. (1994) Culture and Imperialism. New York: First Vintage Books. Saxton, A. (2003) I certainly don t want people like that here : The Discursive Construction of Asylum Seekers, Media International Australia incorporating Culture and Policy, 109, Nov: ; Stilwell, F. (2003) Refugees in a Region: Afghans in young, NSW, in Urban Policy and Research, Vol 21: 3: Teo, P. (2000) Racism in the news: a critical discourse analysis of news reporting in two Australian newspapers, Discourse and Society 11:1:7-49. Tilbury, F. (2000) Challenging Racist Discourses: A positive contribution to discourse analysis, The Australian Sociological Association Conference, Adelaide. Tilbury, F.E., (1998) I really don t know much about it but... : A typology of Rhetorical Devices used in Talk about Maori/Pakeha Relations, New Zealand Sociology, 13:2:

13 13 Van Dijk, T. (1993) Principles of critical discourse analysis, in Discourse and Society 4: Van Dijk, T. (1987) Communicating Racism. Newbury Park CA: Sage. Wetherell, M. and J. Potter (1992) Mapping the Language of Racism: Discourse and the Legitimation of Exploitation. London: Harvester Wheatsheaf. Endnotes 1 Farida Tilbury lectures in Sociology and Community Development at Murdoch University. This research is part of a larger project funded by Murdoch s Research Excellence Grants Scheme. Other researchers in the project are Professor Trish Harris, Emeritus Professor Cora Baldock, and research assistant Yann Tousaint. The broader project uses interviews, participant observation and media analysis to explore how a small town in regional WA (similar phenomena have occurred in the Shires of Dubbo, Young, and Murray Bridge), potentially the electoral base of One Nation, came to be publicly supportive of a small group of Afghani TPV holders. The research uses contact theory and discursive theory in its approach to investigating processes of, and barriers to, acceptance and the various roles of the local community, Council, employer and advocacy groups in this process. 2 After carefully designed lobbying the local Council was persuaded to pass a motion in support of the Hazara refugees in Albany, pointing to their integration into the community and the economic and social benefits they provide to argue for the acceptance of their applications for permanent residence (See City of Albany Minutes, Ordinary Meeting of Council, 21 st October, 2003).

14 14 3 The particular character of these friendships is worth further research for some, but of course not all, the relationship still appears somewhat institutional in its helping quality. For others the friendships seem to be somewhat less instrumentalist, and more to do with the need of some newcomers to connect with other newcomers in the perhaps rather closed traditional community. 4 I have not included articles reporting the local Council decision in support of the refugees as a separate analysis is appropriate. 5 A focus on economic benefit is used strategically by some of the activists, who are aware of Frank Stilwell s argument that refugee contributions to the economy are significant and have the potential to breathe life into depressed regional areas to the tune of $4 million per annum, for example, in Young, NSW (Stilwell, 2003). Such arguments are used, perhaps less sophisticatedly, by local politicians too, as in the excerpted quotation. 6 Edwards and Potter (1992) have demonstrated the importance of the use of particular categories to identify different people (eg. genuine refugees for fear for their lives as opposed to non genuine economic refugees), since category memberships are linked to specific moral entitlements. Thus the categories used (eg. boat people, human cargo, illegal arrivals, illegal passengers, non-genuine refugees) are extremely important, and for those wishing to challenge these categories, others which imply moral rectitude must be nominated.